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Researchers and policymakers have increasingly recognized foreign fighter mobilization as a national security threat to foreign states and domestic populations. Yet, scholars remain divided on the motivations of foreign combatants, arguing that fighters may be motivated by grievances, opportunity, or material incentives. The motivations of foreign fighters may be especially complex, as they are engaging in a conflict outside of their state. I analyze how historical and present-day group exclusionary policies and opportunity shape mobilization. To do so, I leverage novel data consisting of individual fighter data of Islamic State volunteers fighting in Iraq and Syria. Consistent with my theoretical framework, I find that a higher rate of Islamic State fighters come from areas where Sunni Muslims were denied access to political power and have greater state capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women from European countries have joined ISIS in considerable numbers, whether as perpetrators or passive attendants. Possible reasons for Western recruits have included seeking an identity, searching for excitement, and the romantic aspect of a new life. Despite the unknown numbers, many ISIS-affiliated from different nationalities are currently held in Turkish prisons. This article aims to contribute to women's radicalization and a gap in knowledge of ISIS women. Drawing on first-person 8 interviews at the Istanbul Repatriation Center in October 2020, the study indicates that the romantic aspect works as a catalyzer. The topic would be better elaborated by leaning on personal reasons. Key findings aim to demystify the assumptions of gendered radicalization. Further, discussions emerge from these findings, which have implications for methodology, theory, and policy and open prospects to generate avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the Rebel Foreign Fighter Dataset (RFFD) which can be used to expand research on civil war and foreign fighters (FFs). First, it largely expands the previously reported data on the number of FFs that have and continue to be involved in conflicts across the globe. Second, this database disaggregates FFs into the various rebel groups they inhabit as opposed to simply categorizing them as residing within a rebel movement. Third, low, high and best estimates of FFs within rebel groups have been provided as well as providing a novel FF ordinal coding mechanism. These additions allow for more accurate conclusions to be drawn on the effects of FFs on specific groups as well as on the conflict in which they reside. Using the RFFD, the link between FF inclusion and civilian sexual violence discussed in Doctor's study will be re-examined. The new findings show that FF numbers below 1,000 do not have a significant impact on moderate levels of civilian victimization perpetrated by a rebel group and FF numbers below 100 do not have a significant impact on high levels of civilian victimization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of Italian foreign fighters who currently fight in the Russia-Ukraine conflict presents elements of high ideological complexity. The presence of different groups of highly ideologized far-right fighters fighting on opposite sides of the front emerges. Foreign fighters of the extreme right shoot each other at the front and some of them have as comrades foreign fighters of the extreme left. The main sources of this research are texts published in social media by foreign fighters and have been collected through online ethnography. The analysis of the collected texts is conducted with a qualitative thematic analysis with an inductive method. Particular attention has been paid to the phenomenon of Red-Brownism also called 'Brown-Red cocktail' that in the context of the Ukrainian conflict seems to cast doubt on whether the extreme right and the extreme left should always be considered opposing extremisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article adds to a growing literature explaining driving forces behind Muslim foreign fighters in Jihadist conflicts. Employing quantitative analyses, we examine counts of Muslim foreign fighters from non-Muslim majority countries in Iraq and Syria from 2011 to 2015. We find that greater numbers of foreign fighters come from countries where Muslim minorities are politically organized, excluded from policymaking processes, and engaged in peaceful mobilization than countries where these conditions are otherwise absent. These results contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the mechanisms by which aggrieved individuals tend to be recruited in larger numbers to participate in foreign wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the positions taken by the European extreme right, in the French and Italian cases, with respect to the Yugoslav wars both in the political dimension and in that of foreign fighting. A clear rift between pro-Croatian and pro-Serbian right-wing extremists is emerging, anticipating the one that occurred recently after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The study reconstructs the ideological and geopolitical motivations of both pro-Serbs and pro-Croats, placing them within the different souls of the European extreme right. It also analyzes the geopolitical context and how the different choices of radical right-wing groups are placed in relation to the action of macro-subjects such as states and their intelligence. What emerges is how since the Yugoslav wars a clear fracture has arisen between right-wing Westernist radicalism and right-wing anti-Western radicalism of Eurasian matrix that becomes the glue for the phenomenon of Red-Brownism, the convergence of the extreme right and the extreme left in a common geopolitical framework and against a common enemy, observable in the Ukrainian conflict with radicals of the right and left acting as comrades in pro-Russian militias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 2014 and 2018 there was an unprecedented wave of jihadist terrorist activity in Austria that was mostly related to the "Islamic state." Meanwhile, many individuals have been or are gradually being released from prison. While many were able to disengage, two prevented and sentenced foreign fighters planned attacks in Vienna, one of them succeeded. In order to better understand this type of perpetrator, files of a cohort of 56 convicted jihadist terrorist offenders were analyzed. Half of this cohort were foreign fighters or attempted to become foreign fighters, while others contributed for instance by spreading propaganda, recruiting and assuming leadership. Additionally, a focus group with probation officers and an interview were conducted. The results shed light on various sociodemographic variables showing that there was not one specific profile. Rather, the cohort appeared to be very diverse, being comprised of all genders, age groups and socioeconomic backgrounds. Furthermore, a considerable crime-terror nexus was found. Thirty percent of the cohort had had a criminal past before their engagement in violent extremism. A fifth of the cohort had a prison experience before the arrest for the terrorist offense. The criminal offenses of the cohort were typical for the general population of probation clients which backs the notion that many terrorist offenders belonged to the same population and had switched from "traditional" crime to terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States should avoid arbitrability in decision-making processes concerning foreign fighters by amending their current legislature including criminal prosecution of foreign fighters. Authorization regime similar to the one in Poland may offer higher guarantees, control and monitoring of medium to high-threat individuals whilst offering states direct targeting of prevention and mitigation policies. States should create a transparent and clear framework for evaluation of applications to travel abroad for the purpose of fighting with lawfully set discretion for state organs that will enable them to deny applications for political, social or even economic reasons.

As the Russia-Ukraine war constitutes the most severe security challenge Europe has faced since the Cold War's end, many states have realized the fragility of statehood, which an aggressor can destroy overnight. Although this concern is valid, it should not overshadow other security threats. Unlike other authors addressing the phenomenon of foreign fighters in the war, the present article investigates the involvement of Ukrainian right-wing extremists regarding the pre-2022 development, during which the growing sociocultural nationalism, militarism, and tolerance of ultranationalist and ethnonational groups helped shrink their isolation. While they might have played an important role in Ukraine's territorial defence, heavily armed and combat-skilled right-wing extremists might pose a severe threat to Ukraine's post-war restoration. Initially, whereas a literature review indicates the hitherto research and positions the article's inquiry within it, existing theoretical approaches define the observed actors. Based on the open-source intelligence data collection from Telegram and content analysis, the article identified several Ukrainian and also foreign right-wing extremists involved in the war despite its focus on the former. It concludes that the predecessor authors' debated threats associated with the latter, i.e., physical threats, organizational challenges, and wider societal consequences, should be primarily applied to Ukraine

As the Russia-Ukraine war constitutes the most severe security challenge Europe has faced since the Cold War's end, many states have realized the fragility of statehood, which an aggressor can destroy overnight. Although this concern is valid, it should not overshadow other security threats. Unlike other authors addressing the phenomenon of foreign fighters in the war, the present article investigates the involvement of Ukrainian right-wing extremists regarding the pre-2022 development, during which the growing sociocultural nationalism, militarism, and tolerance of ultranationalist and ethnonational groups helped shrink their isolation. While they might have played an important role in Ukraine's territorial defence, heavily armed and combat-skilled right-wing extremists might pose a severe threat to Ukraine's post-war restoration. Initially, whereas a literature review indicates the hitherto research and positions the article's inquiry within it, existing theoretical approaches define the observed actors. Based on the open-source intelligence data collection from Telegram and content analysis, the article identified several Ukrainian and also foreign right-wing extremists involved in the war despite its focus on the former. It concludes that the predecessor authors' debated threats associated with the latter, i.e., physical threats, organizational challenges, and wider societal consequences, should be primarily applied to Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on unique diachronic interviews, this article explores the self-reported willingness of Western Europe-based Chechen diaspora members to travel to Syria and Ukraine as foreign fighters. It posits that diaspora-centred ethno-cultural motives mirroring the Chechen master narratives – struggle for independence, victimization, and quest for revenge – drove Chechen radicalization in both Syria and Ukraine. Self-identifying with Syrians’ and Ukrainians’ plight, the respondents’ sense of victimization triggered their desire for revenge against Russia and its allies, whereas helping foreign anti-Russian war efforts was seen as the first step towards restoring Chechnya’s independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines mobilization motives of Belarusian volunteers participating in the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war. With an objective to provide an additional explanation as to why individuals mobilize to fight in armed conflicts outside their countries of citizenship, we demonstrate that the pursuit of political objectives in foreign fighters' home countries may function as an important – yet largely overlooked in the extant literature – mobilization incentive. The need to obtain military training and combat experience required to achieve those political goals may serve as an accompanying motive of becoming a foreign fighter. We draw our empirical data from in-depth ethnographic interviews with members of Belarusian armed formations involved in frontline operations in Ukraine. Alongside its contribution to the understudied topic of Belarusian volunteers in Ukraine, this study has broader implications for research on mobilization motives and objectives of foreign fighters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study asserts that the repatriation of foreign fighters from the conflict in Ukraine poses a significant threat to the peace and stability of the Southeast Europe within the realm of organized crime. It contends that Southeast Europe serves as fertile ground for foreign fighters during times of war crises, facilitating their exploitation by organized crime for illicit purposes. Regarding the context of the Southeast Europe, the study argues, firstly, that serious organized crime groups demonstrate a propensity to recruit individuals with military experience. Secondly, it underscores the historical roots of foreign fighter presence in the region, including the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. Lastly, it highlights the inadequate response and policies at both national and European Union levels to address this concern in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ukrainian crisis has caused important repercussions at the international level, including the influx of thousands of voluntary fighters from abroad. According to recent estimates, from 2014 until the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, approximately 1,000 Westerners travelled to the disputed region of the Donbas (Eastern Ukraine), on both sides of the conflict (Ukrainian forces and Russia-supported "separatist" militias). This article intends to offer an original contribution to the empirical study of the mobilization of Western fighters in the Donbas, by taking into account, for the first time, the national case of Italy (one of the countries most affected by the phenomenon in the West). In particular, based on detailed primary and secondary sources, the paper examines in depth a relatively large Italian network of pro-separatist fighters and direct supporters, including far-right militants, and analyzes their profiles and mobilization dynamics, drawing upon the literature on social movements and contentious politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Previous studies have explored two scenarios wherein diaspora members fight for their ancestral homeland: (1) in response to immediate threats, and (2) when the homeland’s conscription laws mandate enlistment. This study investigates diaspora military service (DMS) in Israel, where DMS occurs voluntarily outside of acute crises or compulsory conscription requirements. Utilizing survey and interview data from over 1100 diaspora soldiers, it compares enlistment motivations across three diaspora groups with varied ties to Israel and Judaism: North Americans, Israeli Americans, and individuals from the Former Soviet Union. The study conceptualizes DMS as a state led effort to cultivate an engaged diaspora and advance Jewish immigration. This framework enables examining DMS, beyond the immediate military context, as a site for identity exploration, cultural assimilation, and contemplating permanent immigration. Despite varied emphases, results show that DMS occurs in a migratory context as soldiers from all groups recognize service as essential for immigration, integration, and acceptance in Israel. The study formulates three motivational models that drive transnational military engagement across contexts: the “ideological model” among conviction-driven actors; the “mobility model” among those focused on upward mobility; and the “reconnection model” for cementing national belonging and avoid stigma.

This study analyzes the phenomenon of Italian foreign fighters of different ideological backgrounds on the Ukrainian front. Right-wing extremists on opposite sides of the front and right-wing extremists fighting alongside left-wing extremists. An ideologically intricate situation that needs to be understood in the light of the political and geopolitical dynamics of the present but also of the history of right-wing movements since the Second World War. On the one hand, the foreign fighters from CasaPound Italia (CPI) aligned with Ukraine and NATO and on the other those of Forza Nuova (FN) and other movements aligned with pro-Russian militias and united in combat with far-left fighters. This study reconstructs the reasons for the fracture taking place on the right and those at the base of a rapprochement between a part of the far right and the extreme left, the so-called Red-Brown cocktail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies have explored two scenarios wherein diaspora members fight for their ancestral homeland: (1) in response to immediate threats, and (2) when the homeland's conscription laws mandate enlistment. This study investigates diaspora military service (DMS) in Israel, where DMS occurs voluntarily outside of acute crises or compulsory conscription requirements. Utilizing survey and interview data from over 1100 diaspora soldiers, it compares enlistment motivations across three diaspora groups with varied ties to Israel and Judaism: North Americans, Israeli Americans, and individuals from the Former Soviet Union. The study conceptualizes DMS as a state led effort to cultivate an engaged diaspora and advance Jewish immigration. This framework enables examining DMS, beyond the immediate military context, as a site for identity exploration, cultural assimilation, and contemplating permanent immigration. Despite varied emphases, results show that DMS occurs in a migratory context as soldiers from all groups recognize service as essential for immigration, integration, and acceptance in Israel. The study formulates three motivational models that drive transnational military engagement across contexts: the "ideological model" among conviction-driven actors; the "mobility model" among those focused on upward mobility; and the "reconnection model" for cementing national belonging and avoid stigma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did some American citizens choose to travel to fight in Syria and Iraq rather than engage in Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)-inspired terrorism in the United States? We conducted a social network analysis (SNA) on a sample (n = 224) of extremists who either plotted ISIS-inspired attacks within the United States or attempted to travel to Syria or Iraq to join the group between 2013-2020. We test how network size, network interconnectedness, and the importance of trusted network members impact the choice of American ISIS offenders to travel or plot terrorist attacks. Our results show that Americans were more likely to choose to travel to fight when they had access to large, dense networks that were embedded with trusted associates. Those without access to similar networks abandoned their preferences for foreign fighting and instead plotted attacks within the United States. The findings provide pertinent policy implications for countering violent extremism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Electronic Journal of Political Science Studies (EJPSS) is the property of Electronic Journal of Political Science Studies (EJPSS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the prosecution of members of ISIL/Da'esh and other designated terrorist groups for both core international crimes and terrorist offences in the context of the conflict in Syria and Iraq. It discusses the different core international crimes that both male and female terrorists have been convicted for, the different prosecutorial strategies that have been used, and the sentences that have been imposed in several European countries. While prosecuting membership offences and other terrorist offences has certain advantages, this article argues that pursuing charges for core international crimes in addition to terrorist offences leads to a more complete accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines instances of de jure and de facto denationalization that arise from (suspected) terrorism by analyzing penal outcomes for affected citizens. The article first exposes cases of de jure denationalization that confine citizens to global spaces and draws parallels with instances of de facto denationalization that deny repatriation from abroad. I then argue that both situations signal state's avoidance of the duty to punish, deviate from conventional penal aspirations and engender volatile global penality. To support this argument, I explore three questions: (1) who punishes, (2) who is punished and (3) what the purpose of punishment is. I conclude by exposing the emerging features of global neo-colonial penality as they pertain to both its objects and objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study discusses foreign fighters who take part in the Ukrainian armed conflict. The aim of this study is to know about the history of the armed conflict of Ukraine, study the relevance of International Humanitarian Law to foreign fighters, and study the implementation of Human Rights obtained by foreign fighters based on International Humanitarian Law. The used is juridical-normative legal research or also called document research with secondary data as the main source. Researchers conduct legislative studies to see synchronization between legislation. Data were collected using literature review techniques, such as perusing, analyzing, and drawing conclusions from relevant documents. The results of this study conclude, first, the history of the Ukrainian armed conflict starting from the independence of Ukraine and culminating in the Russian special military operation that occurred on February 24, 2022. Second, the relevance of international humanitarian law to foreign fighters has no specific definition describing foreign fighters and only foreign terrorist fighters. Third, the implementation of human rights against foreign fighters is an inviolable or inalienable human right. However, in its implementation there are still many violations that occur in the armed conflict of Ukraine. Several methods are needed to overcome this problem, namely, the need to increase understanding and awareness regarding IHL and human rights, especially for foreign fighters, to all parties and, make policy recommendations regarding clarity of understanding for foreign fighters, which can then be used as a guide for policymakers and practitioners to increase the certainty of humanitarian protection for foreign fighters.

This study explores the constructions of gender in social media narratives regarding Shamima Begum, a British born woman who travelled to Syria to join Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Using the Twitter hashtag #ShamimaBegum – developed in response to Begum's expressed interest in returning to the United Kingdom to give birth to her third child – we employ critical discourse analysis to examine social media users' responses to Begum's case across a 3-week period. We portray how the vernacular narratives constructing femininity, gender, and their relation to terrorist activity are built on the expectation that the female actor should express remorse for her actions and is judged according to certain perceptions of maternalism, religion, and victimhood. We also explore the absence of considered agency in the narratives about women engaging in and disengaging from violent activities, demonstrating the weight of race, religion, and gender in shaping narratives surrounding perceived violent women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the emergence of the Islamic State (ISIS) as one of the leading insurgent forces in Syria and Iraq in the 2010s, the academic literature has increasingly focused on the phenomenon of foreign fighters. Most studies have analyzed transnational insurgents joining the ISIS; however, research on non-jihadi foreign fighters remains underdeveloped. The article sheds much-needed light on the factors motivating non-jihadi fighters to join conflicts abroad. Specifically, it presents the findings of an in-depth analysis of the factors leading Italian nationals to join the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG/YPJ) after 2011, their military contribution on the battlefield, and their reasons for returning to Italy. The contributions of the paper are twofold. First, it enriches our general understanding of the motivations of non-jihadi foreign fighters through detailed qualitative analysis, including first-hand accounts and an analysis of fighters' biographies. Second, it offers a more complete picture of the specific factors informing the Italian experience of transnational non-jihadi fighters in recent years. The qualitative data highlight the role of non-material factors in triggering the armed mobilization of foreign fighters. The findings indicate that the Italian foreign fighters contingent within the YPG/YPJ and the SDF has been highly committed, made up mostly of young males with no military experience, and had little to no impact on the battlefield. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study discusses foreign fighters who take part in the Ukrainian armed conflict. The aim of this study is to know about the history of the armed conflict of Ukraine, study the relevance of International Humanitarian Law to foreign fighters, and study the implementation of Human Rights obtained by foreign fighters based on International Humanitarian Law. The used is juridical-normative legal research or also called document research with secondary data as the main source. Researchers conduct legislative studies to see synchronization between legislation. Data were collected using literature review techniques, such as perusing, analyzing, and drawing conclusions from relevant documents. The results of this study conclude, first, the history of the Ukrainian armed conflict starting from the independence of Ukraine and culminating in the Russian special military operation that occurred on February 24, 2022. Second, the relevance of international humanitarian law to foreign fighters has no specific definition describing foreign fighters and only foreign terrorist fighters. Third, the implementation of human rights against foreign fighters is an inviolable or inalienable human right. However, in its implementation there are still many violations that occur in the armed conflict of Ukraine. Several methods are needed to overcome this problem, namely, the need to increase understanding and awareness regarding IHL and human rights, especially for foreign fighters, to all parties and, make policy recommendations regarding clarity of understanding for foreign fighters, which can then be used as a guide for policymakers and practitioners to increase the certainty of humanitarian protection for foreign fighters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do jihadi foreign fighters leave local insurgencies? While the literature on jihadi foreign fighters has mushroomed over the last decade, it has largely covered the perspective of individual motivations to join jihadi foreign fighter groups. The critical question of why individual jihadi foreign fighters leave local insurgencies, de facto recognizing the failure of their initial motives to join a distant armed conflict, has remained understudied. Drawing on the case study of Russo-Chechen wars, this article shows that a combination of popular hostility, loss of status, and poor living conditions urged jihadi foreign fighters to abandon local armed conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do foreign fighters affect militant group behavior? Recent studies have examined the impact of foreign fighters on broader conflict outcomes, but we explore their specific impact on group behavior. Using foreign fighter data, we find that the presence of foreign fighters is positively related to group longevity, use of suicide operations, and the geographic spread of its operations. We elaborate on these findings in a case study of foreign fighters in al-Shabaab. This article provides important contributions to both scholarship and policy, elucidating the ideological and logistical impact of foreign fighters on tactics, target choices, and group lifespan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Modern armed conflicts have made paramilitary formations a topical issue, which is thematized in international humanitarian law and national legislations. In addition to existing traditional notions of a mercenary and a foreign fighter, other notions have emerged in recent years, namely the notion of a foreign terrorist fighter and the concept of private military and security companies (PMSC). The aim of this paper is to point out the key problems related to their determination, that is, status, as well as dilemmas and controversies that arise in relation to their legal treatment, including their participation in modern armed conflicts. Based on a review of relevant literature, an analysis of documents, official announcements and media content, four categories of paramilitary formations were presented. As a framework for illustrating the perceived dilemmas and controversies the wars in Afghanistan, Iraq and Ukraine were used as examples.

About 700 European children are stranded with their mothers in the detention camps in northeast Syria. They are children of European departees who travelled to the Levant after 2012 to join one of the fighting forces against the Syrian regime. Most European countries refuse to repatriate these children because of their parents, who are considered terrorists. This paper investigates the status of these children through the analysis of the political and media-debates and ongoing collaborative ethnographic research in Belgium. We argue that these children reside in a condition of virtual innocence, which is characterized by a continuous interrogation of their social, political, and ontological status as well as their right to life. This condition of virtual innocence also sheds a different light on the state of exception: rather than being expressed through a permanent ban, it becomes manifested through an undecided and pending inclusion into the bios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflicts in Iraq and Syria have led to concerns in the West over 'foreign fighters'. Although states are anxious about the role these individuals play in the conflicts they join, their primary concern relates to the perceived 'terrorist' threat they pose on their return. This fear has led to an evolution in the international policymaking arena, with foreign fighters now often referred to as 'foreign terrorist fighters' (FTFs). A Critical Theory-inspired immanent critique is offered to highlight various problems that exist with the FTF term and to argue policymakers should resist its use. The article demonstrates the importance of language by showing how the invocation of the FTF threat has strengthened the ongoing development of globally coordinated counterterrorism action. Specifically, it argues UN Security Council Resolution 2178, agreed in 2014, generates a legal obligation upon UN member states to implement new counterterrorism laws at national level to combat the perceived threat from FTFs. The article highlights the negative effect these laws have on human rights. It is argued institutions like the UN need to ensure new counterterrorism legal instruments are built from a human rights rather than security-first perspective if commitments to human rights in transnational counterterrorism are to be fully realised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hacettepe Law Review is the property of Hacettepe Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The emergence of the Afghan Arabs phenomena is the by-product of the Afghan 'jihad'. The Arabs that mostly came to Afghanistan sought to fulfil a 'religious' duty in the form of jihad. This migration process from the Arab countries to the Af-Pak region was in line with the USA, Pakistan, Afghan mujahideen, Arab countries' policies and volunteering fighters' personal beliefs. The Afghan Arabs were not a homogeneous group; they were ideologically and strategically fragmented and had different groups and views. Hence, all Afghan Arabs did not end up in Al-Qaeda. Despite this fragmentation, Afghan Arabs played an essential role in the Afghan conflict, from raising funds to providing volunteer fighters and coverage of 'jihad' through their media sources. They also intervened in the affairs of Afghan mujahideen groups. They either sided with the opposing jihadi factions (and later with the Taliban) during the Afghan Civil War or remained silent. In the post-2001 period, their role was limited to technical support and fighting against the 'common enemy'. In this period, the Taliban's policy towards Al-Qaeda was to not condemn, not cut ties, to regularise them while officially rejecting their presence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Security Studies / Güvenlik Calışmalari Dergisi is the property of Turkish National Police Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research note contributes to the growing body of knowledge on foreign fighters in international affairs. While most scholars in the field derive their understanding of the phenomenon from highly publicized cases of Western Muslims fighting alongside Jihadi groups in the Middle East, this article brings a new case study into the arena: Jewish foreign nationals who voluntarily enlist in the Israeli military, also known as lone soldiers. After a presentation of this to date unexplored case (i.a. through nineteen semi-structured interviews), the article delves into the conceptual realm, discussing whether Israel's lone soldiers can be analyzed within the foreign-fighter framework in the first place. Based on the empirical findings and an interdisciplinary literature review on foreign fighters the article argues that lone soldiers do constitute a relevant case study. This research note further suggests that much of the controversy on conceptual matters could be avoided by understanding the phenomenon as an action (i.e., foreign fighting) rather than an actor (i.e., foreign fighter). Further research is warranted to support these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]