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Objective Methods Results Conclusion Economic nationalism has been on the rise for the past two decades. Scholars have also noted the shift away from globalization and deregulation toward a more prominent role of the state in the economy. I explore the role played by populist governments in the increased adoption of economic nationalism and in this return of the state. I argue that the populist worldview lends itself naturally to a consolidation of power—not just political, but also economic. This consolidation of economic power results in a more prominent state even in countries where the populist regime is a right‐leaning one.I test this argument quantitatively by analyzing governments in 30 European countries since 1990, levels of state ownership in the economy, and a battery of economic and political controls.The election of a populist government is associated with a strengthening of state ownership in the economy.I conclude with a discussion of the prospects for the future study of this populist economic agenda both domestically and internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first two years after Biden's election, there was considerable enthusiasm on the left for the administration's embrace of a larger, more active economic role for the federal government. I was among those who saw both the ambitions of the Build Back Better bill and the self-conscious embrace of industrial policy as an unexpectedly sharp break with the economic policy consensus of the past thirty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this paper is on business organisations in Benin and their interplay with the state from the era of Oba Ewuare up to the fall of the Kingdom in 1897. The paper analyses economic nationalism in the kingdom and the roles in the protection and development of identified business groups during the period. Knowledge of business organisations in pre-British Benin and their relationship with the state, which aided their development between ca. 1440 and 1897 is a vacuum in the study of African business organisations and will be useful in understanding economic nationalism from an African perspective. The study adopts the historical method and requires a multidisciplinary approach for interpretation and reliability. As such, both primary and secondary sources were utilised, and the findings confirm that several business organisations in manufacturing, trading and in large scale crop farming existed. The work provides insights into the entrepreneurs, composition and operations of these businesses. The findings also reveal how trading and industrial activities were controlled and what implications this had for the development of these businesses and the state. The work shows in addition how these businesses benefited from the security and licences granted by the state as well as how the state used these businesses to mount up economic power and political stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the more energy policies are circumscribed within the borders of individual nation states, the more difficult it will be to implement the climate action on a global scale. The authors shed light on the relationship between nationalism and the simultaneous challenges of environmental protection, energy transition and climate change mitigation. Based on the review of various publications referring to nationalism in the context of energy policy and energy transition, the authors conceptualise this notion. Energy nationalism is defined here as any political decision, economic action and ideological justifications used to circumscribe energy policy within the nation state and subordinate it to "national interests," "national security" and the "protection of national sovereignty." Energy nationalism should be distinguished from both economic nationalism and resource nationalism, yet they are part of a continuum, in which economic considerations are upheld in the pursuit of strict national "interests" and, therefore, of the ruling elites in each nation state. The article explores the differences and mutual interconnections between the three. It finally explains why the notion of energy nationalism may better render the ongoing conflict between resource-focused elites and the international community-particularly in the context of the current climate emergency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis study examines the dynamics of foreign investment policies in Indonesia during President Jokowi’s first term, juxtaposing his administration’s liberalization against the backdrop of economic nationalism and the intricacies of oligarchic control. Despite Jokowi’s pronounced ambition to attract foreign investment, as evidenced by his active participation in international forums and public statements advocating for investment, this study reveals a nuanced approach characterized by selective protectionism in the mining sector. This sector’s is attributed to the interplay between an oligarchic economic and patron-client relationships among Indonesian elites, underscores a stance towards foreign investment. The research delves into the trends of Indonesia’s foreign direct investment (FDI) from 2014 to 2019, highlighting a notable decrease in the mining sector at the beginning of Jokowi’s presidency. The paper investigates the capital structure and patron-client dynamics within the Indonesian oligarchy, offering the complex interplay between political power, economic interests, and social forces that influence policy-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the story of the Albayrak Tea Company and its founder Mustafa Nezih Albayrak as a prism to examine the formation of a class of Muslim merchants in early Republican Turkey. Mustafa Nezih Bey, an Ottoman bureaucrat who ventured into business in the late 1910s, became one of the most prominent tea merchants in the early Republic, paving the way for its mass consumption. Looking at the overlap between the late Ottoman bureaucracy and the Turkish bourgeoisie, this study aims to show a continuation in the economic field rather than a break between the Late Ottoman Empire and Early Republican Turkey. The making of the Republican merchant elite was a complex process that involved not only state policies and long legacies of merchant activity from the Ottoman era but transformations in education and mass media in the aftermath of the 1908 Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia banned nickel ore exports to assert sovereignty over natural resources, boost nickel product value, and boost the economy. This strategy increased Indonesia’s influence in global trade negotiations, showed autonomy, and ensured long-term advantages. The policy prioritises domestic nickel derivative production to increase nickel product value and industry self-sufficiency. Nickel is used in Indonesia’s diplomatic and economic efforts to increase its influence on world politics and trade. The analysis explores the decision by Indonesia to implement an export ban on unprocessed nickel ore illustrates a strategic synthesis of economic nationalism and political sovereignty. This policy, vigorously promoted by President Jokowi, aligns with the broader vision to bolster Indonesia’s economic competitiveness and achieve self-sufficiency by enhancing the domestic nickel processing industry. Utilizing its substantial nickel reserves, Indonesia not only seeks to strengthen its economic position but also to assert its sovereignty in global affairs, potentially shaping international nickel market dynamics. This policy serves dual purposes: it addresses domestic economic goals and strategically positions Indonesia as an influential player in the global nickel market. Monitoring the outcomes of this policy will be crucial in understanding its impacts on Indonesia’s economy and its relations on the international stage, ensuring that the country maximizes benefits from its natural resources.

This paper explores the populist stance on public procurement policies and how populist parties exert influence on public procurement. The assessment of this influence is grounded in an original analysis of media reporting, and parliamentary questions posed by right- and left-wing populists in France and Germany. Despite the financial significance of procurement and its potential to bolster and protect national economies, the study reveals a relatively low level of salience. There is limited evidence supporting the assumption that populists actively push for more ‘economic nationalism’. Rather they mainly criticise perceived corrupt elites, reflecting a consistent trend of anti-establishment contestation across both semi-presidential and parliamentary systems. Where such advocacy occurs, ‘cultural’ and ‘economic nationalist’ positions prevail across both right- and left-wing populists. Theoretically, these findings contribute novel insights into the link between thin-populist and thick-host ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While fossil fuels are a well‐researched element of nationalist discourse, the relationship between nationalism and renewable energy has not yet been adequately explored. We address this gap by investigating the impact of the energy transition on the Scottish National Party's (SNP) discourse between 1983 and 2021. Through an analysis of SNP manifestos and speeches, we discursively trace the evolution of three pertinent amalgams of nationalism—green nationalism, resource nationalism and techno‐nationalism—revealing renewable energy to have been co‐opted and deployed in all three. Rather than the energy transition intuitively resulting in the decline of fossil fuel‐based nationalisms in favour of those rooted in an emergent renewable energy paradigm, we find that adaptations in the SNP's discursive strategies allowed the former to co‐exist with the latter, enhancing complementarity and mitigating goal conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Belt and Road Initiative's (BRI) formulation as a coherent policy in 2013, it has become a pillar of China's international relations. Arguably the most ambitious economic and infrastructure construction project seen in centuries, Beijing has sought to sell the BRI as a transformative and mutually beneficial for all involved. Others have argued that the BRI is more likely driven not by altruism but Beijing's desire to promote its own economic growth and bind the international economy closer to itself. Whilst the foreign policy, economic impact and rational of the BRI has been widely discussed and debated over the past decade, Beijing's efforts to promote the project domestically and mobilise the Chinese population in support has received less attention. To fill this relative gap, the authors draw upon neoclassical realist theory to explore and explain how Beijing has sought to draw upon Chinese economic nationalism to sell the BRI domestically. In doing so, China has been able to extract the necessary domestic resources required to pursue the international objectives which lie at the heart of the BRI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although economic nationalist governments in East Central Europe (ECE) have strongly challenged FDI-dependence, FDI-led growth has remained stable across the region. The political economy literature explains this puzzle with enduring business-state elite interactions and the disciplining role of the EU. Instead, we show that the EU's regional investment aid rules, which provide central governments in relatively backward member states with considerable policy space, serve as the main policy tool for reinforcing FDI-dependence. Using a unique dataset on regional investment aid granted between 2004 and 2022 in the Visegrád countries (V4), we show that each government, regardless of its ideological background, granted the vast majority of this type of aid to foreign firms. In addition, contrary to their political rhetoric, economic nationalist governments in Hungary and Poland outperformed their non-nationalist counterparts in granting aid to foreign firms. This suggests an instrumental use of this transnationally rooted policy opportunity: as their European political isolation grew, economic nationalists increasingly resorted to the promotion of foreign firms because the continued inflow of foreign capital has a legitimising effect both at home and abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the more energy policies are circumscribed within the borders of individual nation states, the more difficult it will be to implement the climate action on a global scale. The authors shed light on the relationship between nationalism and the simultaneous challenges of environmental protection, energy transition and climate change mitigation. Based on the review of various publications referring to nationalism in the context of energy policy and energy transition, the authors conceptualise this notion. Energy nationalism is defined here as any political decision, economic action and ideological justifications used to circumscribe energy policy within the nation state and subordinate it to “national interests,” “national security” and the “protection of national sovereignty.” Energy nationalism should be distinguished from both economic nationalism and resource nationalism, yet they are part of a continuum, in which economic considerations are upheld in the pursuit of strict national “interests” and, therefore, of the ruling elites in each nation state. The article explores the differences and mutual interconnections between the three. It finally explains why the notion of energy nationalism may better render the ongoing conflict between resource-focused elites and the international community–particularly in the context of the current climate emergency.

Based on the vast empirical material of India’s diaspora policy, which is understudied in the Russian academic field, the authors of the research enrich the scope of works dealing with the analysis of diasporas as non-state actors in the world politics. The study analyzes the institutionalization of India’s diaspora policy between 1999 and 2015, particularly the amendments to the citizenship legislation and electoral legislation, the establishment and reforms of specialized ministries, governmental structures and funds, introducing special celebration days. The study is based on neo-institutional analysis and reveals the sequence of actions of Indian governments that lead to the transformation of informal norms for the implementation of diaspora policies. Authors argue that shaping such infrastructure aimed at reviving the ties between emigrants and their country of origin, as well as involving emigrants into building a nation-state might be perceived as “long-distance nationalism”. Having analyzed the economic dimension of India’s diaspora policy, particularly the economic liberalization measures aimed at stimulating diaspora investment inflow, bilateral agreements on expatriates’ economic condition as well as emitting diaspora obligations the authors conclude that not only has India provided its diaspora with the access to funding households’ consumption and sporadic local projects, but also it has let the diaspora ensure the country’s macroeconomic stability, which is uncharacteristic of relations between diasporas and their countries of origin. The study also elaborates on the directions in which India’s diaspora policy has changed since N. Modi came to power. The authors come to the conclusion that since then diaspora policy has been losing its autonomy and has been reduced to accomplishing separate foreign and investment policy tasks. Thus, a major trend in India’s diaspora policy is the transition from “long-distance nationalism” practices to economic nationalism that implies a direct link between affiliation with a diaspora community and contribution to the development of the country of origin.

How does the EU adapt its policies in response to current global changes? Extant scholarship has shed light on the EU’s geopolitical turn by analysing it as either a shift away from neoliberalism or a reshuffling of EU–US relations. This article makes the case for studying how these two dynamics interact. To do so, I draw on the economic patriotism framework, which focuses on the links between types and spaces of economic interventionism. Economic patriotism instruments can take various forms depending on their type (liberal/protectionist instruments) and space of reference (national/EU/transatlantic/international). From this perspective, the EU has responded to global changes by shifting from liberal to protectionist instruments of economic patriotism. However, the design of these policy instruments reflects compromises between the preferences of policymakers who adopt liberal/protectionist and Europeanist/Atlanticist positions. As policy instruments can create room for compromise because they allow various positions to converge, EU protectionist economic instruments cater to Atlanticist and liberal preferences too. This article illustrates this argument by means of EU armament policy. Using official documents and interviews, I analyse changes in EU economic patriotism by looking at the two major policy instruments: the 2009 Defence Procurement Directive and the 2021 European Defence Fund. Whereas the 2009 Directive reflected liberal economic patriotism anchored in the transatlantic space, the European Defence Fund illustrates tensions between types and spaces of economic interventionism in the EU’s geopolitical turn: Some clauses protect the EU from foreign interference, but its political-economic space of reference remains strongly transatlantic.

This article contributes to the comparative literatures on varieties of financial capitalism, economic nationalism and bank resolution with a focus on Spain and Italy's management of bank insolvency and resolution between 2008 and 2018. Both countries' alternative banks faced enormous challenges through prolonged economic decline and declining loan repayments, both turned to depositors to become investors in lieu of attracting arm's-length investors to inject capital, and both had strong connections with local political authorities that resisted bank reform. But Spanish banks were restructured successfully in accordance with EU law while local government ties complicated Italian resolutions. We explain this outcome through two factors: state strength buttressed by outside assistance from the European Stability Mechanism; and strong international marketization, which enhanced the drive to restructure quickly. Spain's decision to ask for loans from the European Stability Mechanism to help restructure its heavily marketized savings banks allowed it to finish reforms after 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article identifies two distinct varieties of economic nationalism in the United States that have strong and lasting implications for transatlantic trade relations and traces their origins to how the two major parties use narratives to form competitive coalitions including trade critics since 2020. The Republican Party links trade critics with culture war supporters, allowing them to enhance their collective impact on domestic and foreign policy, including confrontation with Europe on trade. Democrats' pursuit of trade critics in 2020 and beyond means a focus on domestic development and industrial policy appealing to centrist and progressive voters, and eschewing trade agreements. This developmental economic nationalism offers room for allied interdependence across the Atlantic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise in violent economic nationalism against foreign national interests in South Africa, particularly Nigerians and their investments poses some critical challenges to the liberal international economic system. This study investigates the impact of South Africa's economic nationalism on Nigerians' investments in South Africa. The study adopted the rational choice theory as the theoretical framework and mixed method of data gathering which relies on a documentary review, an unstructured interview and a focus group analysis involving Nigerians that were evacuated from South Africa. The findings revealed that violent economic nationalism among South Africans and the reprisal attacks in Nigeria have undermined Nigerians' investment potentials and created a host of issues in their economic relations including low productivity, temporary unemployment of workers in the investment industries, reduction of foreign exchange earnings and stagnated trade activities between the two countries among others. The study concludes that notwithstanding the perennial eruptions of violent episodes of economic nationalism in South Africa, the two countries have demonstrated commitment to boosting and sustaining their trade relations. It notes the absence of synergy between South Africa's demand for inclusive labour employment and Nigerians' investment activities. The study recommends close coordination between governments and the enforcement of rule of law in both countries especially, laws to protect foreign investors and investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the EU adapt its policies in response to current global changes? Extant scholarship has shed light on the EU's geopolitical turn by analysing it as either a shift away from neoliberalism or a reshuffling of EU-US relations. This article makes the case for studying how these two dynamics interact. To do so, I draw on the economic patriotism framework, which focuses on the links between types and spaces of economic interventionism. Economic patriotism instruments can take various forms depending on their type (liberal/protectionist instruments) and space of reference (national/EU/transatlantic/international). From this perspective, the EU has responded to global changes by shifting from liberal to protectionist instruments of economic patriotism. However, the design of these policy instruments reflects compromises between the preferences of policymakers who adopt liberal/protectionist and Europeanist/Atlanticist positions. As policy instruments can create room for compromise because they allow various positions to converge, EU protectionist economic instruments cater to Atlanticist and liberal preferences too. This article illustrates this argument by means of EU armament policy. Using official documents and interviews, I analyse changes in EU economic patriotism by looking at the two major policy instruments: the 2009 Defence Procurement Directive and the 2021 European Defence Fund. Whereas the 2009 Directive reflected liberal economic patriotism anchored in the transatlantic space, the European Defence Fund illustrates tensions between types and spaces of economic interventionism in the EU's geopolitical turn: Some clauses protect the EU from foreign interference, but its political-economic space of reference remains strongly transatlantic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of the phenomenon of the US economic recovery in the period 1993–2001, during which the US economy maintained high rates of growth in all sectors, contributes to a better understanding of the whole range of problems related to the development and functioning of the modern economic system. It is an important prerequisite for the effectiveness of restructuring processes in the national economy and its reconstruction after the end of the full-scale war launched by the Russian Federation on February 24, 2022. The purpose of the article is to study, on the basis of a comprehensive analysis of the latest American sources, the characteristic features of the social and economic strategy of domestic policy, the main directions, dynamics and trends of the growth of the USA’s economic power during this period 1993 – 2001 in the context of the world economy. The methodology of the research is based on the critical analysis of the latest American primary and secondary historical sources and scientific literature, on the application of civilizational, problem-chronological, systemic, regional, interdisciplinary approach to the knowledge of the evolution of economic history. The fundamental principles of the article are the principle of historicism, objectivity, scientificіty, unity of positive and normative aspects of science. For scientific comprehension of the problem, comparative, systemic-synergistic, historical-genetic, comparative-statistical methods. The novelty of the research consists in the consideration of the problem in a historical retrospective, theoretical understanding of the fundamental principles of the functioning and development of the US economy as a leading state in the post-bipolar world, the evolution of its theoretical systems in the specified period in the context of globalization processes of the modern world, interrelations and trends in the development of the general civilization process. The research has revealed that at the turn of the two millennia, the United States turned into a leading country in the world, its economic power reached its highest level. The author analyzes the main factors that contributed to this: high level of scientific and technical potential; favorable foreign policy conditions; intensive inclusion of the USA in the world integration processes, strengthening the processes of globalization and internetization of the American economy, its focus on high technologies and higher competitiveness in the world, provision of leading positions in the institutes of world and regional, international economic cooperation and reformation of the system of management.

The United States former President Donald Trump announced in July 2018 that the United States had imposed tariffs on specific Chinese goods. This led to increased tensions between the two countries and eventually set the ground for the US-China trade war, as both nations contributed fairly to the rise in import duties on one another's goods. The strife has had serious knock-on effects on global trade. According to the chief economist of the Asian Development Bank, China is expected to lose 0.5% of its Gross Domestic Product, while the United States will lose less than the above-mentioned percentage. The US-China trade war serves as a benchmark for examining the outcomes of conflicts between two major nations of this scale. The objective of this research article is: to analyze war from the perspective of the realistic theory in international relations; to shed light on and identify the opportunities for developing economies to seize a substantial share of United States imports; possible scenarios for developing and struggling economies in case this war prolongs and how much it has impacted the protagonists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Turkish economy continued its strong post-pandemic recovery trend in 2022, with a growth rate of 5.6%, which exceeded authorities' expectations, with private consumption contributing significantly to economic growth, amid wage increases and the support provided for households with regard to energy costs. The earthquakes in Turkey earlier this year had a devastating impact on the population and on the economy in the southern country. The reconstruction effort will cover the losses incurred, so GDP will continue to grow over the next two years, but at a slower pace than in recent years. Exports will moderate, while imports will accelerate. Under the post-election effect, the new administration led by President Erdogan seems inclined to adopt radically different policies from those of recent years, returning to conventional methods of targeting inflation and restoring macroeconomic balance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consumer behavior and their shopping habits can be an important factor in strengthening domestic goods or weakening them against foreign goods. The more consumers enjoy the use of domestic goods, the greater their economic growth, domestic production, and employment. Therefore, it is very important to know the consumer buying styles. By doing so, it is possible to extract the criteria for the decision to buy consumers and based on them, provide practical solutions for buying and supporting Iranian goods against foreign goods. Therefore, in this study, consumer styles and consumer demand are examined. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of each of the purchasing decision styles on the consumption of Iranian goods. The statistical population of the study includes 1260393 people over 18 years old living in Lorestan province, of which 355 people were selected as a sample based on Cochran's formula. This field research was performed using a questionnaire tool. Data analysis was performed using structural equation modeling method. The results showed that the purchase styles of economic nationalism, quality orientation, price orientation and advertising have a positive relationship and branding and fashion orientation styles have a negative relation with the consumption of Iranian goods. Economic nationalism has the most positive effect and advertising has the least positive effect on the consumption of Iranian goods.

Over the last decade, a new developmentalism has taken root across Africa, centred on promoting local production and industrialisation. One unintended consequence of this has been the proliferation of economically nationalist policy measures that have increasingly come into tension with the aims of regional integration in Africa. This article sets out to offer insights as to why these tensions are emerging by focusing on the East African Community (EAC) and the growing trend of economic nationalism among its members. Contrary to what rationalist and structuralist accounts might presume, this article argues that this rise in economic nationalism is instead reflective of a weakening of the discursive imperative – or social purpose – that had initially converged various actors around the EAC's integration agenda when revived in 2000. While drawing from the EAC's experience, it concludes by highlighting a broader legitimacy dilemma facing African regional organisations within this 'new developmentalism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sleight-of-hand economic nationalist strategies by recent administrations of the US and UK emphasize the 'freedom' of those selectively imagined as belonging to the nation while quietly but pivotally discouraging human mobility and encouraging elite capital mobility. The US and UK's distinct but connected recent policies--Donald Trump's 'Make America Great Again' (MAGA) and Boris Johnson's Brexit strategies--are not exceptional or unique to those specific administrations of each country, but are embedded within long-term, interconnected transnational racial capitalist projects. The sleights of hand promoting selective national publics' freedom are not only hypocritical but complex to see, especially with White-impaired lenses. This article examines two interrelated technologies of power on which these economic nationalist strategies have relied, bordering and free zones, contributing to research on the complex, varied, and experience-inflected responses US and UK residents have to these policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Has a post-neoliberal policy regime emerged from the challenges to neoliberalism that have accompanied the rise of nationalism and populism in some Eastern and Central European countries? Why has the political organization of these challenges to neoliberalism endured in some countries but not in others? By drawing on a mix of primary and secondary sources culled from the institutional, political and economic realities of Hungary and Romania, this paper makes two claims. First, the article sugegsts that these transformations have amounted to a distinctive variety of neoliberalism that can be dubbed 'national-neoliberalism.' At its core one finds the slightly modified old goals of neoliberal orthodoxy embedded into a protective cocoon of orthodox and unorthodox economic policy instruments and institutions. The second claim of the paper is that the political organization of the national-neoliberal project was resilient in Hungary but not in Romania. The evidence suggests that this variation owes not only to the fact that the 'national' elements of national-neoliberalism had protections against the bond markets. While this factor was indeed critical, the resilience of Hungarian national-neoliberalism seems to have been made possible by the fact that its proponents could manage a broader social bloc and deploy techno-political capabilities that bolstered their political power relative to that of challengers. In contrast, the challengers to orthodox ("globalist") neoliberalism did not posess these characteristics in Romania. As such, the paper rejects the hypothesis of a nationalist-heterodox successor to neoliberalism and takes a first cut at a theory of policy resilience for national-neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzing the thinking of the rulers of Venezuela is key to understanding the meaning and orientation of their policies. In this way, Rómulo Betancourt is one of the most representative leaders of democracy in Venezuela, whose ideas were focused on achieving a more active participation of the Venezuelan State in the planning of the national economy. This is how the objective of this work is to analyze Betancourt's economic thought through the text "Venezuela: politics and oil", in which he makes clear his postulates about his vision of the Venezuelan economy. It is concluded that Betancourt maintains three fundamental lines within his thought: economic nationalism, greater participation of the State in national development, and a heterodox Marxism by which he tries to distance himself from the postulates of the Communist Party and Soviet socialism of that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the current stage, amid strengthening processes of globalization and internationalization, deepening of international division of labour, and trans-nationalization of production activity, understanding the historical experience of business in Europe and around the world acquires great importance. In the modern world economy, the US economy plays a leading role. The economic and political importance of the USA is growing against the backdrop of disintegration processes in the EU (Brexit, Catalan separatism) and the aggressive policy of the Kremlin. Analyzing the main directions, dynamics, and trends of the growth of the USA's economic power in the period of 1945-2000 contributes to a better understanding of the entire complex of problems related to the development and regularities of the functioning of the modern economic system and are important prerequisites for the effectiveness of restructuring processes in the national economy. The research has revealed that at the turn of the two millennia, the United States became a leading country in the world, reaching its highest level of economic power. The author analyzes the main factors that contributed to this: a high level of scientific and technical potential; favorable foreign policy conditions; intensive inclusion of the USA in world integration processes, augmenting the processes of globalization and internetization of the American economy; a focus on high technologies and improved competitiveness globally; securing leading positions in institutes of world and regional, international economic cooperation; and reforming the system of management. The author defines the main stages that the American economy, as well as the world economy as a whole, went through in its development, and related ideas and currents of economic policy in the period of 1945-2000. The experience of American economic policy proves that the solution to its problems depends on the choice of state management methods, the ability to adapt to the worldview conditions of interdependence, and a democratic alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of global economies' protectionist policies, followed by economic nationalism and a downturn, there is a shortage of talent with the requisite skills, knowledge, and abilities to meet the contingencies amid COVID‐19. The recent developments have necessitated multinational businesses to manage their talent in a new international business context. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to explore the implications of the "New Normal" for global talent which is manifested by economic nationalism and slowdown. This study used an inductive method to qualitative research, conducted in‐depth interviews with 28 top executives from multinational corporations. The implications for the global talent emerged from the current study as skill enhancement based on the emerged business model; training and development pertinent to new responsibilities and activities; adaptability to changes in the macroenvironment; emphasis on employee proactivity, experimentation, and risk‐taking; emphasis on hyperspecialization to take on contract positions; global talent needs to participate in remote learning; global talent must emphasize on mental health issues; and registering in talent exchange programs to fill talent skill shortages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging market multinational corporations (MNCs) are coming under increasing scrutiny for their international performance. While the success of Indian IT multinationals in the West has been extensively researched and reported, there is a lack of research on their relative failure in China. The rise of economic nationalism and the COVID‐19 pandemic pose challenges for the mobility of professionals and the global talent management (GTM) strategy of MNCs. Through in‐depth interviews with senior managers from four well‐known Indian IT services multinationals, this article presents an evidence‐based critique of the design and implementation of their GTM strategy both inside and outside China. It focuses specifically on the quality of the IT talent pool in China, control and coordination issues, and the challenges of workforce localization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the current economic nationalisms in Turkey through the lens of the effects of the Syrian war. The empirical focus of my discussion is Gaziantep, an export city bordering Syria. The city has been radically shaped not only by the migration waves from Syria in the wake of the Syrian war but also by the broader re/structuring effects of the Iraq war and a low-intensity war in the last 30 years. In Turkey, wars have always been essential reference points for local and national economic agents to build different nation-framed economic discourses. In the last decade, we observe a new form of economic nationalism that is expansionist and outward-oriented - contrary to discussions associating the term with inward-oriented economic policies. Turkey's assumed role in the reconstitution of the Syrian economy and its aspired position in the Middle East as a political, economic, and military center constitutes a crucial symbolic horizon in this nationalist economic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the recent context of a global pandemic, wars, and climate-related crises amplified by capitalism's structural violence, a wave of economic nationalist regimes have come into power with anti-globalist stances exemplified by the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union and Trump, Putin, and Bolsonaro's defiance of transnational treaties. What do economic nationalist policies share transnationally, and how are they distinct in terms of their political articulation and the lived experiences of those most affected by them? The ways in which economic nationalist arguments are used, often in combination with populist and white supremacist tactics, to violently restrict cultural and national citizenship, close borders, silence minority voices, oppress workers, and reject oversight of environmental destruction and human rights violations are discussed in this issue by authors working in the United States, India, Brazil, Guatemala, Italy, the Kurdish region, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. Ethnographic exploration of the plurality of economic nationalisms makes it possible to compare state-specific political strategies while noting parallels in the ways in which economic nationalist rhetoric emphasizes the protection of those imagined as belonging to the enisled economic nation while ironically relying profoundly on global constellations of labor and resource extraction and circulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the efforts of Sir Charles Addis to defend the pre-1914 system of cosmopolitan capitalism. Our central research question is to understand why this merchant banker fought in preserve cosmopolitan capitalism when so many of his peers acquiesced in and even championed its demise. Addis's moral ideal was an international economic order in which the nationality of firms was irrelevant to the strategies of managers. The First World War dramatically increased the salience of firm nationality in international business. Addis, who was a committed classical liberal, fought against this trend to a degree that is hard to explain with reference to economic self-interest alone. The article, which is based on a range of sources including Addis's diary, explores Addis's connections to, and views of, 'German' bankers, his relations with the British government, and the political economy of the reparations imposed on Germany by the Versailles Peace settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the wealth effects of economic nationalism (EN) on domestic and foreign rivals of takeover targets using a novel sample of government‐blocked EU cross‐border takeover bids. We report a significant net contagion effect at bid announcement from regression models resulting in a net gain of €3 million for each rival, on average, with domestic rivals enjoying an additional gain of €10 million. Government intervention results in negative returns, which become even more negative at bid resolution, and the adverse effects are felt by both domestic and foreign rivals. All rivals lose a value of €14 million over the total bid period with domestic rivals losing an additional €17.5 million, on average. The source of the losses are not mutually exclusive and can be due to several factors, including lower future takeover likelihood, failure to capture efficiency gains or loss of economic rents. We show that EN has a significant cost, which is not confined to the EU blocking country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Trump administration, the American economy experienced some of the best results sinceWorld War II. Unemployment and poverty were at record lows and the stock market was booming. AtAt the same time, the fiscal deficit and public debt increased, while the harm done to the rules-basedthe international trading system is yet to be seen. Using historical data, the aim of this paper is to provide acomparative overview of some of the hallmarks of Trump’s economic policy taking a critical look ateach one of them: tax cuts, deregulation, and protectionism. While the pre-pandemic U.S. economy wasin some aspects truly impressive, it is difficult to disentangle to what extent this was owed to thepresident’s economic policies and to what extent this was simply due to a positive external environment,which should be the subject of future scientific research.