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Classical deterrence theory has its origins in the era of the Cold War and the nuclear arms race between the USA and the Soviet Union. Therefore, deterrence is mainly studied from the perspective of the superpowers. This study approaches deterrence from the less explored perspective of a small country by analysing academic deterrence literature and further deepening this perspective by means of a survey. As a result, the study produced a new view of how a small state can be positioned in modern deterrence theories, by introducing national and international enabling and preventive factors. The main findings of the research suggest that national enabling factors, such as a strong national defence and the resilience of the society, are important for a small state in terms of compensating for the deficit in influence in relation to superpowers. Limited options for building deterrence can be augmented by means of international enabling factors, such as military and political alliances. Deficits in terms of available military resources and international status could translate into national preventive factors, such as weakness in the eyes of the aggressor. The aggressor's political intentions and history could appear as international preventive factors if they influence decision-making in an undesirable manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Total defence is a concept that should ensure the response of the state in situations caused by war and other extraordinary circumstances. This comprehensive approach of the state system's response requires that all segments of society as a whole actively act in order to preserve the sovereignty and security of the state. In order for a society to be able to respond positively to threats, challenges and risks, it is necessary that the strategy of deterrence be based on the concept of total defence. The historical beginnings of the establishment of the concept of total defence go back to the period after the Second World War, while the development of the concept intensified during the Cold War. The mentioned periods are characterized by an increase in the fear of aggression and potential occupation, which predicted that states would strengthen their own readiness for defence. The aim of this paper is to present, based on the experiences and examples of other countries, lessons learned that could be used to build the concept of total defense in the Republic of Serbia. The authors, finding important features of the application of the concept of total defense in countries around the world, tried to provide important lessons for strengthening military neutrality and building the concept of total defense of the Republic of Serbia.

Through comparative historical analysis, we find that Russia's strategic communications regarding nuclear weapons use in Ukraine broadly reflect Soviet strategy during the Cold War. The Soviet Union employed a combination of aggressive and defensive propaganda narratives regarding nuclear weapons; the former aimed to coerce the West away from interfering in Soviet military interventions abroad, while the latter sought to convince international audiences that the West was primarily to blame for escalations in tensions. Russia continues to employ this same strategy to provide protective cover for its ongoing war on Ukraine. In both cases, actual Soviet and Russian nuclear posture remained significantly less bellicose than its propaganda narratives imply. Our analysis suggests that Russia's aggressive rhetoric about nuclear weapons in its war against Ukraine has thus far been primarily intended to shape Western decision-making, rather than a genuine expression of intent to use such weapons. In Ukraine, nuclear 'red lines' advanced by Russian propaganda have consistently been eroded without response, including significant strikes on Crimea, advanced weapons supplied to Ukraine, and the re-taking of illegally annexed territory. Nevertheless, Russia's nuclear propaganda has been one of its most successful cognitive warfare efforts in limiting or delaying critical Western military support to Ukraine, on the grounds of avoiding potential escalation. While Russia's nuclear arsenal remains a significant threat to Ukraine and the West, an overly cautious response to Russian rhetoric also risks potentially significant geopolitical consequences by tacitly rewarding nuclear threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study investigated the psychological effects of the long-term military intimidation imposed by the People's Liberation Army (PLA) on the Taiwanese public. Online texts dating between 2016 and 2018 were mined and Russell's (1980) semantic analysis was used to analyze the online discussions among the Taiwanese public regarding the PLA vessels and aircraft patrolling around Taiwan. The results showed that the PLA's long-term encirclement patrols have generated numbness among the Taiwanese public. With regard to the Taiwanese government's policy of disclosing information about such military encirclement patrols, the effects of proliferating this information were not significant, but have led to an increased sense of fear among the public. These findings suggest that the effects of the PLA's encirclement patrols around Taiwan are not determined by the PLA, but by the Taiwanese government's policies regarding the disclosure of relevant information on encirclement patrols. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cites a study by the authors that looks at the long history of US military expenditures and gives six distinct military functions that could one day be recognized as organized commands. Nuclear deterrence; Air-land battle; Sea control; Land-sea interface; Intelligence and space capabilities; Weapons research and development; Proposals for a sufficient force. INSETS: Tanks.;Aircraft carriers.;Submarines.;Tank killers.

The article deals with the pivot to Asia started in the USA in 2011, now becoming a part of US military strategy. Asian-Pacific region will be playing increasingly important role in securing of political, economic and defence interests of the USA seeking to consolidate world order based on “American leadership from the position of strength” – which is the main principle of New National Security Strategy. Pivot to Asia is understood as modernization and reinforcement of traditional “security alliances”. The old policy of “deterrence” of China as main geopolitical competitor is still being pursued.Military presence of the USA on Japanese islands is used for rearmament of Japanese self-defence forces. New bilateral treaty is being prepared, thus creating the possibility of joint actions of armed forces of Japan and US on the territories in- and outside Pacific region. Threat for North Korea is used as a good pretext for build-up of US military forces and deployment of THAAD complexes on the territory of South Korea. China and Russia express same attitude in this respect regarding THAAD as an instrument for increase tension in the region. Defence co-operation between Australia and US has incentives for development as well as limitations: Australia is not sure US are able to fulfill its obligations in case of crisis and at the same time economic co-operation with Beijing is of crucial interest for Australia. The involvement of Philippines in the territorial dispute with China made possible for US to strengthen cooperation in the sphere of defence. After power shift in Thailand military cooperation with US stopped. Seeking new partners in the region, US is lifting embargo to supply of weapons to Vietnam and gradually unfreezing relations with Myanmar. US moves in SEA can be regarded as reaction to Chinese promotion of “Maritime silk route of the 21st century” concept. Relations with India are viewed in the USA as means of deterrence of China ambitions and competition with Russia in military co-operation.The article contains practical recommendations how Russia should act when purpose of increasing its influence in the region is on the agenda.

Pulling-levers deterrence strategies work to reduce firearm violence through engaging known violent offenders. As having a history of personal trauma contributes to increased firearm violence, a better understanding of the role of trauma can help to strategically develop engagement strategies. This study uses baseline data from Trenton Violence Reduction Strategy (TVRS) to explore differences among those who chose to engage in TVRS and those who did not after receiving the deterrence messaging. Results show no difference in overall LSC-R score between those who did and did not engage, although there are clear nonsignificant differences with specific types of trauma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how South Korea might be able to deter the growing threat from North Korea’s nuclear weapons and missile programs. North Korea’s six nuclear weapons experiments with various types of missile test fires using solid fuel and new technology pose a security threat to South Korea and the USA. The credibility of the North’s WMD capability and the military balance of two Koreas are critically analyzed. South Korea’s superior conventional weapons system, supported by U.S. strategic weapons and intelligence systems, could fend off North Korean nuclear weapons and missile attacks. However, it is imperative that the U.S.-ROK alliance continues to develop a stringent nuclear deterrence strategy and deploy a series of countermeasures, including preemptive strikes and a multilayered missile defense system, such as Kill Chain, KAMD, and THAAD, all to guard against a potential nuclear weapon attack from North Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]