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Das Jahrbuch 2019 des Dubnow-Instituts umfasst zwei Schwerpunkte: Der erste widmet sich Jüdinnen und Juden im Nachkriegseuropa und thematisiert akteurszentriert die vielfältigen Herausforderungen, die Holocaustüberlebende beim Aufbau einer neuen Existenz zu bewältigen hatten. Der zweite Schwerpunkt untersucht vor dem Hintergrund des Kalten Krieges, seinem lokalen Nachhall in den Diktaturen Lateinamerikas und des das Zeitgeschehen charakterisierenden Begriffspaars "Lucha y Libertad" (Kampf und Freiheit) die Überlagerung von prospektiver und errungener Freiheit. Der Allgemeine Teil und die Rubriken enthalten Beiträge zur Politik-, Rechts- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte sowie zu literatur-, sprach- und quellenhistorischen Fragen.

How does emigrating affect one's political trust for their native country's political and state institutions? This question is increasingly relevant as a result of growing migration in the wake of globalization and the willingness to widen electoral laws and channels for participation to also include emigrated citizens in homeland politics. Despite the research conducted on homeland politics and voting from abroad in political science, the question of homeland political trust among emigrants has not been given sufficient attention. This could be seen as surprising from the perspective of trust research, which has exhaustively analyzed political and social trust. This paper seeks to map the effect of migration on political trust by comparing the trust in Finnish political and state institutions of emigrated Swedish-speaking Finns, also known as Finland-Swedes, and Finland-Swedes living in Finland. The Finland-Swedes are a resourceful minority with a sizeable diaspora, which in relative terms is comparable to nations with a renowned diaspora. The paper analyzes the political trust of migrants and residents with two high quality random surveys and using two methods, linear regression and propensity score matching, with analysis of average treatment effects to counter potential endogeneity of political trust and migrating citizens. The analyses show emigrants have on average significantly higher homeland political trust. Comparing the linear regression analysis and the average treatment effects after matching we get similar results, although the linear regression analysis that controls for potentially endogenous factors seems to somewhat exaggerate the effect of migration.

Der Aufsatz skizziert Migrationen aus der Volksrepublik Polen (1949–1989). Besonders berücksichtigt werden dabei die Politik der Ausreiseverhinderung seit den späten 1940er-Jahren und die Errichtung eines Grenzkontrollsystems nach sowjetischem Vorbild, die neuen Möglichkeiten für Migrationen im Jahr 1956 und danach, die relative Öffnung zum Westen in den 1970er-Jahren und die Erosion der restriktiven Ausreisepolitik in den 1980er-Jahren, die schließlich zum Exodus von 1987–1989 führte. Der Beitrag nennt wichtige Faktoren der Migrationsentwicklung: die Muster und Institutionen der "Passpolitik" (die mit der generellen Entwicklung des Herrschaftssystems verbunden war), die Dynamik von Migrantennetzwerken, relative Deprivation und Entfremdung von "Volkspolen", Druck von außen und Schattenwirtschaft., The article outlines migrations from communist Poland (1949–1989). It deals in particular with the policy of preventing people from leaving the country since the late 1940s and the introduction of a Soviet-style border control system, the revival of migrations from 1956, the relative opening towards the West in the 1970s and the gradual erosion of the restrictive policy towards people wanting to leave the country in the 1980s, resulting in the exodus of 1987-1989. This article pinpoints some major factors determining the changing nature of migrations: the patterns and institutions of “passport policy” (related to the general development of the political regime), the dynamics of migrant networks, the relative deprivation and alienation of the "People's Republic of Poland", foreign pressure, and the development of a shadow economy.

The Polish migrant diaspora is both broad and diverse: at least 2.2 million Polish citizens originating from different migration waves live in other countries of the European Union. There are also estimates that at least twice as many people with a Polish migration background live in the EU. Polish diaspora in Europe has a long - in some cases lasting more than 100 years - tradition of self-organisation. Polish immigrant organisations are spread all over EU countries. The goal of the paper is to answer the question about the dominant functions of the Polish immigrant organisations PIOs in European countries (Germany, Norway, Sweden, Spain, Italy, France, Ireland, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands) perceived from the perspective of various actors - organisations, Polish diaspora, and external experts. Such a multidimensional approach results from a larger research project based on the feldwork, which consisted of both quantitative and qualitative approaches.

Until the 1960s, Finland was more often the country of origin than the country of destination. Once a depressed area, it soon turned into a welfare state, becoming with international migrants. Since Finland’s labour market and society are beset with demographic problems, the country gladly accepts labour migrants, particularly those from neighbouring states. Most EU immigrants coming to Finland are Estonians. Immigration from without the EU - from Russia and other former Soviet countries - has, however, an even greater potential. Non-EU immigration falls into several categories - from seasonal labour migration to the relocation of top specialists and entrepreneurs. Currently, family reunions, marriages, and student and labour migration account for most migration from Russia to Finland. This article attempts to study immigration to Finland from neighbouring countries, primarily from Russia. The result of the study is an analysis of principal channels of international migration to Finland. These are family reunion, student migration, top specialist relocation, and the expansion of Russian business. Finland is in dire need of healthcare specialists, researchers, business development and IT specialists, and other professionals. For example, Russia-bordering Finnish regions lack upper and middle-level healthcare specialists. The focus of the study is on the professional and socio-demographic structure of labour migration to Finland and the country’s migration policy on the adaptation and integration of Russian-speaking immigrants. The article gives a general picture of Finland’s migration policy on labour migration from Russia and other countries. In collecting and processing materials, data from official websites of Finland’s Migration Service and Employment Service, the database of Statistics Finland, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, and the Finnish National Agency for Education were used.

The authors describe the situation of Polish immigrant organisations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy and Spain) on the basis of field research. Their aim is to explore and explain the conditions under which they operate. This seminal publication presents the first cross-disciplinary research on Polish immigrant organisations. It allows to compare and generalise, enabling the authors to formulate new theoretical proposals, which aim to build a model explaining the situation of immigrant organisations.

The scholarship on political transnationalism aims to understand how and why emigrants keep relevant political ties with their state of origin as well as cultivate new ones with their country of residence. Through the multiple formal shapes that such political ties can adopt, much has been written on the electoral channel, neglecting other important formal mechanisms of political participation from abroad. In this short paper we contribute to the study of one such mechanism: consultative bodies of emigrant affairs. Looking at an entire world region -Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC)- we compare the creation of such consultative bodies to the adoption of electoral rights and account for the main characteristics of consultative bodies, creating a typology of them along on two dimensions: independence from governmental authorities and degree of entitlement in the policy-making process. This work aims to set the ground for and encourage further comparative large-N and in-depth case studies that will contribute to better understand the possibilities that emigrant consultative bodies open for emigrant participation.

The standard book on social history of Hungary defined the "typical migrant of 1956" as "younger than 25 years, male, a university student or skilled worker." If that is the case, there is no space for female migrants in this story. To make the picture even more gloomy, in 1956 the 175,082 Hungarians who left the country did so without leaving any documented or recorded written trace for traditional historical analysis. We also know that 25% of them were women. If this is the case with the 1956 emigrants, it is even more unlikely that we should find any traces of women who left Hungary before 1989 for political reasons. This invisibility is due to the absence of gender sensitive data and to the general assumption that agents of migration studies are men: that only they were going to emigrate. The chapter explores the construction of belonging and political citizenship among Hungarian female migrants after 1956 in a European context.

Der erste Flüchtlingsausweis der Welt war gleich ein Sondermodell: International ausgehandelt, wurde er im Völkerbund 1922 für staatenlose russische Flüchtlinge entwickelt, um eine neue Massenerscheinung im sortie de guerre zu kanalisieren - die von Krieg und Bürgerkrieg, Revolution und Vertreibungen ausgelösten Fluchtbewegungen. Dieses für ganz bestimmte Gruppen reservierte Identitätsdokument war unter Flüchtenden und Exilanten ebenso heiß begehrt wie auch verachtet, denn der während der 1920er-Jahre in mehr als 50 Ländern ausgestellte Pass-Ersatz war in seiner Rechtsqualität äußerst zwiespältig. Das Personendokument soll im Folgenden aus mehreren Forschungsperspektiven knapp beleuchtet werden, um zu einer Historisierung dieser ambivalenten Quelle der internationalen Flucht- und Asylgeschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts beizutragen. Um dieses zweidimensionale "Ding" der Rechtsgeschichte zum Sprechen zu bringen, sind auch Zugänge der Politik- und der Mediengeschichte sowie der Sozial- und der Alltagsgeschichte zu berücksichtigen.

The economic growth of Ireland resulted in a significant number of Poles migrating to Ireland following the EU enlargement in 2004. The article explores the quality of life of Poles living in Ireland. Using data from a preliminary survey conducted in 2006, several dimensions of living conditions are analysed, including interpersonal relations, material security, health and healthcare. The study shows that evaluations of almost all aspects of quality of life improved, apart from components such as healthcare and the ability to acquire help from social organisations. Also interpersonal relations, contrary to the initial assumption, were enhanced by migration to Ireland.

The report is an outcome of the project "Polish immigrant organizations" founded by the National Science Centre [grant number 2014/14/E/HS6/00731]. The proposed project was aimed at assessing and identifying factors contributing to the current status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain). The project envisioned two tracks of research: 1. Diagnostic research designed to assess the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries. 2. Explanatory research designed to identify factors affecting the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries.

The report is an outcome of the project "Polish immigrant organizations" founded by the National Science Centre [grant number 2014/14/E/HS6/00731]. The proposed project was aimed at assessing and identifying factors contributing to the current status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain). The project envisioned two tracks of research: 1. Diagnostic research designed to assess the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries. 2. Explanatory research designed to identify factors affecting the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries.

Migrant organizations are said to fulfil important functions for the immigrant communities as well as for the host societies. One of the conditions that influence realisation of those functions are sufficient resources. The aim of the paper is to show, with the example of Polish organisations in Germany, that scarcities in human resources: members, professional staff as well as leaders might me important factor reducing effectiveness of organizations and liming their utility for the immigrant community.

Using the example of engagement of Poles in Germany in Polish immigrant organizations (PIOs), the article gives an insight into the problem of immigrants' social activity. Based on quantitative and qualitative sources, the analysis shows a low level of involvement in PIOs. That lack of engagement seems to be influenced by factors such as: general activist attitude, reluctance to long lasting involvement, focus on everyday life, especially work and cultural bonds with Polish society - the weak tradition of civil society and self-organization.

Whether and to what extent corruption drives emigration has received growing attention in the literature in recent years, yet the nature of the relationship remains unclear. To test causal claims, we rely on representative global survey data of more than 280,000 respondents across 67 countries from 2010 to 2014. We use two different measures of emigration intentions and individual, as well as country-level measures of corruption, and propose to instrument the endogenous presence of corruption in a country with the prevalence of cashless transactions in the economy to correct for potential estimation bias. We find robust support for the hypothesis that corruption increases emigration intentions across countries. The effect, however, is likely to be underestimated in conventional models that do not account for endogeneity. The results highlight the need to look beyond purely economic, social, security-related, and environmental drivers when assessing the root causes of migration.

The study reconstructs the involvement and the activities carried out during the Paris peace conference of 1919-1920 by the Russian political émigrés and diplomats, as well socialpolitical organizations, for the switching of the Bessarabian status from Romania back within the Russian borders. The plan was perceived as part of "Russkoe delo", directed toward defeating the Bolsheviks and conserving Russia in its pre-1914 borders. The Bessarabian "delegates", representatives of the "old" and the "new" regional elite, who disagreed on the political regime of the future Russia, but were united by the anti-Romanian feelings, worked hand in hand with the Russians to inform, persuade, and propagate, as well counterbalance the Romanian position at the conference.

Der Beitrag geht von der Beobachtung aus, dass zahlreiche Staaten Lateinamerikas in den letzten Jahrzehnten dazu übergingen, die Grenzen nationaler Zugehörigkeit neu zu definieren und die Möglichkeit zur Führung von mehreren Staatsangehörigkeiten konstitutionell zu verankern. Darüber hinaus gestatten auch immer mehr Länder dieser Region ihren dauerhaft im Ausland lebenden Staatsbürgern die Teilnahme an demokratischen Prozessen, insbesondere an nationalen Wahlen. Der vorliegende Beitrag betrachtet diese Entwicklungen am Beispiel Kolumbiens und geht den Gründen für diese symbolische und praktische Inklusion der Emigranten nach. Dem vorangestellt sind einige theoretische Überlegungen zur Auswirkung internationaler Migration auf etablierte Konzepte staatlicher Zugehörigkeit und demokratischer Partizipation. Abschließend werden die geringe Wahlbeteiligung der kolumbianischen Migranten und mögliche Erklärungsansätze derselben diskutiert.

This paper deals with the problem of Romanian Jews’ emigration in Israel as revealed by a few of historical writings and in published documents. The Romanian Jews’ emigration in Israel was a continuous process, in spite of the communist regime established in Romania after the war, and it was one of the main priorities of Romanian-Israeli diplomatic relations. The research focused on the years 1945-1953.

This paper deals with the problem of the emigration of the Romanian Jews in Israel as revealed by a few historical writings and in published documents. The Romanian Jews' emigration in Israel was a continuous process in spite of the communist regime established in Romania after the war and it was one of the main priorities of Romanian-Israeli diplomatic relations. The research focused on the years 1948-1969. The relationship between Romania and Israel evolved in time, manifesting interest in economic life, cultural life, human rights field, migration, religion.

In German nationalistic historiography, the director of the largest German evangelical mission society, the Rhenish Mission in Wuppertal-Barmen, was called ‘father of the German colonial movement’. Starting point of his colonial propaganda was, on the one hand, his interest in securing political stability through colonial control in the south-west-African mission areas. On the other hand, he feared that the widening gap between rapid population growth and lacking employment opportunities might cause a social revolution in Germany. Against the background of the severe economic crisis since the early 1870s, this anxiety was widespread in imperial Germany. As a solution, Fabri suggested state 'emigration politics' steering emigration into a 'new Germany overseas' to be shaped by informal expansion in South America and colonial expansion in Africa. His expansionistic propaganda followed British examples (Wakefield, Torrens). He understood emigration as a ‚social safety valve’ against the danger of a social revolution and 'emigration politics' as a part of social policy. His expansionist theorems had no chance in German colonial expansion, although they were leading ideas within the German colonial movement in the early 1880s.

In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Germans abroad and foreigners in Germany have experienced the most various forms of emigration and immigration: the older German emigration to eastern and south-east Europe, especially to Russia and Austria-Hungary; the transatlantic mass emigration from nineteenth-century Germany; the mass movement of foreign migrant workers, especially from Congress Poland and Austrian Galicia, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; forced labor by foreign workers ('Fremdarbeiter') in Nazi Germany; emigration from Nazi Germany on political, ideological, and racial grounds; forced resettlement in German-occupied Europe during World War II; movements of millions of expellees and refugees at the end of the war and in its aftermath; the admission of foreigners seeking political asylum; finally, the enlistment of millions of 'guest workers,' beginning in the mid-1950s and increasing massively after the building of the Berlin Wall in 1961. Many of these foreigners on the labor market changed from highly mobile migrant workers into true immigrants, thus confronting Germany with challenges that recall of the experiences of nineteenth-century German immigrants abroad, nearly forgotten in German collective memory.

The Jews of Romania and Hungary who returned home from the Holocaust faced a series of difficulties amongst which we single out: to resume property of their houses and goods; a poor state of health after the deportation; the vast majority of them were in no shape to make a living. They oscillated between integration in the societies created by the communists, and immigration to Israel whenever the communist regimes from these two countries were more permissive. They were rather victims of the communist regimes, their expectations were not met in the communist states and the ones who managed to get out had lost all their assets, apartments, and jobs when they applied for emigration.

The present study presents a few from the most well known Jewish memoirs written by Jewish intellectuals, active in the life of Jewish Community from Romania during the Holocaust years and in its aftermath, after the setting of communism in Romania. The books come with a personal note, an inner vision about the condition of Jews in fascist and early years of communism, about the ideal of "liberty" in a world of storm, of military confrontation, racism and anti-Semmitism. From these memoirs, it emerges the particular spirit of Jewish Community with his fight for survival, between adaptation to the politics of spheres of influence and emigration.

The present paper brings new information about the situation of Jews of Romania in the time of Holocaust and its aftermath (the years of transition to communism and the first years after the setting of communism). It appears that the Jews from Transnistria were deprived by their fundamental rights under the leadership of Ion Antonescu and many of them were killed in their interraction with Romanian military forces. After the war, the surviving Jews have the right to adjust to the communist regime, and to integrate in the communist state, but they have to close their organizations and the ties with Israel were considered as dangerous, although they continued to dream and search ways for emigration.

Este trabajo, partiendo del marco brindado por los estudios sobre transnacionalismo y representación política, investiga dos de los mecanismos institucionales que 22 Estados de América Latina y el Caribe han diseñado para incorporar en su proceso político a sus emigrantes - la reserva de puestos en cámaras legislativas y los consejos consultivos. El análisis revela que únicamente la mitad de los Estados de la muestra cuentan con algún mecanismo de representación institucional de emigrantes., This paper, using the framework provided by studies on transnationalism and political representation, analyzes the institutional mechanisms that 22 states of Latin America and the Caribbean have designed to formally incorporate emigrants into their political process - reserved seats in their legislative chambers and advisory boards. This analysis reveals that almost half of the states included in the sample do have a mechanism of institutional representation for emigrants.

Nation-states are no longer contained by their borders. In times of mass migration and ever more dense transnational networks, states of all sizes and all migration profiles reach out to their emigrated citizens in wholly new ways. The variety of policies that target emigrants ("emigrant policies") is so vast that it seems to have become a new state function. For example, it is well known that states are expanding citizen participation beyond the nation's boundaries through voting rights and new modalities of representation and that they are opening channels for remittance transfer and offering specific investment opportunities to returning emigrants. However, other, less studied emigrant policies, comprise the symbolic incorporation of emigrants into the nation-state (e.g. through awards celebrating emigrants' achievements); social service provisions for non-residents (e.g. health and education); and the institutional inclusion of emigrants in consultative bodies, to name just a few. This book is the first to systematically take stock of the emigrant policies in place across 22 Latin American and Caribbean countries, as of 2015. By covering an entire geographical region and being based on rigorous data-collection, this will be a reference in a literature that has so far centered on a few specific cases. Also, our proposed definition of "emigrant policies" encompasses a wide range of policies that are aimed at emigrants beyond the "usual suspects" analyzed in the extant literature (electoral, citizenship, and economic policies), resulting in 112 different dimensions. This survey of such a broad sample of countries and policy dimensions will allow researchers to theorize and make comparisons on models of emigrant policy on a solid empirical and conceptual base.

One of the key manifestations of globalisation is an increase in the spatial mobility of population involving growing numbers of people into international migration processes. This article is an attempt to assess the density of migration connections between European states based on the 1990-2015 quantitative data. An analysis of migration flows and relevant net migration and net migration and migration localisation at the national and regional levels makes it possible to identify key trends in the spatial and temporal transformation of this phenomenon on the European continent. Calculations suggest that an increase in migration has not narrowed the gap between source and recipient countries but, on the contrary, it has made it more pronounced over the recent decades. The article presents an attempt at classifying European countries by the direction and intensity of migration connections and stresses the impact of international migration on the demographic and sociocultural situation in different European states.

"Transnationale Biographien eröffnen wichtige Perspektiven für eine zunehmend global orientierte Geschichtswissenschaft. Am Beispiel der transatlantischen Karrieren von Paul Lazarsfeld und anderen europäischen Emigranten in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika untersucht dieser Aufsatz, inwiefern der biographische Zugriff unser Verständnis für die Mikroebene transnationaler Transferprozesse schärfen kann. Transnationale Biographik hat zahlreiche Anknüpfungspunkte in der neueren Migrations- und Transferforschung sowie in der Globalgeschichte. Kosmopolite Lebensläufe fanden hier bisher vor allem als 'transgressive Biographien' oder als 'transnationale Mittler' Beachtung. Aufbauend auf den Ergebnissen des Forschungsprojekts Transatlantic Perspectives am Deutschen Historischen Institut in Washington wird die Bedeutung von 'transnationalen Mittlern' für drei zentrale Aspekte von Transfer- und Austauschprozessen herausgearbeitet: 1. die Bedeutung von Migranten für grenzüberschreitenden und reziproken Wissenstransfer, 2. die Bedeutung von Netzwerken für die Verstetigung und Nachhaltigkeit von Austauschprozessen, sowie 3. die Zentralität von aktiven Übersetzungsleistungen bei der Lokalisierung und Adaption von Wissen und Praktiken. Abschließend werden auch blinde Flecken eines solchen Zugangs zu transnationaler Geschichte kurz problematisiert." (Autorenreferat)

"Die 1850 in Krakau geborene Helena Modrzejewska gehört zu den Schauspielerinnen und Schauspielern der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts, denen es gelungen ist, international Karriere zu machen. Auf der Basis des Konzepts zur Transnationalen Migration von Nina Glick Schiller, Linda Basch und Cristina Blanc-Szanton wird in dem hier vorliegenden Artikel herausgearbeitet, wie die Schauspielerin gerade aufgrund ihrer Migration von Polen in die USA geographisch, sprachlich und kulturell getrennte Orte zu einer Handlungsarena verband, indem sie sich zwischen verschiedenen kulturellen, politischen und ökonomischen Systemen hin und her bewegte und so multiple und simultane Verbindungen über nationale Grenzen hinweg erschuf. Damit erwies sie sich nicht nur als binationaler Star, sondern auch als transnationale Akteurin." (Autorenreferat)