Search

The article discusses the life and legacy of Jorge Semprún, highlighting his remarkable experiences from fighting in the French Resistance to surviving the Buchenwald concentration camp and later becoming a Communist leader and cultural figure in Spain. Topics discussed include Semprún's reflections on the importance of memory in both personal and political contexts, the tragic fate of fellow militant Julián Grimau and the broader implications of memory manipulation within Communist politics, and the relationship between historical remembrance and the forward-looking aspirations of socialism, emphasizing the necessity of acknowledging past struggles to foster future successes.

General Franco's dictatorship maintained a relationship with the genocidal process promoted by Nazi Germany during the Second World War (1939-1945) that has been the object of political and historiographical discussion. While Franco's detractors denounced his open complicity with the Holocaust pursuant his anti-Semitic impulses, his supporters praised the assistance he provided on humanitarian grounds to the Jewish population persecuted during the Holocaust. Accurate and diachronic analysis of Franco's own ideas and of his regime's conduct during the six-year conflict presents a more complex image that precludes unequivocal subscription to one or other of these positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Franco's speeches are loaded with anti-liberal rhetorical arguments, peppered with anti-communism, anti-Semitism, and anti-Masonry. Many examples can be given. In them, he presented his particular interpretation of the history of Spain, a rhetorical model on which the revisionist theses would later be based. In this sense, we will study, as inspiring sources of the revisionist positions in the study of contemporary history, some examples that reflect his particular analysis of the history of Spain, which will be based on his oft-repeated theory of the Jewish-masonic-communist conspiracy.

In the early 1950s, the socioeconomic situation in Franco's Spain had not improved much even though the famine had already passed. The autarchy led to a continuous shortage that caused popular unrest in the Spanish population. The adoption of this economic policy and its consequences have created, for historians, a supporting and articulating element of the regime, but could hunger end with Franco or with Francoism? This is what we try to elucidate in these pages, based on innovative sources such as official reports from Francoism and American Intelligence Agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Spanish modernist writers on the left of the political spectrum, such as Lorca, Unamuno, and Rafael Alberti, have garnered much critical attention in Anglophone scholarship. In contrast, their peers who embraced parafascist Nationalism and Falangism in the 1920s and 1930s have been largely overlooked. This paper sheds light on three prominent authors on the ultraconservative vanguard, who are nevertheless virtually unknown outside of Spain: Ernesto Giménez Caballero, Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, and José María Pemán. Despite their controversial politics, they significantly influenced the country’s cultural and intellectual history. The study underscores the impact of Falangist and Fascist ideologies on modernist production in Spain during the Second Republic and its aftermath. Unlike politically radical avant-garde movements like Futurism, Spanish right-wing modernism lacked international recognition, adopting an insular aesthetic that glorified the nation’s imperial past and conservative Catholicism. Aligned with the Franco dictatorship, the movement underwent a transformative phase during the Spanish Civil War, shaping the ethnonationalist concerns of these writers. As the historiography of modernism evolves, the paper advocates acknowledging Spain’s far-right avant-garde as a significant cultural force, challenging the prevailing Anglocentric perspective on modernism’s development.

Monumental art is a special sphere of plastic art, a fusion of architecture and sculpture, which is closely related to the ideological guidelines of the era. In the second half of the 20th century. monumental art began to be expressed not only in individual sculptural and painting works, but also embodied in ensembles bearing the corresponding ideological qualities. Acting in synthesis with sculpture, architectural ensembles reflected the ideological content of the era and became an example of visual fixation in the public space of the key ele-ments of the ideology of the ruling regime. One of the striking examples in the Ibero-American space was the Valley of the Fallen (el Valle de los Caídos) in Spain. One of the creators of this project was the Spanish sculptor Juan de Avalos, whose name became a kind of bridge connecting the monumental sculptural traditions of Spain and Latin American countries. When the Paraguayan dictator A. Stroessner visited the Valley of the Fallen, the complex impressed him greatly by the syn-chronization of the Spanish and Paraguayan ideological narratives. The result was an invitation from J. de Avalos to partic-ipate in the creation of the Victorious Peace Monument (A la Paz Victoriosa) in Paraguay. Turning to the sculptor’s work and the fate of his projects, one can see semantic parallels in the monumental sculpture of the authoritarian periods in Spain and Paraguay, as well as the metamorphoses occurring both with the works of J. de Avalos themselves and with the attitude towards them. The transformation of his Paraguayan sculptural group by Carlos Colombino created a new meaning in the Square of the Missing, and the monument itself, instead of the triumph and glory of the leader, paradoxically acquired a new decolonial meaning - the memory of the Indian peoples. In Spain, in debates about memory, the state of conflict becomes more important than memory itself, which cannot but cause concern for the future of the legacy of J. de Avalos in his homeland.

Este artículo cuestiona uno de los principales axiomas de la guerra civil española, que Franco deliberadamente condujo una guerra lenta con dos objetivos: implementar un minucioso proceso represivo para eliminar más efectivamente a la anti-España; y consolidarse en el poder. Varios de los principales historiadores de la guerra civil han defendido esta idea, siendo reproducida en sucesivos trabajos. Nuestro objetivo es cuestionar esa interpretación mediante el estudio de la documentación militar del ejército sublevado, lo que permitirá incorporar un enfoque bélico que no se ha tenido en cuenta hasta ahora, al menos extensiva y sistemáticamente. Con ello, buscamos poner en relación lo militar con lo político, lo social y lo simbólico, considerando todas estas dimensiones como igualmente relevantes para entender cómo se construyó el franquismo. Por último, queremos también subrayar la importancia que ha tenido la renovación de los estudios de la guerra en ese proceso de actualización de la historiografía sobre la guerra civil.

This paper analyzes the New Year messages delivered by Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War and his mandate as chief of state (1937–1974) from a paremiological perspective to determine the frequency of use of proverbs in them and establish the characteristics and purpose of these paremiological uses in relation to the principles of the "National Movement," the socio-political framework enforced by the francoist-regime. Although Franco's speeches do not show a strong stylistic awareness, paremias find their way into them, usually as allusions to proverbial wisdom. In relation to this, some recurring items and themes have been found, among which, those with a religious origin or motivation stand out as the most frequent. This is coherent with the ideals that his regime imposed on the Spanish population during his rule and which will be commented on in relation to the paremias used and how they reflect those ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between the 1940s and 1970s, Spain used a variety of economic policies that hindered international trade. Because the mix of tariffs, quotas, administrative barriers, and exchange rate regimes varied greatly over time, the quantification of the effect of the various trade policies on international trade in this period is particularly elusive. In this paper, we use historical bilateral trade flows and a structural gravity model to quantify the evolution of Spain's border thickness, a summary measure of its barriers to international trade. We find that Spain's borders in the period 1948–75 were thicker than those of any other country in Western Europe, even after the liberalization of trade that started in 1959. These comparatively higher impediments to international trade implied substantial negative effects on consumer welfare. We estimate that accumulated welfare costs over the period 1948–75 exceed 20 per cent of a year's total consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a qualitative content analysis of an ideologically representative sample of influential media outlets in Spain, this article identifies three principal discursive frameworks surrounding Franco's exhumation. These frameworks expressed not only deep disagreements over the direction of Spain's regime of remembrance, but reflected deeper anxieties over the state of a democracy in crisis. More broadly, this analysis responds to calls to engage with journalistic sources in the memory studies literature, while illustrating the role of collective memory in collapsing past, present, and future in the articulation of political identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study deals with the issue of the Czech and Slovak anti-communist exile in Spain during the first two decades of the Cold War. With a focus on the (im)mobility of these exiles and its productive character, it questions the well-known nature of the Iron Curtain. Through an analysis of (infra)structures and fixities already existing and further developed by these émigrés in Madrid (contacts, institutions, communications media), this contribution works with the thesis of Michael David-Fox, who claims that this Cold War divide was rather semi-permeable (selectively permeable), as it maintained various gaps and loopholes on many levels. These led not only to the maintenance of contacts through this East-West barrier but also enabled fruitful activity and eventually (im)mobility to be carried out into, within and outside of Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is devoted to highlighting the international problems of the initial period of World War II that arose around the status of Gibraltar and the Canary Islands. Spain maintained military-political neutrality in the war. The countries participating in the armed conflict (USA, Great Britain, Nazi Germany) tried to use the territories belonging to Spain to their advantage. In 1941–1942 the British leadership developed several options for subordinating the Canary Islands to the UK. The article deals with operations Bugler, Chatney, Puma and Pilgrim. The author analyzes the features of these projects and the reasons that did not allow them to be implemented. The attention is focused on the different positions of the USA and Great Britain on the status of Spain and the Canaries. The contradictions between the allied powers allowed Spain to save the Canary archipelago. The article concludes that the British strategy was flawed because it diverted large forces needed on other fronts of the world confrontation.

RODRIGO, Javier, Generalísimo. Las vidas de Francisco Franco, 1892-2020. Barcelona, Galaxia Gutenberg, 2022, 496 pp.

During the first Francoism, the party and the church became the key in-stitutions of the regime. They were largely responsible for social con-trol over the population. In the first years after the civil war, the "Span-ish Traditionalist Falange and JONS", a result of the forcible unifica-tion of various political forces, took the leading role. The party carried out the task of familiarizing the Spaniards with the ideology of the new state. For this purpose, an extensive network of organizations was cre-ated, which was supposed to cover all the Spaniards. The adult male population was part of vertical trade unions, women were in the "Wom-en's Section", children – in the "Youth Front". Nevertheless, the Party's success in indoctrinating the population was very modest and was re-duced to an obligatory routine that had little effect on everyday life. The church had a much greater influence. The new authorities, in ex-change for the support of the majority of Catholic prelates, gave the church broad powers to control the private lives of the Spaniards. Mar-riage was exclusively in the competence of the church. Divorce has al-most completely disappeared from the life of the country. The church also gained wide influence on the education system, which resulted in conflicts with the Falange. After the World War II, the regime began to favor the church and organizations associated with it. Their representa-tives occupied a number of key positions in the government. Despite the fact that the party faded into the background, it retained all of its original functions.

The Roma culture has always been a marginalised community within Spain yet revered for its performance artistry. This article explores flamenco and female flamenco dancers under the Francisco Franco dictatorship, 1939-1975. I discuss censorship under the political leader and its influence on flamenco as well as investigating the dynamics of women onstage within the flamenco sphere as seen through the documentary series Rito y Geografía (Rite and Geography) (1971-1974). Gender roles are examined through analysis of popular culture during Franco’s Spain and the manner in which he portrayed and romanticised the female flamenco dancer. I argue that he used the flamenco series as the vessel to manipulate discourse. Franco exploited flamenco to promote tourism and capitalised on the female flamenco dancer and used the series to promote a national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extracts of Platycladus orientalis (L.) Franco leaves have shown promising anti-cancer, anti-oxidant and anti-inflammatory potency with the traditional knowledge of healing HPV associated warts. The purpose of this research is to assess the synergistic activity of sorafenib and Platycladus orientalis (L) leaf extraction on cervical cancer cells. The cytotoxicity efficiency of different concentrations of Sorafenib and ethanol extract of Platycladus orientalis (L.) leaves were tested on HeLa cells by MTT and Trypan blue assays. The synergistic effect of the IC50 concentrations of Sorafenib and Platycladus orientalis (L.) on HeLa cell by MTT assay, and mRNA expression levels of tumor suppressor tazarotene-induced gene 3 (TIG3), proliferating cell nuclear antigen (PCNA) gene and apoptosis modulator (Bcl-2) gene by RT-PCR were evaluated with individual treatments. Combination treatment showed a relatively more expression of TIG3 and less expression of Bcl-2 and PCNA was observed. Growth factor-induced MAPKP activation was arrested by compound combination treatment, which and suppression of proliferation-induced apoptosis of cervical cancer cells. Based on the our results, the combination of sorafenib and crude leaf extract from Platycladus orientalis (L.) can effectively suppress cervical cancer cell growth, thereby providing an interesting rationale for further clinical trials and in-vivo studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the structural elements that defined the political and diplomatic relations between the Romanian and Spanish states after 1965. The internal transformations of the Franco regime led to a strategic change in Spanish foreign policy, which resonated with the new articulations of Romanian diplomacy in the 1960s. Despite the ideological fractures between the two regimes, the new orientations of the Romanian and Spanish foreign policy define the appropriate framework for the resumption of bilateral dialogue, articulated by various diplomatic interests and political difficulties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article takes both a historical and a present-oriented look at the influence of the twentieth-century authoritarian Iberian regimes—including their leaders, Franco and Salazar—on the American conservative movement. It explores the political and religious motivations and major narratives driving Hispanophilia and Lusophilia, and their main advocates. Furthermore, and with a comparative approach, the text analyzes the past and current arguments—in magazines, books, and social media—favoring both regimes, especially in the light of the revival within American conservatism of Catholic Integralism and the defense of alternative representative systems, such as corporatism, that could usher in a new postliberal political regime. The article further explores the potential impact—and inherent limitations—of such strategies and projects, and shows that the revival of interest in figures such as Franco and Salazar is significant not only in terms of a reinvigorated criticism of the political and moral philosophy of liberalism but also regarding the search for new political forms and regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Francoism in the initial period of its existence focused on building a self-sufficient economic system. The policy pur-sued by the fascist countries, primarily Italy, was taken as a model. This choice was due not only to the ideological close-ness and assistance that these states provided to the Fran-coists during the civil war, but also to objective factors. The World War II limited international trade, and afterwards Spain was in international isolation. Under these conditions, the main task was to reduce dependence on imports. To do this, the government actively intervened in the economy, setting prices and controlling the distribution of resources. The re-sults of the first decade were modest, some of the worst among non-belligerent countries in Europe. In the 1950s the policy was adjusted: control over the economy was relaxed, equipment purchases abroad were more active. This allowed for significant growth. The growing trade deficit was covered by US loans, as well as tourism income. Nevertheless, the basic principles of the autarkic policy persisted, which led to a severe economic crisis in the late 1950s.

The extracts of Platycladus orientalis (L.) Franco leaves have shown promising anti-cancer, anti-oxidant and anti-inflammatory potency with the traditional knowledge of healing HPV associated warts. The purpose of this research is to assess the synergistic activity of sorafenib and Platycladus orientalis (L) leaf extraction on cervical cancer cells. The cytotoxicity efficiency of different concentrations of Sorafenib and ethanol extract of Platycladus orientalis (L.) leaves were tested on HeLa cells by MTT and Trypan blue assays. The synergistic effect of the IC50 concentrations of Sorafenib and Platycladus orientalis (L.) on HeLa cell by MTT assay, and mRNA expression levels of tumor suppressor tazarotene-induced gene 3 (TIG3), proliferating cell nuclear antigen (PCNA) gene and apoptosis modulator (Bcl-2) gene by RT-PCR were evaluated with individual treatments. Combination treatment showed a relatively more expression of TIG3 and less expression of Bcl-2 and PCNA was observed. Growth factor-induced MAPKP activation was arrested by compound combination treatment, which and suppression of proliferation-induced apoptosis of cervical cancer cells. Based on the our results, the combination of sorafenib and crude leaf extract from Platycladus orientalis (L.) can effectively suppress cervical cancer cell growth, thereby providing an interesting rationale for further clinical trials and in-vivo studies.

The origin of the civil war is a central theme in the history of Spain in the 20th century and has given rise to intense debates. In the author's opinion, it was the result of the combination of structural conditions (economic and social underdevelopment, accelerated modernization pro-cess, resistance to it), all necessary, but not sufficient. The latter were determined by two factors: the existence of a conspiracy against the Spanish Republic since its very advent in 1931 and the inability of the republican governments to effectively cut it off in 1936. They did not know how to do so despite all the measures adopted but, at the same time Dessert, they could not either because from the first years of his life his monarchical adversaries had the help of fascist Italy. This was gradually materializing until an agreement was reached in March 1934, well known, but also very disfigured. It was the unequivocal signal that Mussolini was willing to curtail the republican experience in Spain in order to establish fascist influence in the western Mediterranean. The unequivocal signal was given in October 1935, in parallel with the in-vasion of Abyssinia. In June 1936, after victory, he turned again to Spain. His commitment materialized in contracts for the supply of war material, for a short war, on July 1 of the same year. The author has uncovered one of the most disfigured enigmas of the origin of the civil war.

Este artigo apresenta uma breve análise dos governos de Getúlio Vargas no Brasil e de Francisco Franco na Espanha - ambos com características próximas ao fascismo – e de suas relações no período da Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), considerada um dos exemplos dapersonificação dos embates entre os grupos de esquerda e de direita de sua época. Este artigobusca demonstrar que ambos os governos podem ser classificados como “fascistizados”, ou seja, possuem características que os aproximam da definição clássica de fascismo, mas ao mesmo tempo mantém outros aspectos que os afastam da classificação tradicional.

The Catalan Independence referendum in 2017 (1-O), and the events following it, launched a political crisis unparalleled to anything in Spain during the last decades. The relationship between the central state and Catalonia is affected by interpretations and recollections of past events: the past motivates action, evaluates them, and outlines the collective the recaller belongs to. Collective memory can significantly complicate conflict resolution. To understand the complex link between memory and conflict, this study examines how the memory of the Civil War and Franco was present in regional politicians’ statements from the time. In total 622 online articles from 2017 were collected from the six regional parties, covering campaigning before the referendum, declaration of independence, and the regional elections. The interpretations of current issues mimic collective memories, leaning on their assumptions. The recollections of independentists were more detailed, focusing on the Second Republic, the Civil War, Franco, and memory politics. Constitutionalists directed the attention towards Basque nationalism and the coup of 23-F, praising the transition. Both nations were defined using memory, and all accuse the opponents of being Francoist. The main distinction lies in how connected the current Spanish state is to its Francoist past, and what today’s independentists and Basque nationalists have in common.

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of FLAMME is the property of Universite de Limoges and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Miranda de Ebro was created in 1937 to imprison Republicans and foreigners who fought with the International Brigades in Spanish Civil War. From 1940, the camp was used only to concentrate detained foreign refugees with no proper documents. More than 15 000 people, most of them from France and Poland, were kept there until the camp was closed in January 1947. Playing both sides of the international divide, fascist Spain at various points in time allowed passage and was a country of refuge both for those escaping Nazism and for Nazis and collaborators who, at the end of World War II (WWII), sought to escape justice. Treatment of each of these groups passing through Miranda was very different: real repression was meted out to the members of the International Brigades (IB), tolerance shown towards those escaping Nazism, and protection and active cooperation given to former Nazis and their collaborators. For the first time, data about foreign physicians imprisoned in Miranda de Ebro were consulted in the Guadalajara Military Archive (Spain). From 1937 to 1947, 151 doctors were imprisoned, most of them in 1942 and 1943, which represents around 1% of the prisoners. Fifty-two of the doctors were released thanks to diplomatic efforts, thirty-two by the Red Cross, and ten were sent to other prisons, directly released or managed to escape. All of them survived. After consulting private and public archives, it was possible to reconstruct some biographies and fill the previous existing gap in the history of migration and exile of doctors during the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to analyze the consequences of Eva Duarte de Perón's trip to Spain in 1947 in the framework of the alliance forged between Argentina and Spain during the post-World War II period. It is proposed that Eva Duarte's visit, despite being subject to a tight protocol and pro-Hispanic agenda by the Franco regime, that was reflected in the written and audiovisual press, managed to the Peronist political ideology focused on social justice. The documentation analyzed (Spanish and Argentine press and from the Historical Archive of the Argentine Foreign Ministry) would allow to account for the repercussions of your trip reflected in the construction of Hispanicist and Catholic representation of Eva Duarte, the response of the opposition in exile whose accusations fell on his fascist character and the extension of the aid, starting with the creation of free clinical centers in Spanish territory.

En junio de 1962 se celebró el IV Congreso del Movimiento Europeo en la ciudad de Múnich. Aprovechando la coyuntura, un grupo de españoles, opositores al régimen de Franco y llegados tanto del interior de España como del exilio, se reunió allí para debatir las condiciones que España debía cumplir para incorporarse a las nuevas instituciones europeas. El conocido como Contubernio de Múnich, nombre con el que le bautizaron los franquistas, ha sido abordado desde diferentes ópticas: de la política exterior del franquismo, las relaciones internacionales y la Guerra Fría cultural a la oposición democrática y su alternativa al régimen de Franco, siendo considerado, en ocasiones, antecedente de la Transición. Este artículo pretende recopilar todas esas perspectivas y ofrecer una visión conjunta de este importante acontecimiento de nuestra Historia.

Comisiones Obreras' origins and development in the city of Zaragoza throughout the Francoism and its connections with the country's workers movement in a key movement in the understanding of the Spanish transition to democracy. The pressure applied from the streets, firmly repressed by the Regime even after the Dictator's passing, became crucial in contributing to the democratic reforms. To exert this pressure, a difficult process of adapting to work within the vertical structures was necessary, which began in the late 1940s and early 1950s, almost two decades before the founding of the Workers' Commissions in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tempo (1413-7704) is the property of Universidade Federal Fluminense, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, the policies followed by the Spanish left during the transition to democracy after the death of Franco in Spain are analysed. The analysis is based on the policies followed by the two major parties representing the left in the country, Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and Communist Party of Spain (PCE). The attitude of the PSOE and the PCE on critical issues and how they contributed to the democratization process, while the democratic administration was established between 1975-1982 in Spain, are the focal points of the study. The impact of the adopted attitudes on the mentioned parties is also evaluated within this scope. The analyses of Nicos Poulantzas on the overthrow of dictatorships are used in the evaluations. In addition to the aforementioned, the political and economic conditions of the country in the examined period also occupy an important place in the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos Republicanos is the property of Centro de Investigaciones de Estudios Republicanos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the ways in which socially and politically engaged poetry challenged the Franco regime in mid-twentieth-century Spain. A close reading of the work of Blas de Otero reveals how this poet crafts a discordant voice by alluding to, mimicking, and subverting the very myths and rhetoric of Franco's regime. Working against the strictures of state censorship, Blas de Otero usurps the linguistic idiosyncrasies and thematic tropes characteristic of Francoist discourse and redeploys them in a distorted form in his poetry of protest. This article shows ultimately how poets such as Otero were able to engage with the social realities the regime was anxious to conceal by contesting one of the most conspicuous manifestations of the regime's power—its monopoly of public discourse—and how such writers were able thereby to contribute to the erosion of the regime's authority and to its discredit among cultivated readers in 1950s Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos Republicanos is the property of Centro de Investigaciones de Estudios Republicanos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Al acabar la Guerra Civil, Madrid era una ciudad en ruinas. Francisco Franco prometió solucionar el problema acuciante de la vivienda e impulsó su rehabilitación como parte de su política imperial de la "Nueva España". Creía que la arquitectura y el urbanismo debían expresar su triunfo y servir a su retórica propagandística. Pero la autarquía paralizó esos proyectos y durante años los madrileños sobrevivieron entre cascotes. Las ruinas eran memorias del trauma de la contienda, además de una realidad silenciada por la censura. Antonio Mingote publicó en los años cincuenta muchos chistes sobre los problemas de urbanismo en el diario ABC. Sus viñetas circunnavegaron la censura y construyeron un contradiscurso que contrastaba la ficción del discurso oficial de la victoria con la realidad urbana. Mingote resignificó el triunfalismo y los mitos imperiales de Franco, a la vez que despertó en los lectores una visión crítica. At the end of the Civil War, Madrid was practically in ruins. Franco promised to end the acute housing shortage and took control of urban reconstruction and new architectural development as part of his imperial "New Spain" plan. He understood architecture and urbanism as expressions of his political triumph, further serving his propagandistic rhetoric. His autarchy, however, effectively paralyzed these projects, and for many years to come, madrileños survived amidst the rubble. Ruins were a constant reminder of the traumatic war and a reality proscribed by repressive state censorship. During the fifties, Antonio Mingote defied the censorial impositions and published many cartoons on urbanism in ABC, a national newspaper. His cartoons created a counternarrative that contrasted the official fictional discourse of the victors with the grim reality of madrileños' daily life. Mingote resignified Franco's triumphalism and imperial myths, while awakening his readers' critical consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is based on the paradox that the democratic values sustaining the West during the Cold War were not applied in all anti-Communist countries, specifically in the Iberian countries. For the Iberian Peninsula to be a block, it was necessary for Portugal, which had been part of the Hispanic Monarchy, to abandon the ongoing mistrust of its neighboring country, founded on the so-called perigo espanhol (“Spanish danger”). Cordial relations between Salazar and Franco contributed to the Portuguese losing their feeling of mistrust. The reason for this was that the Regime leaders in Spain during the Second World War, as can be seen from Army General Staff documents serving as the basis for this study, saw Portugal as a true friend and believed that both countries had to work together to avoid becoming involved in the war. The Iberian Block survived and when the Cold War started, Portugal sided firmly with the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]