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Copyright of Necmettin Erbakan University School of Law Review is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University School of Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, Bertrand de Jouvenel's political theory has been focused upon. Firstly, Jouvenellian concepts that constitute a basis for his theory, liberty, authority, sovereignty, and central power (Power), have been investigated. It was seen that the concept "authority" is the basis of the Jouvenellian model of society. Every society has different power centers based on their respective authorities on individual groups and a central authority: Power. Power naturally wants to expand and clashes with lesser powers, creating constant conflict. The reasons why and with which method Power grows, according to the Jouvenellian paradigm, have been investigated. This study constitutes a detailed analysis of Jouvenel's work and supplements it with recent literature on Jouvenel. The study aims to provide a basis for further studies on Jouvenel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study researches the relationship between the political culture and the political regime in Türkiye. In this context, the characteristics of the political culture in Türkiye and its transformation, the lines of continuity and change there, and the relationship between these lines and the political regime are researched. It is argued that the political regime defining the relationships of sovereignty is decisive in the characteristics of the political culture and its continuity and change in Türkiye. It is put forward that the lines of change become more evident in the characteristics of the political culture, depending on the transformation in the political regime. In this context, it is argued that, until the 2010s, the political culture in Türkiye has been characterized by the parliamentary regime and bureaucracy. As of the end of 2010s, it has a characteristic in the context of the presidential regime and social groups. In this characteristic, it is revealed that the political competition environment, which is not sufficiently balanced institutionally, reinforces the understanding of leader-centered politics in the Turkish political culture and also produces a phenomenon of “political community” in terms of representation processes between society and politics in the Turkish political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Law & Justice Review is the property of Justice Academy of Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Süleyman Demirel Law Review / Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Suleyman Demirel Universitesi Hukuk Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pamukkale Journal of Eurasian Socioeconomic Studies (PJESS) is the property of Pamukkale Journal of Eurasian Socioeconomic Studies (PJESS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Every nation wants to pass on the events it has experienced during its historical process to future generations so that they can learn from them. This is closely related to the idea of securing the future of nations. By doing so, the new generations can have an idea about what to do when they face similar events in the future. As a result of this idea, the founders of the Republic of Turkey, who realized the struggle for existence against imperialism by waging a sacred war, wanted all the people and future generations to know how the National Struggle was won and how the Republic was founded, and to take ownership accordingly. This article discusses the formation process of Turkish Independence and the Republic, and explains under what conditions and at what cost the Turkish Independence was achieved. While examining the transformation Turkey has gone through over 100 years and the establishment of the republic based on national sovereignty, it will be revealed how this process has evolved and the important steps that the Turkish people have taken in their struggle for independence.

Egemenlik olgusu ontolojik ve siyasi olmak kaydıyla temelde iki unsur olarak ele alınmaktadır. Bunlardan ontolojik egemenliğin sahibi Allah, siyasi egemenliğin sahibi ise insandır. Allah’ın insanı “halife” kılmasının bu bağlamda anlaşılması gerekmektedir. Emanetin emini olan insanın en önemli rolü, yeryüzünü imar ederek düzenli ve güvenli bir toplumsal yapının ortaya çıkmasını sağlamaktır. İnsanın söz konusu işlevleri yerine getirmesi, ancak adaletin tesis edilmesiyle mümkündür. Adaletin gerçekleşmesinin birinci koşulu ise “hukukun üstünlüğü” ilkesinin her koşulda sağlanmasıdır. Geçmişte olduğu gibi günümüzde de insanların en çok ihtiyaç duyduğu şey adalettir. Buna uygun olarak Kur’an’ın, toplum anlayışının özünde adaleti temin edecek ve bütün insanların haklarını koruyacak, hukukun üstünlüğüne bağlı bir yönetimin kurulması hedefi bulunmaktadır. İnsana düşen bunu gerçekleştirmek üzere gerekli çabayı ortaya koymasıdır. Biz bu makalede hukuk-adalet ilişkisini ve İslam Dini’nin bu konuda nasıl bir duruş sergilediğini ortaya koymayı hedefledik. Çalışmamızda kavram analizi, tarihsel ve olgusal gerçeklik öne çıkarmaya çalıştığımız unsurlar oldu. Yöntem olarak nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden doküman analizini tercih ettik. Araştırmanın sonucunda adaletin tesisinde hukukun üstünlüğü ilkesine göre hareket etmenin İslam’ın açık emri olduğuna ulaştık.

The Westphalian system refers to the shifting of the supreme political authority from medieval practices to modern sovereign states and related concepts such as sovereignty, non-intervention, and international law. While the system has shaped the Western political environment since 1648, it has in fact not been validated for the rest of the world. In this paper, the idea that the Westphalian system has not opened a new avenue in the discipline of International Relations is exemplified by the case of the British occupation of the Mosul Vilayet. Contrary to the terms of the Mudros Armistice and Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points, the British illegally occupied Mosul. The occupation was a clear violation of the Westphalian principles and thus the British mandate regime encountered resistance from both the Ottoman Empire and further the Republic of Türkiye. Despite all resistance, Mosul was ceded to the Iraqi government under the British mandate after the war.

Copyright of Journal of Peace Research & Conflict Resolution / Baris Arastirmalari ve Çatisma Çözümleri Dergisi is the property of Yalova University, Research Center for International Conflict Resolution and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Süleyman Demirel Law Review / Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Suleyman Demirel Universitesi Hukuk Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Emerging Economies & Policy is the property of JOEEP: Journal of Emerging Economies & Policy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Borders have been embraced as a clear and unquestionable fact from the perspective of nation-states, which are the fundamental components of the modern international system that emerged with the Peace of Westphalia (1648). From the state's perspective, borders shaped based on territoriality along with the advent of the modern state are among the leading causes of war in international relations as areas of uncertainty, risk, and opportunity. When the states make their shared goals and problems in different periods be somehow linked to territoriality and/or borders, these problems make the states more prone to war. The findings from empirical research on this issue prove that particularly territorial contiguity (borders) is an essential factor at every stage of the use of force between states. One of the aims of this study is to reveal the relation between the concepts of "border" and "territoriality" with the modern state phenomenon. The second aim of the study is to shed light on the relationship between wars between states and the phenomena of "border" and "territoriality". For these purposes, first of all, in this study, addressing the phenomenon of territoriality and border in international politics from a historical and sociological perspective, this study examines the emergence of the phenomenon of the nation-state in the international system and the importance and relationship of the concept of "sovereignty," "territoriality," and "border" in the determination of the internal and external topology of the state; and accordingly, the relationality between the phenomena of territoriality and borders will be analyzed as the leading cause of inter-state wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of sovereignty is essentially discussed from two perspectives as the ontological and the political view. Allah is the authority of the ontological sovereignty and man is the subject of political sovereignty. In this manner, it is understood that Allah declared man as "his caliph". The most important task of man who is the reliable protector of fiduciary given by Allah is to ensure the emergence of an orderly and secure social structure by rebuilding the earth. The fulfillment of these tasks is possible only if the establishment of justice is fulfilled. The first condition for fulfilling the realization of justice is to guarantee the principle of the "superiority of law" in all circumstances. Justice is what people need most today as much as in the past. Accordingly, The Quran seeks to establish a government based on the rule of law that ensures justice and protects the rights of all subjects. It is man's duty to make the necessary affairs to carry out this task. This article aims to show the relationship between law and justice and the attitude of Islam in this sense. Also in the article, the conceptual analysis based on historical and factual reality was emphasized and the document analysis system, that is one of the qualitative research methods, was applied. As a result of this research, it was concluded that acting according to the rule of law in establishing justice is a fundamental order of Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Islamic Research / İslâmi Araştırmalar Dergisi is the property of Turkey Economical & Cultural Solidarity (TEK-DAV) Foundation and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Academic Journal of Philosophy / Felsefi Düşün is the property of Pinhan Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Egemenlik kavramı, ortaya çıktığı tarihten günümüze kadar devlete ilişkin en önemli konularından biri olarak siyaset biliminde ve kamu hukukunda merkezî bir yer işgal etmiştir. Devletin kurucu unsurlarından biri olan egemenlik, modern devlet ile birlikte Avrupa’da ortaya çıkmıştır. Önce mutlak monarşiler biçiminde fiilen beliren egemenliğin bir kavram haline dönüşmesinde Machiavelli, Bodin, Hobbes ve Rousseau gibi önemli siyaset düşünürlerinin etkisi büyüktür. Egemenlik ortaya çıktığı tarihten günümüze kadar aynı kalmamış, tarihsel süreçte yaşanan gelişmeler kavramın dönüşmesine neden olmuştur. Başlangıçta kaynağının Tanrı’da olduğu düşünülen egemenlik, aşkın bir kavram olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Zaman içinde tanrısal bağlarından kopmuştur. Önce laik bir nitelik kazanan kavram ardından demokratik bir kimliğe bürünmüştür. Çalışmada egemenlik kavramının farklı boyutları ve tarihi süreç içerisinde değişen anlamı, siyasi düşünürlerin görüşleri etrafında incelenmiştir. Kavramın aşkın ve metafizik niteliğinin halen devam ettiği sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.

Realism, one of the International Relations theories based on the sovereign state, emphasizes that states should attain power to ensure their survival and safeguard their security. The events like the World War II and Cold War coupled with the scientific and technological advances that changed the international system made nuclear power one of the types of power that states became keenly interested in. These changes also affected international law since states formed institutions and concluded treaties for the restriction of nuclear weapons. The International Atomic Energy Agency and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty are examples of this. However, in this endeavour, interests of the dominant states were given priority rather than the realization of nuclear disarmament and the prohibition of nuclear weapons. Regions where conflicts are severe and states are unable to resolve their existing problems can become the scenes of power struggles and fierce competition for regional domination. In this direction, states attempt to acquire nuclear weapons in order to increase their own security and establish regional superiority. The fact that Iran and Israel, located in the Middle East, are in nuclear competition as two sovereign states is an example of this attempt. In this context, the main purpose of this study is to demonstrate that the dominant actors of the international system, especially the United States of America, do not approach Iran and Israel equally and that the rules of the international law are applied to them differently. Thus, the reflection of the concepts of sovereignty and nation-state in the Middle East as a fragile region and how natural law remains in the background while decisions of international law are taken and implemented are investigated in this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hacettepe Law Review is the property of Hacettepe Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Inonu University Law Review / İnönü Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Inonu University Law Review (IULR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Inonu University Law Review / İnönü Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Inonu University Law Review (IULR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Faculty of Letters / Edebiyat Fakultesi Dergisi is the property of Hacettepe University Faculty of Letters and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Amme Idaresi Dergisi is the property of Public Administration Institute for Turkey & the Middle East (TODAIE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Selcuk Law Review / Selçuk Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Selcuk Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Galatasaray Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of GALATASARAY UNIVERSITESI HUKUK FAKULTESI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Selçuk University Journal of Faculty of Letters is the property of Selcuk Universitesi Edebiyat Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Black Sea / Karadeniz is the property of Black Sea / Karadeniz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Crypto currencies, electronic currencies and block chain financial technologies (Fintech), have been debated issues whereby national governments are trying to put certain regulation upon them, especially citing security concerns. Crypto currencies can be used for money laundering, untraceable transactions of criminal and terrorist organizations and thus constitute genuine security risks. To many evangelists of these new technologies, governmental desires to impose regulations is viewed negatively. However, although usage of these technologies will likely continue to expand in the global economy, there is a desire to put them under regulation by most of the major nation states. It is necessary to understand the essence of currency as a tool of national sovereignty long before the age of the Westphalian concept of the modern state system. The desire to regulate Fintech derives from a concept of sovereign power that goes back to biblical times and far beyond the Westphalian notion of the sovereign and independent modern nation state. That notion of sovereignty rests on the power to mint money. Furthermore, the concept of such a sovereign power is observed in Ancient Rome, Medieval Europe as well as the early Islamic understanding of sovereign power. Thus it is essential to understand globally how the symbol of money has been a sovereignty symbol before starting any discussions on national or international levels of regulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conservative Thought / Muhafazakar Düşünce is the property of Muhafazakar Dusunce Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Hacettepe Law Review is the property of Hacettepe Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Istanbul Law Review / İstanbul Hukuk Mecmuası is the property of Istanbul Law Review / Istanbul Hukuk Mecmuasi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Srebrenica massacre happened in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1992 and 1995 followed by the Dayton Treaty, and this study tries to analyze the treaty in the concept of sovereignty. It also evaluates the views and conversations of Bosnian leader Aliya Izetbegovic before and after the war, who signed the treaty and lead during the war. It tries to find an answer to the question of whether the treaty had a positive or negative outcome for the sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a nation-state. This study focuses on the Srebrenica massacre, its importance and the developments that occurred after. The literature related to this subject is transferred over the concepts of power and sovereignty, which are indispensable for being a sovereign state and have rich definitions in the field of social sciences. The study discusses the post- Balkanization of erstwhile Yugoslavia and whether the Dayton Treaty aided the stability of the region which was divided into smaller nation-states. It reflects on the unique troika-member presidential system and how it has led to the cementation of specific ethnic and religious groupings due to the implementation of the treaty. The study also gives a demographic character of Bosnia-Herzegovina and the war that resulted in a genocide of at least 8000 Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of this study is the problem of the continuity of sovereignty and the development of the state legal entity in connection with this in the Ottoman Early Modern Age. The study is based on the hypothesis that there is a relationship between ensuring the continuity of sovereignty and the development of the state legal entity, and this continuity lays the groundwork for the development of the state legal entity. In the study, first of all, who was the sovereign in the Ottoman Empire was discussed. Accordingly, it has been revealed that the sovereignty, which was once embodied in the dynasty, was gathered in the person of the sultan in the Early Modern Period. Then, the names given by the Ottomans to themselves were analyzed in order to show the development course of the state legal entity. Thus, clues about the emergence of the state legal entity are shown. By referring to the historical developments experienced in this process, the main factors influencing the emergence and development of the state legal entity are discussed. Finally, the question of the continuity of sovereignty is discussed around the example of who will replace a sultan when he dies and where he will conquer the throne. At the end of the study, it was concluded that in the Ottoman Early Modern Period, firstly, the understanding of absolute sultanate and independent from the dynasty and then an independent and separate state understanding from the sultan developed and therefore, it was concluded that the problem of continuity has been overcome to a certain extent and that a state legal entity has started to form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Türkiye Adalet Akademisi Dergisi is the property of Justice Academy of Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mülkiye Dergisi is the property of Mulkiye Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, the duality of "sovereignty and humanitarian intervention" will be put on the table by adopting the concepts of Critical Legal Studies - especially those introduced by Martti Koskenniemi. It is seen that states can emphasize both the rights of sovereignty and humanitarian intervention in the circumstances necessitated by their national interests. Between these two concepts, there is a paralysis caused by pushing and pulling. This paralysis deepens the dilemma in a system where the notion of sovereignty is principal and makes it impossible to choose a side between these two concepts. The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine was put forward to solve the dilemma in question by coding humanitarian intervention as the result of sovereignty. However, the doctrine cannot escape from being an "apology" for state behaviour. As a result, international law, which is extremely flexible due to its structure, stands with the powerful side in the situation of inequality between the parties. Therefore, reintegration of the principle of "justice" into the system can be a way to solve this dilemma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bu çalışmada, Osmanlının son döneminde yüksek memuriyetlerde bulunmuş, dönemin en güçlü partisi olan İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyetinin genel başkanlığını yapmış, sadrazamlık görevinde bulunmuş, İslamcı bir düşünür olan Said Halim Paşa’nın egemenlik anlayışı ve geliştirdiği hükümet sistemi incelenmiştir. İslamcı düşünce yapısına uygun olarak, kanun yapma yetkisiyle donatılmış organ olan teşri merci (yasama kurulu) hariç, devletin etkili makamlarının seçimle işbaşına gelmesini önermiştir. Bu çerçevede, devlet başkanı ve millet meclisi halk tarafından seçilecektir. Fakat bunlar seçimle işbaşına gelseler de şeriattan kaynaklanan bir iktidarı temsil ettiklerinden meşruiyetlerini milletten değil, İslami ilkelere bağlılıktan aldıklarından egemenlik nihai olarak halka ait değildir. Halkın iradesinin üstünde bir ilahi irade vardır. Dolayısıyla onun egemenlik konusundaki yaklaşımı, providansiyel egemenlik anlayışını çağrıştırmaktadır. Devlet bakanının seçimle işbasına gelmesini önerdiğinden, devlet şekli olarak da cumhuriyeti benimsemiştir. Geliştirdiği hükümet sistemi, bazı yönleriyle parlamenter sistemi, bazı yönleriyle başkanlık sistemini çağrıştırmaktadır. Bir başka ifadeyle geliştirdiği hükümet sisteminin, eklektik bir sistem olduğu söylenebilir. Önerdiği sistemde, kanun yapma yetkisi, halk tarafından seçilmiş meclise değil, İslam hukukçularına ait olacaktır. Bu yönüyle önerdiği hükümet sisteminin günümüz demokratik hükümet sistemleriyle uyumlu olduğu söylenemez.

The United Nations is grounded on the Westphalian state system. Throughout the de-colonization period, the Organization ceased to be peculiar to the West only, and soon became the prevalent model in the entire globe. The Cold War also solidified and institutionalized the Westphalian State as the fundamental principle in international relations. The end of the Cold War, however, along with the collapse of the Eastern bloc, the challenges of peace and security in Africa, and the failure of the states in coping with humanitarian crises increasingly made the three fundamental principles of Westphalian state, namely the "non-interventionism", "sovereign-equality" and "territoriality" disputable among political scientists. New approaches and arguments on the end of the Classical Westphalian state and the emergence of a so-called "New Medieval Age" have widely been circulated. This paper alternatively suggests that, since the end of the cold war, the world politics has gradually and decisively been evolving into a system of states that could be called Neo-Westphalian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies is the property of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Today, in the context of determining the structure of a country as a unitary state form, many countries' constitutions contain basic principles such as "the unity of the state", "the indivisibility of the country" or, as in the 1982 Turkish Constitution, "the indivisible integrity of the state with its country and nation". However, although constitutions affirm the principle of the unity and indivisibility of the state, it is possible to talk about the difficulties for defition of the forms of states as "unitary". The main problem is that there are some contradictory situations in terms of the principles accepted by the constitutions of the countries and the administrative organization. At this point, attention should be paid to the existence of an inconsistency between constitutions and the organizational model. Also, it can be observed that there is a contradiction between the provisions of the constitutions of some states. As a result of both the confusion at the constitutional level and the examination of various state models that are examples of unitary state, it will be understood that defining this model, which is briefly called the "unitary state" and given very simple definitions of itself in the doctrine, is actually quite difficult. In this comparative study of constitutional law, different results will also emerge and a tendency to deviate from the unitary state structure to other models will be encountered. As a result of the study, the existence of a chronic change in the structure of the unitary state will be better observed together with these phenomena mentioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of MEMLEKET: Politics & Administration / Siyaset Yönetim is the property of Local Governments Research, Assistance & Education Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey-European Union (EU) relations began in the 1960s. This relationship has continued to increase, especially with Turkey's application for full membership in 1987. These relations have been maintained with some institutions established within the Turkish public administration. Important changes were made in these institutions during the process. Respectively, Secretariat General fort he European Union Affairs was transformed into teh Ministry of European Union Affairs, and then the Directorate for the European Union Affairs was established under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs instead of this ministry. In this study, institutions carrying out Turkey-EU relations were examined in chronological order. This institutional review was based on the progress reports published by the EU. In this context, Turkey-EU relations were discussed in the framework of the concept of sovereignty. Thus, the reasons for making changes in the institutions responsible for conducting relations with the EU were tried to be revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, International Relations' research area has expanded including terrorism, environmental issues, ethnic-politics-denomination based local disputes besides energy geopolitics. Particularly in the light of climate change, one of new regions driven by environmental factors, security and energy geopolitics, the Arctic has been getting more substantial during the last century. Through navigation, strategic base, mine and seafood prosperity, and scientific research besides its explored energy resources, the Arctic has been facing a political and juristicial sovereignty struggle at recent years. Within this paper, it is aimed to assess the centennial struggle over the Arctic in terms of energy geopolitics, different political perceptions and sovereignty disputes among the Arctic states. Through interdependent relations among the coastal states and using descriptive analysis as a method, the paper is concluded with the claim that cooperation is preferable in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]