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Traditionally, factions and seniority determined who became President of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and, thus, Japan's Prime Minister. Since the electoral reform of 1994, however, some scholars have argued that the role of factions has declined, and this has led to ongoing debates over the extent to which factions and other factors have helped determine who will become the leader of Japan's LDP. Using data from the 2021 LDP Presidential election, we find that it is not policy but factional affiliations that matter for LDP members in selecting their leader. In addition to this finding, we disaggregate faction and show that the influence of this political institution in LDP Presidential elections varies across different factions. We also find that electorally weaker LDP incumbents are more likely to support a candidate who is more popular among Japanese voters in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, the Japanese Ministry of Agriculture has implemented various measures to ensure a stable food supply, considering food security a top priority due to the increasing uncertainty of the global economy. However, the ministry's food security policy has evolved substantially with a disproportionate focus on the domestic production of specific food products. This policy change occurred without being widely recognized by the public, media, or intellectuals. Why has the Agricultural Ministry's policy changed even though its goal has remained the same? By applying both qualitative and quantitative research methods, we investigated the context behind this obscure policy transition. Our findings reveal that, contrary to conventional understanding, this policy shift occurred not so much due to political pressure from the agricultural sector, but mainly because of a change in the definition of a key policy concept (i.e., the food self‐sufficiency rate) in the late 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The connection between politics and humor is longstanding and has evolved with the advent of the internet. This study examines posts on Guilherme Boulos' Instagram profile, a rising figure in the Brazilian left, from 2018 to 2023. The work is grounded in theoretical discussions on politics, humor, and the role of this resource in creating symbolic divisions among individuals and groups. Its primary aim is to comprehend the significance of humor in shaping Boulos' political identity. The corpus (n = 13,321) was subjected to descriptive analysis, complemented by qualitative observations. The posts were examined to differentiate between those that contained aspects of humor and those that did not. In the former, posts were classified based on their style. The study reveals that comedy is present in 17.7 % of the posts, employing an "aggressive" style that tackles various subjects, particularly former president Jair Bolsonaro. Furthermore, humorous communications have a higher level of dissemination and elicited responses. In Boulos' case, humor establishes the identity of a confrontational politician who opposes conservative policies and goals. This identity is characterized by an easygoing demeanor that resonates with the experiences of regular folks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The latest royal committee headed by Samir Al‐Rifai to modernize Jordan's political system is often portrayed as a significant step toward political reform. However, this narrative overestimates the committee's impact and overlooks historical limitations and institutional obstacles to reform in Jordan. This study highlights how political reform initiatives in Jordan can be manipulated to serve the regime's objectives rather than the people's will. Historically, despite public pressure for genuine political reform, the regime's responses have been minimal. Royal committees and initiatives have rarely produced tangible results, serving more to provide the regime with narratives of superficial reform than to achieve real change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

En este artículo se analizan las elecciones de los centros de estudiantes de las universidades nacionales argentinas desde el retorno constitucional de 1973 hasta su clausura con la dictadura perpetrada en 1976. Basada en una información comicial pormenorizada, la investigación se propone identificar durante un trienio participantes, ganadores y perdedores, dar cuenta de los contextos electorales y así descubrir tendencias generales. El análisis polemiza con quienes han publicitado una peronización como característica predominante del período.

This conceptual article explores the relationship between stakeholder theory and electoral processes, focusing on the contemporary challenges and ethical implications of applying this theory, rooted in accountability, to the political realm. Drawing on an extensive literature review to develop the theory within the political field and elections, the analysis uncovers the factors and multifaceted issues that shape stakeholder engagement in electoral contexts, and the pervasive influence of political money on the sway of tribal affiliations and identity politics—which can result in misaligned representation and unfair policy outcomes that may harm the long‐term interests of stakeholders themselves. This underscores the need for regulatory reforms to enhance transparency and accountability in elections, advocating for ethical governance to balance broader public interests against narrow stakeholder interests. Ultimately, the research provides insights into improving global electoral processes and governance, calling for policies supporting equitable, accountable, and sustainable governance practices. Related Articles: Adegboye, Alex, Kofo Adegboye, Uwalomwa Uwuigbe, Stephen, Ojeka, and Eyitemi Fasanu. 2023. "Taxation, Democracy, and Inequality in Sub‐Saharan Africa: Relevant Linkages for Sustainable Development Goals." Politics & Policy 51(4): 696–722. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547. Akwei, Cynthia. 2018. "Mitigating Election Violence and Intimidation: A Political Stakeholder Engagement Approach." Politics & Policy 46(3): 472–504. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12256. Sohn, Hyodong. 2023. "Policy Agenda Trade‐offs for Sustainability: The Compositional Change of Attention about Energy in Legislative Hearings." Politics & Policy 51(6): 973–1007. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12563. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Cuadernos.info is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Facultad de Comunicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Esta investigación se propuso revisar la evolución de la dinámica de interacción y circulación de contenidos derivados del hashtag electoral #ColombiaDecide en Twitter (ahora X), cuya iniciativa original fue impulsada por el espacio informativo Noticias Caracol. Desde un enfoque cuantitativo se analizó el corpus de más de 60 000 mensajes derivados del hashtag #ColombiaDecide en el año 2022 y se aplicó una metodología de análisis de contenido comparada con lo ocurrido en el año 2015, según una investigación que habría revisado en sus inicios a usuarios líderes, partiendo del rt como unidad de análisis. Desde una mirada cualitativa también se revisaron los mensajes de la etiqueta que en el año 2022 alcanzaron más viralidad. Los resultados permiten reconocer que la estrategia informativa del hashtag #ColombiaDecide ha sufrido una transformación en las voces que la ocupan, aunque los medios de comunicación siguen manteniendo una participación activa en el período analizado. Los cambios demuestran que actores y activistas políticos han logrado entrenarse para incidir en X y han ido desapareciendo usuarios líderes calificados como ‘ciudadanos’. En el contexto electoral 2022 se destaca que la tendencia ideológica de izquierda logra en Colombia un espacio de activismo en la plataforma X con una viralidad generada desde la emocionalidad, centrada discursivamente en el cambio.

El pasado junio tuvieron lugar las elecciones europeas. Estas movilizan a más de 400 millones de electores, en 27 países y con sistemas electorales diferentes, para elegir al Parlamento transnacional más grande del mundo. El resultado: auge de los partidos populistas de derecha radical con su mejor resultado histórico y pérdida de peso relativo de las principales formaciones europeístas que se han repartido el poder institucional comunitario en los últimos 40 años dibuja un escenario de incertidumbre y con muchos retos para el próximo quinquenio. Este artículo profundiza primero en el contexto en el que se han producido estas elecciones, analizando en retrospectiva la labor de la primera Comisión von der Leyen. Posteriormente se analizan tanto los resultados europeos en su conjunto como para España, mirando a 2024 pero también a 2019. Finalmente se aportan, a modo de conclusiones, los retos de futuro que puede afrontar la Unión.

El artículo aborda la propuesta y final aprobación del voto directo en México durante el gobierno de Francisco I. Madero como parte de un debate político que encontró en la prensa nacional el medio idóneo para expresarse e influir en la opinión pública. El análisis de este debate, a través de algunos periódicos de la prensa nacional, tiene como objetivo situar a éste en el contexto político en el que se presentó, sus antecedentes, los actores políticos que participaron y el papel que desempeñó la prensa como instrumento de difusión de esta discusión y formador de opinión pública, pero también como actor e instrumento de la lucha política en torno al voto directo.

La Organización Independiente Totonaca (OIT) se creó, principalmente, por la falta de reconocimiento del derecho político-electoral de la población indígena. El objetivo del artículo es comprender el proceso de reconocimiento de la OIT como plataforma política para participar en las elecciones municipales de Huehuetla, Puebla, en 1989, con la finalidad de identificar las implicaciones político-electorales en la actualidad. Se utilizó la metodología cualitativa, desde la línea sociojurídica y el método histórico, y como técnica la entrevista no estructurada dirigida a miembros de la Organización. La unión con el Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD) fue fundamental para colocar a la OIT como plataforma política y social en las elecciones municipales de Huehuetla, pese a la intimidación por parte de los caciques locales.

This article analyzes the case of an electoral autocracy, that of Venezuela, which is moving between seeking formal legitimacy through the re-election of its leader and greater autocratization in the face of the risk of losing power as a consequence of losing electoral competitiveness. In this situation, when leaders lose much of their popularity, the question of the availability of economic resources to maintain the electoral machinery and feed patronage networks becomes more important. When the above fails, as it did in Venezuela in 2023, the government becomes much more dependent on repression and its progressive autocratization in order to survive. This opens up a not very encouraging dynamic for the maintenance of Chavismo in power in the medium term, especially when there are upcoming critical elections, such as the presidential elections to be held in Venezuela in 2024, although in the short term the outcome will largely depend on how Chavismo and the opposition play their cards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the transition to democracy, Panama has been characterized by its political and economic stability, which was based on a "transistist" consensus. We propose that this economic and political model is a Panamanian translation of what academia has called rentism in other countries. In 2023, however, it showed signs of a possible cracking of this solidity: on the one hand, the pre-electoral year showed strong signs of disarticulation of the party system as it was known; on the other hand, the most massive social protests of the democratic era took place. Indeed, with climate change and mining opportunities, some economic elites seem to be looking for alternatives to the historical economic model. This generates strong social tensions and could render inoperative the existing party system in the country, which existed precisely around this consensus on transitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Guatemala's 2023 was defined by the year's most stunning and tumultuous election in all Latin America. After his shocking second-place finish in the first round, little-known anti-corruption candidate Bernardo Arévalo of the young Movimiento Semilla party won the presidency. Following years of increasing democratic decline and a vicious lawfare campaign against regime opponents, the 2023 election, which was meant to further bolster authoritarianism, became a democratic breakthrough. This article takes stock of the 2023 electoral cycle, analyzing the social, political, and international factors favorable for authoritarian consolidation alongside the surprising dynamics of democratic resilience. Guatemala's recent anti-democratic slide was spurred not by executive aggrandizement but by prosecutorial and judicial entities on a political mission and intent on using legal instruments to criminalize dissent. However, through a combination of divisions in the ruling coalition, momentum from prior anti-corruption mobilization, and robust international backing, actors from below, namely indigenous communities and the broad-based opposition movement cultivated by Semilla, saved Guatemalan democracy. In so doing, they carved a path toward political renewal that few could have imagined a year earlier, though its promises remain fragile and uncertain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the irruption of Morena Party in the electoral scenario of 2018, a rise of the left is observed. The purpose of this research is to show the possible scenarios and movements of the political forces of the left and right in the next general elections of 2024 in Mexico, starting from the ideological analysis offered by the Spatial Theory of Vote, which measures electoral preferences based on the location of voters and parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-truth has become a widespread but malevolent force throughout Latin America. While it has received attention from sociologists and philosophers, its spatial dimensions have been overlooked. This essay first outlines the fundamentals of post-truth. Second, it ties post-truth to neoliberalism. Third, it sketches the social bases of post-truth in Latin America, including the corporatization of media and the explosion of social media. It links post-truth to the hegemony of neoliberalism in the region. Then it offers a series of vignettes designed to illustrate that post-truth takes varying forms in different national contexts, including Donald Trump's border wall, Jair Bolsonaro's Brazil, Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro, and several other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Objective/context: The system of presidential primaries was introduced into the Bolivian system in 2018 and was applied only once in 2019. This article aims to analyze the causes, characteristics, and effects of the compulsory and simultaneous primary system in Bolivia. Methodology: The characteristics of the party system, the method of selecting presidential candidates from 1982 to the present, the existing dynamics in the Legislature, the results of the 2019 primary elections, the current context, and regulations with a view to the 2025 general elections will be analyzed. Conclusions: This study shows that the presidential primaries were not on the agenda of the parties and were used by the ruling party to legitimize its presidential ticket. Therefore, using its legislative supermajority and control of other state organs, the primaries are introduced under the exclusive control of the leadership, which vertically decides whether they will be competitive or not. Originality: The detail and characteristics of this study offer a high degree of novelty and propose new elements for comparison and academic debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

En el año 2023, frente a la mirada escéptica de una porción del arco político, Javier Milei se consagró presidente de Argentina. El flamante presidente inició su carrera mediática hacia el año 2016 con su participación en el programa Animales sueltos en el que su presencia histriónica causó gran protagonismo y lo convirtió en un fenómeno televisivo que se trasladó a las redes sociales. Su crítica a la casta política, observada como la responsable de la situación de crisis del país, fue ganando cada vez mayor cantidad de seguidores. Milei utilizó esta crítica a la casta para presentarse a sí mismo como outsider y realizar un llamado a los argentinos de bien para que lo acompañaran en la modificación del rumbo nacional. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la narrativa electoral de Javier Milei en los spots oficiales, enfocándonos en la forma en que se presentó a sí mismo, construyó su adversario y lo denominó «casta» y le habló a un tipo de ciudadano conformado por los «argentinos de bien». La intención es profundizar, a partir de los mensajes electorales desplegados, las características que se confiere a sí mismo, los significados que le otorga a la casta y la forma en la que modela a su ciudadano ideal. La metodología de análisis será cualitativa y descriptiva y consistirá en el análisis de contenido de sus spots electorales entre agosto y noviembre de 2023.

Con la creación de ayuntamientos gaditanos en su segunda etapa, 1820-1821, inició otra etapa en el gobierno local. En pueblos que tuvieron la anterior categoría de repúblicas de indios, el proceso produjo que personas no indígenas ingresaran al cuerpo. Al formarse y suprimirse la institución municipal se afectó a uno de esa condición –Tarímbaro–; se describen las dinámicas entre los diversos sectores raciales, a partir de las formas de elegir a sus miembros. Se consultó documentación ubicada en repositorios y archivos lo que permitió identificar nexos entre sectores indígenas y no indígenas que compartieron el gobierno local, de forma que los naturales no fueron desplazados con la creación de las instituciones; además, se crearon grupos comunes y se enfrentaron a otros de la misma composición, y se comprendieron dinámicas y relaciones heterogéneas entre los sectores raciales.

Isabel Serrano-Maillo & Loreto Corredoira (Eds.) Editorial Dykinson Madrid, 2024 362 pp. ISBN: 978-84-117-0948-4

En este artículo se establecen los factores que influyen en los distintos niveles de involucramiento de la ciudadanía en las elecciones municipales en Uruguay a partir de 2010. Diversos estudios muestran que la concurrencia a votar en las elecciones locales es inferior a las nacionales, pero que la participación aumenta a medida que disminuye el tamaño del municipio. Sin embargo, en Uruguay la concurrencia a votar es muy alta en todas las elecciones porque el voto es obligatorio. Por esa razón, utilizamos una forma original para medir el involucramiento de la ciudadanía en las elecciones subnacionales mediante la cuantificación del “voto en blanco parcial” o la abstención de nivel, que captura el porcentaje de quienes asisten a votar, pero se abstienen en alguno de los niveles (departamental o municipal). Verificamos que la relación inversa entre tamaño del municipio y participación electoral también se cumple aun cuando el voto obligatorio no la muestra en la concurrencia a votar, pues en muchas municipalidades pequeñas los votos por las autoridades locales superan los obtenidos por las departamentales, con lo cual se invierte la relación del modelo de elecciones de segundo nivel. Nuestros hallazgos permiten observar diferentes niveles de involucramiento de la ciudadanía, más allá de la mera concurrencia a votar, la única variable analizada hasta ahora por la comunidad académica.

Los organismos electorales (OE) han sido piedra angular en la democratización de los estados, sin embargo, el presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) ha propuesto recientemente eliminarlos, pues considera que no son eficientes tanto funcional como presupuestalmente. Es por ello que en este trabajo comparamos los gastos a partidos locales y los relativos a organismos públicos locales electorales (OPLE), a través de la revisión de documentos oficiales para contrastar las erogaciones de unos y otros. Como resultado se observa una predilección por los gastos a partidos locales y una protección constitucional a su presupuesto, lo cual no se presenta en el caso de los OPLE.

Este trabajo analiza las consecuencias en la rendición de cuentas electoral cuando existen escándalos de corrupción cometidos por miembros del gobierno, en particular, por integrantes del Poder Ejecutivo (presidente y círculo cercano), un año antes de las elecciones presidenciales en 18 países de América Latina. El argumento principal señala que las probabilidades de sanción aumentan en la medida que incrementa la diferencia ideológica entre el partido gobernante y el principal opositor. Los resultados confirman en gran medida lo anterior. La diferencia ideológica es la variable que permite hacer una conexión entre el voto de castigo y la presencia de escándalos cometidos por integrantes del gobierno. Si esta variable no se toma en cuenta, no se encuentra ningún efecto.

Prior to the 2020 election President Trump suggested the election should be postponed "until the country can make sure that only eligible American citizens can vote." With the COVID‐19 pandemic leading many states to take steps that made it easier for citizens to vote safely, the president and his allies made numerous false claims about voter fraud; others argued that voter fraud is not common and is unlikely to appreciably increase with greater reliance on mail balloting. We rely on a national Internet‐based survey experiment conducted prior to the 2020 election to assess the effectiveness of both messages on citizens' support for a hypothetical proposal to postpone the presidential election. The results suggest that respondents were more likely to support postponement if they received a fake news message that fraud is common. The results also suggest that these effects are conditional; both political party and knowledge moderate the relationship. Related Articles: Aguado, N. Alexander. 2022. "When Charismatic Leadership Trumps Social Networking: Searching for the Effects of Social Media on Beliefs of Electoral Legitimacy." Politics & Policy 50(5): 942–51. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12494. Fisher, Patrick. 2020. "Generational Replacement and the Impending Transformation of the American Electorate." Politics & Policy 48(1): 38–68. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12340. Stockemer, Daniel. 2013. "Corruption and Turnout in Presidential Elections: A Macro‐Level Quantitative Analysis." Politics & Policy 41(2): 189–212. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Bolivia, expectations for a decolonised society turned into a political crisis in the autumn of 2019. Discussing the limitations of progressive politics in cultivating democracy, this article identifies three narratives of authoritarianism – liberal democratic, developmentalist and colonial – which the opponents of Evo Morales use to frame their disillusionment with his rule. It argues that these multiple narratives lend meaning to contradictory experiences in a context in which hopes for a major decolonising state-transformation process have devolved into a deep polarisation of Bolivian society. The events in Bolivia are discussed in the context of rising authoritarianism throughout Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the present study was to evaluate the relationship between social determinants and voting behavior at the municipal level in the federal elections in Mexico in 2009, 2012, 2015 and 2018. Open data was accessed and linear interpolation was used to obtain a total of 13 social determinants. Using linear regressions with mixed effects and the recursive feature elimination technique with the random forest algorithm, the relationships between the proportion of the general vote, by age and sex groups, and social determinants were explored. Among the main results, the negative and significant associations between voting behavior and the homicide rate and the social backwardness index stand out. The population with the highest electoral participation were women aged 30 and over with 52.69 %, 70.44 %, 60.59 % and 73.41 % in the 2009, 2012, 2015 and 2018 elections, respectively. The random forest algorithm found that the years of the election, Seguro Popular coverage and education were the most important variables to predict the proportion of the vote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The presidential elections in Colombia were marked by the use of TikTok as an electoral campaign strategy. The aim of this article is to analyze the use of this social network in the candidacies of Gustavo Petro and Rodolfo Hernández. Methodology: A qualitative approach is used, taking as working corpus two hundred contents made on TikTok by the two candidates from the official announcement of their candidacies until the end of the second round of elections. The information was organized with content analysis matrices and data processing in Python, from three conceptual categories in electoral campaigns: a. Intentions: creation of communicative pieces by the candidates based on the production possibilities of TikTok and hashtags; b. Strategies: political emotions and narratives of the candidates; c. Intentions: political emotions and narratives of the candidates; d. Intentions: political emotions and narratives of the candidates; e. Intentions: political emotions and narratives of the candidates. Strategies: political emotions and prototypical narratives that standardize the performance of campaigns, from the speeches issued in the social network; and c. Tools: users' interest in the electoral contest, taking as a reference Google trends reports and levels of engagement with the content. Results and Discussion: a. The personalization of the political leader predominates from an emotional and short story that does not exceed one minute of exposure and oriented to show himself close to the forms of multimedia interaction of TikTok; b. The narrative roles are focused in both cases with political emotions oriented to change and in which they are self-represented as heroes with the mission of bringing hope to their voters in the face of crisis and uncertainty scenarios; c. The accounts of the candidates surpass in popularity and interest the news related to spaces for debate of proposals and government plans. Although both campaigns had slight decreases in content production for the second round, Petro maintained a growth curve and level of engagement with users, while Hernandez reduced his interaction and impact. Conclusions: The article contributes to the literature on political campaigns with the arrival of TikTok and the increase in the use of social networks and digital platforms as marketing strategies in future electoral scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1991 Constitution of Colombia, many elements of the electoral dynamics have been changing in this country. One of them, perhaps the most important one, is the significance that electoral alliances have taken for local and regional elections. With an analysis of the 2015 and 2019 elections, this article describes how inter-party alliances are formed in these two cases. For this purpose, a network analysis is used to establish which alliances have taken place, the number of them, the stakeholders involved, among other elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of electoral disputes and the transformation of power structures has been notably lacking in the historiography of republican universities during the first half of the 19th century. This article delves into the experiences of faculty members elected through the vote, which played a significant role in reshaping leadership and expanding intellectual culture at Universidad del Magdalena e Istmo between 1827 and 1840. During this period, somewhat uniquely, enlightened republicans established universities at the departmental (provincial) level in what is now the Republic of Colombia. However, there has been limited examination of the trajectories and selection processes of the educated elite from the standpoint of intellectual history. This article argues that the use of the electoral mechanism, in addition to determining representativeness and the rise of representative government in universities, was a pivotal factor in the affirmation of an education and a secular power. This, on one hand, eroded the clerical influence in higher education and, on the other, displaced ecclesiastics from positions of authority. The advent of the university within the framework of representative democracy also led to the emergence of other types of intellectuals, linked to humanistic knowledge, medicine, and even military education in the navy. Methodologically, the goal is to explore the political journeys of these intellectuals who managed to enter the university in the context of electoral disputes that reshaped academic leadership roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A presidential election process can generate rational expectations of a risk premium among investors, with a speculative bias due to political uncertainty, giving rise to explosive behavior in stock prices. The scope of the discussion in this study is centered on the identification and dating of rational bubbles, without identifying explicit causes of explosive behavior. Stock prices were used at 5-minute intraday intervals throughout the 2022 Brazilian electoral process: from the 5th business day after the start of electoral propaganda (August 23, 2022) to the 15th business day after the second round (November 18, 2022), totaling 60 trading sessions. The Generalized Supremum Augmented Dickey-Fuller test was applied in a panel configuration (GSADF Panel), with each B3 sector being a data panel. The aim was to answer the following question: were there any rational bubbles on B3 during the 2022 Brazilian elections? Using the Pinel GSADF test methodology, it was possible to detect multiple bubble episodes in the Oil, Gas and Biofuel (2 episodes), Health (2 episodes) and Information Technology (5 episodes) sectors. The studies and results presented in this paper can be useful for theoretical and empirical researchers, economic authorities and private sector agents in order to learn about mechanisms for identifying bubbles in financial markets and measuring their extent. The purpose of this study was not to conduct a historical political review of Brazil, nor to analyze the sectors of B3. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polls in the first round of Brazil's 2022 presidential election diverged from the official results, leading to criticisms that they made mistakes. This paper examines an alternative explanation: that actual changes in vote intentions occurred between the polls and election day. Although unpopular, this explanation finds theoretical support in the scholarship based on two main processes: strategic voting and delayed decision-making. Using an experiment conducted a week before the election, we show how undecided voters and voters for less competitive candidacies displayed high propensity to change their minds after watching campaign videos. We also use data from one of the last polls conducted before the election to develop models that identify voters most prone to late swings in vote choice and reallocate such votes to adjust vote estimates. The results suggest that late swings in vote intentions can be a more than plausible phenomenon in recent Brazilian elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "AGENDA, FRAMING, AND EDITORIAL BIAS IN STATE TELEVISION NEWS IN SPAIN: Results of the regional and municipal elections on May 28, 2023, compared to the announcement of early general elections" analyzes the differences in Spanish state television news regarding two relevant news events: the regional and municipal elections on May 28, 2023, and the announcement of early general elections. The study concludes that there are significant differences between television channels and that each channel's editorial guidelines determine their informative approach. Antena 3 and Telecinco have a conservative stance, while TVE and La Sexta have a progressive stance. [Extracted from the article]

This article looks at the consequences of violence and insecurity on democracy through an analysis of electoral participation in presidential elections in Mexico. The aim is to discover whether violence and insecurity influence whether citizens vote or abstain. Several hypotheses are put forward stating that both objective and subjective indicators of security affect intention to vote. In order to test them, a quantitative methodology and the 2019 Americas Barometer are used. After empirically testing the hypotheses, it is found that the objective indicator, occurrence of homicides in the neighbourhood, does influence the decision to vote or to abstain in future presidential elections. This shows that voting on security issues is sociotropic in nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]