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This article begins by showing Max Weber's interest in Du Bois's The Souls of Black Folk and comparing it with the virtual ignorance of Du Bois's work as a whole in the sociology scholarship produced in Spanish. It then describes Du Bois's conception of the thencalled "Negro problem" as a "social problem" (as Marx did with the "Jewish problem"), and is followed by an outline of Du Bois's new political philosophy, which elevated the black masses to the status of "black people" and demanded that they ought to be full equal to white people because they have a "shared political identity". The text ends by discussing the rhetoric deployed by Du Bois by appealing to black and white American patterns of thought and emotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El autor realiza un análisis de la jurisprudencia de Antonin Scalia, destacado e influyente jurista del Tribunal Supremo de Estados Unidos, desarrollada para frustrar los principios progresistas destinados a erradicar la estructura de castas raciales y otros vestigios de la esclavitud en Estados Unidos. Las decisiones de Scalia se opusieron a la discriminación positiva en la educación superior, negaron a los negros la protección frente a cambios en los procesos políticos que les perjudicarían y dejaron sin efecto una disposición de la Voting Rights Act of 1965 que exigía a un selecto grupo de jurisdicciones –las más infractoras– solicitar la autorización del gobierno federal antes de instituir nuevos requisitos electorales.

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Copyright of Revista Pensamiento Americano is the property of Corporacion Universitaria Americana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La confianza institucional se refiere al grado de aceptación que tiene la ciudadanía sobre el trabajo que desarrollan las administraciones públicas cuya medición identifica la colaboración que pretende brindar la ciudadanía hacia las instituciones, que en conjunto con otros elementos clave, como la evaluación de las propias instituciones, dan paso a un mejor desempeño de la organización pública. La categoría confianza institucional en consonancia con los mecanismos de socialización, se traduce en la co-creación de soluciones conjuntas, y la gobernanza se entiende como el trabajo de vigilar con el objeto de dar seguimiento y en consecuencia exigir a las instituciones sus compromisos. Confianza institucional, mecanismos de socialización y gobernanza se incorporaron en un estudio de meta análisis cuyo objetivo fue la identificación de competencias ciudadanas en el ámbito de la administración pública que incide en un mayor ejercicio de derechos de los administrados. La estructura del trabajo, está conformado por el siguiente orden, primero se realiza un breve estudio sobre los aspectos principales que se relacionan con la perspectiva de la ciudadanía; posteriormente se definen los elementos más importantes tanto procedimentales como actitudinales en la construcción de la ciudadanía para posteriormente estandarizar la información, finaliza en los resultados para señalar los elementos que incluirán las competencias a trabajar en una administración pública orientada al bienestar en México.

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Iustitia Socialis: Revista Arbitrada de Ciencias Jurídicas y Criminalísticas is the property of Fundacion Koinonia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La democracia es una moneda de oro, todos la reclaman y los más variados y distintos regímenes políticos presumen que la practican. Sus orígenes son ambiguos, porque en la antigua Grecia “cratos” significaba gobierno, pero los comités de ciudadanos, denominados “demos”, incluían solamente a sectores privilegiados que debían reunir ciertas condiciones. El resto no contaban en la toma de decisiones por lo cual no formaban parte del “cratos” y, en consecuencia, la democracia griega era el gobierno ejercido por quienes pertenecían a los demos. Por lo tanto, la democracia griega, inspiradora de la democracia moderna, era el gobierno del sector privilegiado agrupado en los demos, con prescindencia del resto del pueblo.

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista del CLAD Reforma y Democracia is the property of Centro Latinoamericano de Administracion para el Desarrollo (CLAD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El derecho a votar es trascendental en una democracia; sin embargo, no todos los países han logrado garantizar este derecho a la ciudadanía, particularmente los sentenciados por algún delito, algunos países no lo admiten y otros lo permiten asumiéndose como exclusión del proceso cívico que puede conculcar los derechos fundamentales de los sentenciados y ser una interdicción a la democracia, por lo que este artículo busca analizar esta problemática. Metodológicamente se usó el análisis hermenéutico, bibliográfico-documental de investigaciones especializada sobre la materia. Se concluye, en función del análisis bibliográfico, que restringir el derecho al voto de un sentenciado podría ser no justo e igualitario, yendo contra los ideales democráticos. Por otro lado, la admisión al derecho de sufragio para sentenciados puede contribuir a rehabilitarlo e insertarlo socialmente, teniendo un impacto político positivo en un país.

En la presente colaboración ofrecemos una prueba manifiesta de cómo el teatro político de Antonio García Gutiérrez es una verdadera plataforma para trasladar a la opinión pública su pensamiento político liberal, a la par que para incitar a la ciudadanía a movilizarse contra los abusos del poder. García Gutiérrez compone la trama argumental de El Trovador (1836) y de Juan Lorenzo (1865) sobre acontecimientos bélicos del pasado, pero aporta al espectador las claves para interpretarlos como referidos al presente. En una España convulsa y agitada por los pronunciamientos y las revoluciones, nuestro autor toma partido por la causa liberal y se proclama defensor de los derechos civiles y de las libertades individuales frente a los atropellos del poder. A través de sus dramas pone en valor el teatro patriótico y contribuye a la socialización política de los españoles, así como al refuerzo del sentimiento patriótico y nacionalista. Más allá de un teatro de confrontación entre absolutistas y liberales, García Gutiérrez apuesta por reivindicar el rechazo al pensamiento único y la defensa de la libertad de expresión.

In this collaboration, we provide clear evidence of how Antonio García Gutiérrez's political theater serves as a platform to present his liberal political thought to the public and to urge citizens to mobilize against abuses of power. Drawing inspiration from past warlike events, García Gutiérrez crafts the plots of El Trovador (1836) and Juan Lorenzo (1865) to allow the audience to interpret them as relevant to the present. Amid the turmoil of military pronouncements and revolutions in Spain, our author takes the side of the liberal cause and declares himself a defender against abuses of power. Through his dramas, he promotes patriotic theater and contributes to the political socialization of Spaniards, as well as to the reinforcement of patriotic and nationalist sentiments. Beyond the confines of the theater of confrontation between absolutists and liberals, García Gutiérrez's plays aim to reject dogmatic thinking and defend freedom of speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Divergencia is the property of Taller de Historia Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La segregación racial instaurada en Estados Unidos a finales del siglo xix fue objeto de crítica y rechazo por determinados sectores de la sociedad norteamericana. Estos formaron diversas organizaciones que canalizaron este descontento e intentaron vertebrar una respuesta que pusiera fin a la situación de desigualdad. La nueva coyuntura nacional e internacional alcanzada durante las décadas de 1950 y 1960, acentuó la pugna por los derechos civiles a través de nuevas formas de resistencia y crítica al régimen segregacionista. Esta nueva situación generó una abundante producción musical que, en forma de canción protesta y canciones por la libertad, sirvió de vehículo de expresión al movimiento por los derechos civiles de la comunidad afroamericana, expresando sus aspiraciones y frustraciones. El objetivo del presente texto es recopilar y examinar el retrato que estas composiciones cultivaron de la segregación y de la lucha por los derechos civiles a través de los acontecimientos que jalonaron esta reivindicación. Para ello, este artículo tendrá en cuenta las acciones de protesta destinadas a conseguir una nueva legislación que pusiera fin a la segregación racial y las reacciones violentas que ello suscitó en los estados sureños. Finalmente, todo ello se realizará a través de un análisis de los contenidos líricos que nos permitirá determinar el posicionamiento de los cantautores investigados y determinar su aproximación a la realidad.

El movimiento actual por la justicia racial en Estados Unidos se construye sobre una larga tradición y sus prácticas de protesta militante y no violenta que incorporan elementos de la acción directa usada por el movimiento por los derechos civiles y de las críticas al racismo sistémico que se asocian a los movimientos del Poder Negro. Al frente de esta nueva generación está Black Lives Matter, creado en 2013. El movimiento contra la desigualdad y el supremacismo blanco es de resistencia y no solamente de igualdad de derechos.

Desde 1981 hasta 2007, el Congreso de los Estados Unidos tuvo un reparto de poder bastante equilibrado entre republicanos y demócratas, aunque muchos de sus eventos pueden dar la sensación de que predominaron los primeros. Ronald Reagan emergía como una figura política fuerte luego de muchas décadas de predominio demócrata y, en el Congreso, Newt Gingrich –extravagante, imprudente y controvertido– no alcanzó las metas que se había propuesto, pero hizo mucha propaganda con su contract with America. Probablemente, el legado republicano más estable y duradero de estos años haya sido el rearmado de la Corte Suprema, que dejó de ser el tribunal liberal de las décadas de 1960 y 1970 para convertirse en un cuerpo cada vez más conservador, una tendencia que se ha acentuado en los últimos años. El equilibrio entre ambos partidos se verifica también en los escándalos más notorios del período. Reagan quedó claramente involucrado en el affaire Iran-Contras y Clinton fue presa de su aventura romántica, que lo condujo hasta el juicio político, aunque probablemente nunca estuvo muy cerca de la destitución. Ya en los últimos años de este período, los hechos terroristas del 11 de septiembre de 2001 y la guerra de Irak contribuyeron notablemente a incrementar el poder del Ejecutivo sobre el Congreso, como ocurre con todas las emergencias.

The article titled "Micro processes of construction and deconstruction of democracy" analyzes the origins and evolution of democracy throughout history. It highlights that Greek democracy, precursor to modern democracy, only included privileged sectors in decision-making. Throughout the centuries, the struggle for equality and civil rights has led to advances in democratic participation through peaceful, institutional, slow, and persistent processes. The article also presents studies on female representation in the Legislative Assembly of Costa Rica, the fight for democracy in the Tosepan Pajti Health Cooperative in Mexico, transparency in public policies, and censorship in entertainment. Additionally, it analyzes the case of the patrimonialization of petroglyphs in Colombia and cooperativism in Argentina. Lastly, it examines the intervention of the State and international organizations in the training of Social Work professionals in Costa Rica and the construction of peace and democracy in the narratives of boys and girls in Colombia. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Bitácora Urbano/Territorial is the property of Bitacora Urbano/Territorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Catalana de Dret Ambiental is the property of Universitat Rovira I Virgili and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La Política Nacional de Igualdad de Género (PNIG) en Perú busca impulsar la equidad de género a nivel de toda la sociedad peruana y el Instituto Nacional de Salud (INS) como entidad pública, se encuentra trabajando para integrar este enfoque en sus diferentes políticas y prácticas a fin de alcanzar una sociedad justa y democrática. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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We undertake a study on the ongoing processes of subjectivation under the label of what is known as 'neoliberal governmentality', following Foucault's works corresponding to the end of the '70s. We work genealogically, from the constitution of the modern individual as a holder of rights, to demonstrate that what it works as a guarantee of security is at the same time what certifies obedience, figurated trough the management of the public and private use of reason. We can also find this paradox in the entrepreneurial drift of neoliberalism, through the performance/pleasure apparatus. This work allows us to interrogate the current relationships between subject, power and truth, starting from an analysis of the notion of practices of freedom --which was enunciated by Foucault at the end of the '80s-- as practices of resistance located beyond modern liberties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Law of Civil Rights of Women, No. 10783, of the year 1946, came to be an innovation and a great advance in terms of equality of rights between men and women, this process of gender equality continues without a doubt until the present. In this context, based on the current Constitution when said law was signed (Constitution of 1942), the articles and rights established in the aforementioned law are contrasted and analyzed with the provisions of the constitutional text, to review whether perhaps such rights emanated from the Constitution itself, trying to propose, some way of interpreting it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The racial segregation established in the United States at the end of the 19th century was the object of criticism and rejection by certain sectors of American society, who formed various organizations that channeled this discontent and tried to structure a response that would put an end to the situation of inequality. The 1950s and 1960s accentuated the struggle for civil rights through new forms of resistance and criticism of the segregationist regime. This new situation was the subject of an abundant musical production that, in the form of protest songs and songs for freedom, served as a vehicle of expression for the Civil Rights Movement of the African-American community, expressing its aspirations and frustrations. The objective of this paper is to compile and examine the portrait that these compositions cultivated of the struggle for Civil Rights through the events that marked this claim. In order to reach this goal, this article will take into account both the actions of protest whose purpose was to obtain a new legislation that would put an end to racial segregation and the violent reactions that it provoked in the Southern states. I will analyze the lyrical contents of the songs which will allow us to determine the positioning of the singer-songwriters and determine their approach to the struggle against segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Making peace is difficult, a peace that goes far beyond stopping the confrontation. This peace poses challenges in terms of economic development, recognition of civil rights, reparation for victims and reconstruction of the social fabric. The results of the survey are worrying, even more so if the breadth of the sample is taken into account. But despite this, peace resists and continues to be the best valued option, so much so that, with all the difficulties made visible, the majority of those surveyed, 86%, believe that a negotiated solution to the conflict with the second should be chosen. Colombia's largest guerrilla group still active, the National Liberation Army. This opinion is generalized in all the areas analyzed and is higher than 90% in those areas where the presence and impact of this group is stronger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: medical liability is inserted in the so-called responsibilities of professionals; to determine its framework it is necessary to specify the legal nature of the doctor-patient relationship and the civil responsibility for the damages caused in the exercise of the medical activity. Objectives: to determine the nature of the doctor-patient relationship to specify the criterion of imputation of responsibility and the extent of compensable damages. Methods: a doctrinal review of important Cuban and Spanish jurists, analysis of comparative legislation and jurisprudence and valuation of Cuban legislation was carried out. The search was carried out in original texts with direct link to the subject. Development: the doctor-patient relationship is, whatever its cause, a legal relationship to which the law confers guardianship. Its legal nature is based on the obligation of means that arises among the subjects; in this sense it is important the location of medical responsibility as professional responsibility and the analysis of the damages caused, as well as the dominant imputation criteria. The damages caused by the negligent action of the medical personnel can be of patrimonial or moral nature; both must be repaired and compensated according to current regulations. Conclusions: the predominant imputation criterion in the physician's civil responsibility must be the subjective one, always assessing his expertise and skill in the exercise of his profession; this issue is not much discussed in the curricula of the careers, so this review joins others aimed at developing a legal culture among students and health professionals.

The main objective of the investigation was to prepare a draft Reform Law to the Organic Law of Jurisdictional Guarantees and Constitutional Control, to guarantee the Right of Petition. It was based methodologically from a descriptive work with non-experimental field design, the population sample, we worked with 97 registered in the Lawyers Forum of the province of El Oro, Ecuador. Multiple constitutional rights are violated, including free access to information and receiving quality public services, among others. It is for this reason that it is extremely necessary to establish a legal framework and a modern and simple rapid procedure for institutions to receive and respond to our requests without the need for unnecessary formalities. The Constitutional Law of Petition must fulfill its function and be a tool that in an agile, fast and simple way, allows the linking of citizenship and Public or Private Administration.

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar, desde una perspectiva feminista, la Política Pública de Igualdad y Equidad de Género del Poder Judicial de Costa Rica, aprobada en noviembre del año 2005. El principal referente teórico es el paradigma de justicia de género, por lo tanto, de su aplicación se concluye que a pesar de los esfuerzos, persiste discriminación hacia las mujeres, tanto en el funcionamiento interno de la institución como a nivel de tutela de derechos y acceso a un “juicio justo”, por lo cual es preciso formular una nueva política que responda a los desafíos actuales.

Con el objetivo examinar las opiniones y perspectivas de médicos, abogados y notarios peruanos sobre las directivas anticipadas, a partir de la familiaridad con la Ley 29633, se realizó un estudio cualitativo. Se desarrollaron entrevistas semiestructuradas a 15 profesionales siguiendo un enfoque abierto con posterior análisis temático según Braun y Clarke. La mayoría de entrevistados eran varones. Las edades oscilaron entre 35 y 60 años, con experiencia laboral de 10 a 30 años. Se identificaron tres temas principales: respeto de la autonomía de la persona a través de una declaración de voluntad anticipada ejecutada por un familiar cercano; alcances de la manifestación de voluntad anticipada formalizada en instrumento público; respeto a la voluntad propia y a la voluntad ajena, con nueve subtemas. La comprensión de la perspectiva de los médicos y abogados constituye un respaldo a la discusión sobre las directivas anticipadas colaborando a cerrar las brechas legal y ética.

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Harper Lee's novels, To Kill a Mockingbird and Go Set a Watchman, are examined through the lens of reader-response theory and the Jungian concept of the cultural complex or phantom narratives. Socio-historical context includes the American civil rights movement of the 60's as well as Black Lives Matter. The clinical and institutional implications are briefly considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]