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For readers interested in an overview of what led to the adoption of the European Union's Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) and its aftermath, this book traces the discursive dynamics and milestones of the negotiations around the MFF and the new recovery instrument, aimed at alleviating the economic crisis caused by the Coronavirus pandemic. Covering the negotiations of the current MFF, contributions by both scholarly experts in their respective policy areas and authors close to the policy community in Brussels provide a well rounded insight into this discerning topic. Chapters explore the issues that unfolded during the negotiations of the MFF and recovery package against the backdrop of conflicts over solidarity, identity and sovereignty and thus the scope of cooperation and membership as well as institutional design and authority. EU Policymaking at a Crossroads anticipates, describes and discursively explains changes in selected policy areas, looking into the negotiations, effects and reflections surrounding them. This timely book will be a highly beneficial read for academics and students in the fields of international relations, European politics and public policy. Scholars specializing in multilevel governance of different policy areas such as sustainability, agriculture and migration will also profit from this comprehensive book.

Apsorpcija financijskih sredstava koja EU stavlja na raspolaganje preko europskih fondova ima ključnu ulogu u procesu integracije zemalja članica. Putem takvih instrumenata provodi se europska javna politika s namjerom poticanja ekonomskog, socijalnog i održivog razvoja država te smanjenja jaza među njima. Iako su EU fondovi dostupni u sve većim količinama, sposobnost njihova povlačenja i korištenja u lokalnim jedinicama nekih zemalja članica, pa tako i RH, nije na zadovoljavajućoj razini. S obzirom da ne postoji dovoljno istraživanja koja se bave analizom mogućih odrednica koje utječu na učinkovitost korištenja europskih pomoći, ovaj rad istražuje utjecaj odabranih ekonomskih i socijalnih pokazatelja na sposobnost apsorpcije sredstava hrvatskih županija, gradova i općina. Uzimaju se u obzir podaci iz europskog Operativnog programa konkurentnost i kohezija 2014.-2020. koji su evidentirani u proračunima lokalnih jedinica. Pritom se, zbog nedostupnosti informacija, zanemaruju pomoći koje su privukli korisnici tih proračuna. S obzirom na prirodu podataka (združena opažanja vremenskog presjeka po lokalnoj jedinici tijekom više vremenskih razdoblja), upotrijebljena je ekonometrijska metoda analize panel podataka dobivena proširenjem linearne regresije. Posebno su sagledane županije, gradovi i općine te sve lokalne jedinice zajedno po pojedinoj županiji te je u skladu s time obrađeno četiri modela. U svakom od njih se promatra utjecaj proračunskih prihoda po stanovniku, stope nezaposlenosti, indeksa transparentnosti OLBI te administrativne sposobnosti izmjerene pomoću stručnog usavršavanja po zaposleniku. Na razini županija uključena je i njihova površina, dok se pripadnost statističkoj regiji druge razine NUTS klasifikacije uključuje na ukupnoj razini analize. Provedbom panel modela ustanovljeno je da varijabla proračunskih prihoda po stanovniku pozitivno utječe na apsorpciju europskih fondova, dok je utjecaj stope nezaposlenosti negativan. Statistička značajnost indeksa transparentnosti je različita ovisno o promatranim jedinicama te nije jasno definiran njegov smjer utjecaja. Za procjenu učinka administrativne sposobnosti pojavljuje se potreba za dodatnim istraživanjem i pronalaska boljeg načina njezina mjerenja budući da je stručno usavršavanje po zaposleniku tek jedan od mogućih pokazatelja kvalitete administracije, a njegov je utjecaj u dobivenim modelima uglavnom negativan. Zaključci ovog rada mogu doprinijeti empirijskim istraživanjima o odrednicama korištenja europskih sredstava ne samo za hrvatske lokalne jedinice, nego i na razini ostalih europskih zemalja. Također, dobiveni rezultati mogu pomoći oko planiranja budućih projektnih aktivnosti za koje postoji mogućnost sufinanciranja iz europskih fondova. The absorption of financial resources made available by the EU through European funds plays a key role in the integration process of all member countries. The European public policy is implemented through such instruments with the aim to encourage the economic, social and sustainable development of countries and reduce the gap between them. Although the amount of available EU funds is increasing, the ability to withdraw and use them is not at a satisfactory level in many member states, including the Republic of Croatia and its local units. Since there is a lack of empirical research on the determinants of the ability to efficiently absorb the money, the aim of this study is to analyse the influence of some chosen economic and social indicators on the absorption capacity of EU funds of Croatian counties, cities and municipalities. Data from the European Operational Programme Competitiveness and Cohesion 2014 – 2020 that are recorded in the local budgets are taken into account. On the other hand, due to the lack of information, the funds received from the users of these budgets are not used in this analysis. Considering the nature of the data which include time-series and cross-sectional components, econometric methods of panel data analysis are used for the purposes of the research. A separate analysis is carried out for counties, cities and municipalities as well as for all local units together grouped by their corresponding county and as a result four models are obtained. All of them examine the effect of budget revenue per capita, unemployment rate, budget transparency index (OLBI) and administrative capacity measured by professional training expenditure per employee. Results confirm that budget revenue per capita has a positive effect on the absorption of European funds, while the influence of the unemployment rate is negative. The statistical significance of the budget transparency index (OLBI) differs, depending on the observed units and as a consequence its influence is not clearly defined. Furthermore, there is a need for additional investigation regarding the effect of administrative capacity since professional training expenditure per employee is only one of the possible indicators of its quality, whose impact in the obtained models is mostly negative. The results of this study can contribute to empirical research on the determinants of the usage of European funds not only for Croatian local government units, but also at the level of other European countries. They can also contribute to the discussions and planning of future project activities for which there is a possibility of co-financing from European funds.

This article examines the role of interest mobilization in strengthening or weakening congruence between elected representatives and citizens on EU policy issues. It argues that the relationship between public opinion, interest groups and elected politicians can be theorized as a selective transmission process. We expect interest groups to strengthen congruence between citizens and elected representatives who share their ideological views. To test our hypotheses we conducted a content analysis of statements made in eight European news outlets on a sample of 13 policy issues and combined this with Eurobarometer polls. Our results indicate that elected representatives from leftist parties are more congruent with left-wing voters when civil society mobilizes, while the prevalence of corporate lobby groups strengthens congruence between rightist politicians and their constituents. These findings contribute to our understanding of the role of interest groups in political representation and democratic governance. publishedVersion

The article aims to elaborate on European policy choices for the prevention of SARS‑CoV‑2 contagion, with a close focus on the rules and regulations enacted in Italy so far. European states have ruled out generalized vaccination mandates but have so far preferred to exert a form of "moral suasion", through the introduction of a digital certificate which can only be granted to those who are vaccinated, cured of COVID-19 or tested negative through an antigen test in the previous 48 hours. Italy has applied this tool, dubbed "Green Pass", very rigorously: many daily activities, including going to work, are only allowed for those who have the certificate. A one-year Green Pass is issued after vaccination, although data show that vaccine protection may subside gradually over about six months; the cost of the antigen tests every 48 hours is to be borne by the patient. Testing the unvaccinated is essential to contain the spread of the infection, but it would have been more logical to mandate that all the unvaccinated undergo regular testing (for example every ten days), instead of imposing a test every 48 hours only to be allowed to engage in some activities. The authors stress that in order to minimize the risk of future possible pandemics, prevention strategies are needed, and poor countries need to be enabled to vaccinate their populations in order to prevent new variants from developing. The pledges made by world leaders in that regard during the recent G20 summit must therefore be honored, for the sake of global health that never in our lifetime has been so threatened.

The article deals with understanding recent reconsideration of the hierarchy of the French wines. In about fifty years, the AOC label ceased to provide the most favourable economic positions, contrary to certain table wines. How different categories of wines, that the professional and the State contributed to segment in two market in the first half of the twentieth century, could have evolved until calling into question the AOC wine, former institutionalized model of excellence? In order to understand how each market evolved to this conclusion, we provide basic tools for comparing the market under the same grid. Gironde and Languedoc-Roussillon constitute two convenient cases for applying it. The—undesired—incidence of the European instruments of public action on the sectoral evolution is clear. By analysing the effects of the installation of sectoral legislation, then the substantial modification of the European regulations in 1985, we understand how the regulatory change induced the emergence of new collective and economic strategies leading to reconsider AOC wines.

Ruska agresija na Ukrajinu 2014. godine nije samo napad na suverenitet, teritorijalni integritet, i miran razvoj jednog od najvećih susjeda Europske unije već predstavlja i opsežne posljedice za Europu u cjelini. Posljednja Ukrajinska kriza tako dovodi u pitanje cjelokupnu arhitekturu, pravila i institucije europske sigurnosti, koje su se izgradile nakon završetka Hladnog rata. Ona zapravo otkriva višestruku ranjivost u mnogim područjima Europske Unije. U ovom diplomskom radu tvrdim kako su nejedinstvenost zajedničke vanjske politike, ekonomska međuovisnost Europske Unije i Rusije te europska energetska ovisnost o Rusiji ograničili Europsku Uniju da učinkovito djeluje u međunarodnoj krizi kao što je Ukrajinska te da su rezultirali negativnim ekonomskim posljedicama za samu Europsku Uniju i ugrozili njezin utjecaj kao važnog aktera na međunarodnoj sceni. Analizom primarnih i sekundarnih izvora ovih tri područja – vanjska politika, trgovina i energija – prikazane su posljedice novonastalih promjena na istoku Europe. Europska zajednička vanjska i sigurnosna politika pokazala se nezrelom i neučinkovitom, ekonomske sankcije kritičnim za europsko gospodarstvo, a energetska ovisnost o Rusiji isplivala kao vrlo opasan problem koji ne samo da je diktirao smjer krize, prije svega negativno za EU, već i pokazao kako Europska Unija mora svoju energetsku politiku mijenjati iz temelja. Doprinosom području međunarodnih odnosa te području europskih javnih politika, ovaj rad predstavlja pokušaj da se rasvijetli jedna od najvećih kriza na europskom tlu u post-bipolarnom poretku, te ukaže na fundamentalna ograničenja koja su Europsku Uniju dovela u nezavidnu poziciju u odnosima s nepredvidivom Rusijom., Russian aggression against Ukraine in 2014 represents not only an attack on the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and peaceful development of one of the biggest neighbors of the European Union but also the extensive consequences for Europe as a whole. Last Ukrainian crisis actually questions the overall architecture, the rules and institutions of European security, which were built after the end of the Cold War, and reveals multiple vulnerabilities in many other areas of the European Union. This master thesis argues that the disunity of the common foreign policy, economic interdependence between the EU and Russia and European energy dependence on Russia restrict the EU to act effectively in the international crisis such as the Ukrainian one and result in negative economic consequences for the European Union itself as well as jeopardize its influence as an important actor on the international stage. The analysis of primary and secondary sources of these three areas - foreign policy, trade and energy - shows the consequences of the newly emerging changes in eastern Europe. The European Common Foreign and Security Policy has proven to be immature and inefficient, economic sanctions critical to the European economy, and the energy dependence on Russia emerged as an extremely dangerous problem that not only dictated the course of the crisis, especially negative one for the EU, but also showed how the European Union and its energy policy should change fundamentally. By contributing to the field of international relations and the area of European public policy, this paper attempts to shed light on one of the biggest crisis on European soil in the post-bipolar order, and point out the fundamental limitations that brought the European Union in an unenviable position in relations with the unpredictable Russia.

European public policy could be described as a summary of core values of EU law. It is a legal category derived mostly from case law of the Court of Justice. The exact determination of European public policy still remains an open question. According to CJEU case law European public policy creates a part of national public policies of Member States and needs to be considered while annulling and refusing recognition of arbitral awards. Public policy constitutes one of a ground of refusal of recognition according to the New York Convention. Although the New York Convention refers to the public policy of the country of enforcement, this paper will analyse whether European public policy falls within the scheme of the New York Convention or not. European public policy could be described as a summary of core values of EU law. It is a legal category derived mostly from case law of the Court of Justice. The exact determination of European public policy still remains an open question. According to CJEU case law European public policy creates a part of national public policies of Member States and needs to be considered while annulling and refusing recognition of arbitral awards. Public policy constitutes one of a ground of refusal of recognition according to the New York Convention. Although the New York Convention refers to the public policy of the country of enforcement, this paper will analyse whether European public policy falls within the scheme of the New York Convention or not.

У статті аналізується зміст категорії «публічний порядок» у міжнародному приватному праві, а також досліджуються зв’язки публічного порядку з низкою суміжних понять «європейського», «транснаціонального» та «дійсно міжнародного» публічного порядку., В современном международном частном праве необходимость правильного понимания содержания публичного порядка продиктована как необходимостью чисто теоретического характера, так и целым рядом вопросов, возникающих при практическом применении данной категории. При установлении содержания публичного порядка определяющими будут особенности той сферы общественных отношений, к которой он применяется. Так, что касается категории публичного права, действующего в сфере регулирования частноправовых отношений международного характера, она охватывает такие связи и отношения в системе внутригосударственных отношений, нарушение которых способно вывести из состояния равновесия всю систему в целом. Известное современным правопорядкам обращение к категориям внутреннего и международного публичного порядка, действительно международного публичного порядка выходит из практических соображений и не дает оснований возразить против его национальной природы., In private international law we need for a proper understanding of content of public policy as dictated by the necessity of a theoretical nature, as well as a number of issues that arise in the practical application of this category. While establishing the content of public policy the characteristics of the sphere of public relations, to which it is applied, will be determinative. Thus, with regard to the category of ordre public, functioning in the regulation of private relations of international character, it covers such communications and relations in the system of internal relations, which breach can deduce from the equilibrium the system as a whole. Well-known to the contemporary laws and orders appeal to the categories of domestic and international public policy, truly international public policy results of practical considerations and does not give grounds for the objection to its national nature.