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Widely celebrated as one of the most influential twentieth-century Australian poets, Judith Wright occupies a central and uncontested space in the national literary canon. The political drive of her poetry, intertwined with her lifelong commitment to ecological and Indigenous rights activism, transformed the platform afforded her as a ‘poet of the land’ into a discursive space through which to contest the legitimacy of her own positioning – as a settler, as a poet, and perhaps most significantly as an anticolonial ally. Despite this, and despite the growing urgency of conversations about institutional decolonization, Wright’s complex legacy as a decolonial agent remains largely uncontested. This article considers Wright’s poetic capacity to strike at the foundation upon which she stands and to excavate the violent histories beneath it; however, it also illuminates the inherited literary traditions that stunt her disruptive efforts. Drawing her contribution as a writer-activist into broader reflections on decolonization, I demonstrate the lasting significance of Wright’s reparative gestures – acknowledging and attending to active silences – as a timely model for literary canon reformation. Such (re)considerations of Wright’s legacy raise pertinent questions about what constitutes decolonial literary activism and gesture towards the silences as yet unbroken by the broader decolonial project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mainstream area of marketing maintains that consumerism is a social movement that seeks to support consumers against corporate wrongdoings. Led by the area's canons, particularly Philip Kotler, marketing has associated consumerist values with neoliberal-capitalist principles; however, it has failed to address the issues, realities, and contexts of consumerism and consumerists in the Global South, in their multiple and non-homogenous forms, which are onto-epistemically aligned to such realities. The present paper aims to analyse, through a decolonial perspective from Latin America, how the consumerism led in marketing by Kotler fails to promote consumer protection in multiple realities and for multiple groups, especially (if not only) in the Global South. Latin American decolonial theorisations related to hierarchies of power, locus of enunciation and universalisation of knowledge are adopted, in order to critically analyse these failures, based on a perspective that originates in a non-hegemonic context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Emerging in the mid‐1980s, feminist geography has remained on the margins of Quebec's geography, as if it were a minor branch of the discipline. However, after having integrated concerns related to the geography of gender and sexualities, feminist geography expands on and consolidates theoretical, epistemological, and methodological levels by integrating intersectional and decolonial approaches. It is developing to such an extent that it is now legitimate to talk about feminist geographies in Quebec. In fact, by adopting intersectional and decolonial approaches, feminist geographies question the construction of the discourses and body of knowledge constituting the geography of Quebec, which claimed to be universal. In addition, the related analytical tools allow us to revisit established areas of interest such as migration and Indigenous issues, by giving women a voice. By paving the way for the co‐construction of knowledge, these approaches promote the visibility of the complexity of power relations and relationships to space of the different population groups living in Quebec. In other words, feminist geographies, by giving voice to women from subaltern social groups such as immigrant and aboriginal women, can help create a geography of emancipation. Messages clés: Apparues au milieu des années 1980, la géographie féministe du Québec s'est consolidée progressivement sur les plans théorique et méthodologique au point tel qu'aujourd'hui on parle de géographies féministes.L'intégration des approches intersectionnelle et décoloniale permet de questionner les discours et le corpus de connaissances de la géographie au Québec.Par un nouveau regard sur des champs d'intérêts comme les questions migratoires et autochtones, les géographies féministes contribuent à la création d'une géographie de l'émancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the intersection of colonialism, masculinity, and queerness in Junot Díaz’s The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao. Through a decolonial lens, it examines how Díaz critiques the lingering effects of colonialism and dictatorship on Dominican identity, particularly through the ‘fukú’ curse—a symbol of intergenerational trauma. The paper argues that the queering of heterosexuality in the novel challenges rigid gender norms, where Oscar’s nonconformity and Yunior’s conflicted hypermasculinity expose the limitations of Dominican masculinity shaped by colonial rule. Set against the backdrop of the Dominican Republic’s tropical landscapes and violent history, Oscar’s and Yunior’s narratives highlight the broader struggle between individual authenticity and societal conformity. Díaz’s use of magical realism and transcultural storytelling amplifies this decolonial critique, revealing how colonial legacies continue to shape gender and identity in the post-colonial world. By analyzing the characters’ resistance to heteronormative pressures and their individual journeys, the paper situates The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao as a significant exploration of queering as a form of decolonial resistance, reconsidering the lasting impact of colonial oppression on cultural and gender identities.

From a decolonial perspective, and taking Latin America as its case study, this article discusses southern criminology —a body of work that has consolidated in the region and other Global South countries, and that aims at explaining crime and violence, together with the social control responses they elicit, as part of the colonial matrix of power. The article claims that southern criminology has the potential to contribute to the discussion of crime, violence, and social control in Latin America in at least two aspects: first, it may provide an incisive analysis of the relations between diffearent forms of violence and subordination, on the one hand, and the punitive and exclusive responses of Latin American political regimes to these phenomena, on the other. Second, it may contribute a suggestive explanation of how the forms of social control that have emerged in different countries of the region since their birth as independent republics are closely linked to the construction of political, economic, and social orders that are part of the colonial matrix of power.

The violence towards the Rohingya people in Myanmar has been well documented, with Facebook serving as a key site for the proliferation of anti-Muslim hate speech in the country. There are differing explanations as to the extent and significance of its role in contributing to this conflict. Some analyses have cited Myanmar's internal deficiencies, framing the country as a bad adopter of technologies. These depictions rarely consider the broader conditions of technological adoption that extend beyond Myanmar's borders. In this paper, we connect science, technology, and innovation (STI) work and decolonial analysis to highlight how Facebook's activities in Myanmar are better understood as inextricably linked to the utopian and 'techno-solutionist' narratives mobilised by companies, particularly when deploying their technology in lower-income countries. The case study of Facebook's role in Myanmar exemplifies how developing states can become understood as scapegoats when the promises behind new technologies are not realised. These practices obscure the role that Big Tech proponents of technology can play in generating internal crises in the Global South. They illustrate how certain ways of thinking about and promoting technology can play a role in reinscribing hegemonic colonial dynamics, something that is not unique to Myanmar and can produce broader material harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how the critique of the monopoly of Western liberal thought through the decolonisation movement that was intended to increase the number of voices heard has been co-opted by nationalist politics in India and Russia. The debates in higher education in these countries reflect current key questions on the nature of the Indian and Russian nations—both under respective nationalist governments—where both are advocating a cutting off from Western modernity. Using Mignolo's concept of "de-linking" that was intended to raise up non-Western ways of thinking, the article shows that India and Russia have adapted and simplified decolonial discourse to reject "Western-influenced" critiques of development, inequality, and authoritarianism. Under political pressure from these authoritarian regimes, universities have helped to embed repressive majoritarian politics through anti-Western rhetoric disguised as de-linking, enabling democratic backsliding by discrediting opposition. This is done to protect a new identity based upon state conceptions of traditional values, paradoxically erasing minority voices that do not fit neatly into the unified national narrative. When universities are branded as Western agents for being critical of local traditions and schools of thought, the space for critical thinking and democratic debate is ultimately removed, leaving those who oppose Putin and Modi with no safe way to engage with political discourse, and this actually undermines the intentions of decolonial philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In her last collection of poetry, Ova completa (1987), Susana Thénon (Buenos Aires, 1935–91) proclaims a female subjectivity from within a system designed to regulate it, and writes into being a gendered subjecthood of excess, a subjecthood that pushes against and beyond the containing frameworks of colonial, religious, and patriarchal discourse. Drawing on the work of decolonial theorists such as Walter D. Mignolo and Catherine E. Walsh, this essay analyses the ways in which Thénon uses language and sardonic humour in Ova completa to interrupt and crack "the modern/colonial/capitalist/heteropatriarchal matrices of power." Calling into question the legitimacy of often invisible structures in the late-twentieth-century colonized Americas, Ova completa elaborates a new feminist poetics of counternarrative, one which draws on a multitude of voices to launch a witty, sharply pointed critique of colonialism, religion, heteronormative patriarchy, and language itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term syncretism has had a metamorphic history in terms of its meaning, starting as positive with Plutarch, to being positive and negative during the Reformation, and then becoming neutral and negative after the Reformation to becoming decidedly negative from the 1920s onward. Despite advances in interpreting syncretism in more neutral or positive ways, the word's meaning and function remain imprecise. Central to the fog surrounding the word is its implicit meaning of some type of mixture, whether negative, neutral, or positive. The question then becomes, "Is mixture a valid central meaning of the word?" More importantly, can the suspicious lens of decolonialism offer insight into redefining it and also give direction as to how it could function? This article studies the development of the term, examines current scholarship within the World Council of Churches, and situates syncretism within the larger context of the decolonial discussion in trying to redefine it in light of its original meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a decolonial perspective, and taking Latin America as its case study, this article discusses southern criminology --a body of work that has consolidated in the region and other Global South countries, and that aims at explaining crime and violence, together with the social control responses they elicit, as part of the colonial matrix of power. The article claims that southern criminology has the potential to contribute to the discussion of crime, violence, and social control in Latin America in at least two aspects: first, it may provide an incisive analysis of the relations between different forms of violence and subordination, on the one hand, and the punitive and exclusive responses of Latin American political regimes to these phenomena, on the other. Second, it may contribute a suggestive explanation of how the forms of social control that have emerged in different countries of the region since their birth as independent republics are closely linked to the construction of political, economic, and social orders that are part of the colonial matrix of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the debalkanisation (reintegration) dilemma faced by Africa's indigenous multiethnic communities, stemming from historical colonialism and arbitrary border imposition. Analysing its origins in European colonial practices, the article delineates the ongoing repercussions on political stability, social cohesion, and economic development. Inherited by postindependence African nations, these divisions perpetuate inter-ethnic tensions, manifesting in challenges like land disputes, resource allocation, and political representation, leading to marginalization. Despite efforts for national unity, persistent barriers such as political instability, corruption, and external influences hinder progress. The article underscores the importance of inclusive dialogue, participatory governance, and cultural respect for sustainable solutions. Addressing this debalkanisation dilemma requires empowering indigenous multiethnic communities through comprehensive policies, advancing Africa towards the realization of "Uhuru" - freedom and prosperity for all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary Taínos protested the 2021 sale, by Christie's auction house, of sacred ancestral pieces. This essay focuses on one prolific Taíno media creator and behike (or shaman), Luis Ramos, and his role in these protests and his theological and metaphysical interpretations of the protests as, though they did not succeed in stopping the auction, a "win" for the Taíno community. For Ramos, this "win" hinges on Taíno theories of media that allow for Taíno creative control over objects used to facilitate direct contact with the cemi or spirits, meaning that while the ancestral pieces held by Christie's are of value, the fact that living Taínos use other pieces to experience the presence of the cemi is even more important. Likewise, this presence of the cemi is understood to offer recognition to the Taíno community, the predication of an alternative model of sovereignty that is determined by Taínos rather than any exterior force. This alternative economy of recognition, coupled with a defiance of state logic and uninterest in the lack of recognition offered by the state (or by a multinational corporation like Christie's), is key to an alternative politics allowing for Taínos to emphasize their own creative agency and authority over their spirituality. Resumen: Los taínos contemporáneos protestaron contra la venta de piezas sagradas ancestrales por parte de la casa de subastas Christie's en 2021. Este ensayo se centra en un creador de medios taíno y behike (o chamán), Luis Ramos, y su papel en estas protestas. Aunque Luis no consiguió detener la subasta, sus interpretaciones teológicas y metafísicas de las protestas plantean que sus acciones fueron una "victoria" para la comunidad taína. Para Ramos, esta "victoria" se basa en las teorías taínas sobre los medios de comunicación que permiten el control creativo taíno sobre los objetos utilizados para facilitar el contacto directo con el cemi o los espíritus, lo que significa que, si bien las piezas ancestrales en poder de Christie's son valiosas, el hecho de que los taínos vivos utilicen otras piezas para sentir la presencia del cemi es aún más importante. También se entiende que la presencia del cemi reconoce a la comunidad taína, y predica un modelo alternativo de soberanía que está determinada por los taínos y no por una fuerza exterior. Esta economía alternativa de reconocimiento, unida a un desafío a la lógica estatal y al desinterés por la falta de reconocimiento que ofrece el Estado (o una multinacional como Christie's), es clave para una política alternativa que permita a los taínos enfatizar su propia agencia creativa y su autoridad sobre su espiritualidad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political theology is a socio-critical theology with its face towards the world. The formations of the matrix of power in the world are produced by coloniality and its dynamics outworked in the world. Thus, based on this meaning of political theology, there is a possibility to use political theology to critique the ways of knowing and being, and face the world to see a hope in theology. Furthermore, political theology allows socio-political critique outside the colonial paradigm. This article seeks to detail the colonial subject-object paradigm as well as how Whiteness is intrinsically connected to ‘the other’, Blackness. Additionally, it discusses the different iterations of politicised theology in South Africa – a process of a disengaged and decolonial political theology. Finally, it proposes a decolonial process of politicised theology using South African knowledge systems and theologising in order to disable the paradigm for the liberating possibilities of both sides of the colonial paradigm. Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: The article is interdisciplinary as it looks at theological reflection as well as philosophy, sociology and anthropology in decolonial scholarship. This article aligns with the scope of the journal as it creates a conversation around political theology and the possibility for a liberatory political theology from South Africa.

In the search for the existence of alternatives for how legal relations in International Law are established today, this text starts from the need to demystify International Law as a universal normative set (part I), so that it can thus look into the possibilities of resignifications of its norms from a critical stance, more specifically through the Third World Approaches to International Law – TWAIL (part II), as is already happening in the field of (International Law of) Human Rights since the Decolonial Theory , allowing not only to question the past, but also to obtain social justice for everyone, including the Third World, largely obstructed, hidden and excluded from international normative logic since the advent of modernity. In order to carry out this research of an applied nature, within the scope of international law, the hypothetical-deductive approach method will be used. As far as the objective is concerned, we will carry out an analysis from a descriptive-explanatory-critical point of view. Finally, the method of procedure adopted is mainly bibliographical, selected in a qualitative manner.

My aim in this editorial is to reflect on the implications of colonization on Brazilian scientific journals in the field of administration. The contribution to the debate highlights how the adoption of publishing and evaluation standards from central countries in the Global North creates distortions in the Brazilian system, underestimating the potential of Brazilian administration journals and hindering the development of researchers in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My aim in this editorial is to reflect on the implications of colonization on Brazilian scientific journals in the field of administration. The contribution to the debate highlights how the adoption of publishing and evaluation standards from central countries in the Global North creates distortions in the Brazilian system, underestimating the potential of Brazilian administration journals and hindering the development of researchers in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Música, Artes Visuales y Artes Escénicas is the property of Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Confederated Colville Tribes collaborated with DroneSeed, a forestry drone start-up, to use drones to replant their tribal forest after a devastating fire. Using concepts from Bernard Stiegler to interrogate ethnographic data, this article argues that forestry drones are pharmaka: their biopolitics can be therapeutic, that is, negentropic, capable of reversing ecological simplification. Drone forestry is a type of arborescent governmentality, a tree-based computer-coded attempt to control the growth of a forest. For the Colville, this negentropy is also an act of sovereignty that protects culture and honors multispecies relationships. For DroneSeed, it is an experiment in negentropic geoengineering, an attempt to profitably leverage technologies and biological regeneration to sequester carbon and reduce global existential risk. Ultimately the project was not the success desired; the failure of technoliberal projects that blend ecological and economic liberalism shows that a more radical approach might be necessary to root carbon and slow capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Universities across the globe are implementing internationalization programs. These programs often focus on language development, study abroad programs, and developing the international reputations of professors. In this paper, we present data from interviews and ethnographic observations of university internationalization trainings in Brazil. We asked: How (do) professors in Brazil make sense of the national/organizational internationalization initiative? Drawing on decolonial theories and scholarship about organizational paradoxes, we found two primary paradoxes arise in internationalization directives: the paradox of relying on the English language and the paradox of mobility. Ultimately, we argue that university internationalization is a highly political communicative act, which perpetuates systems of oppression and dominance and can cultivate discursive and material violence. We suggest that internationalization projects must take perspectives from a variety of global locations into account in order to roll out decolonized programs that are more equitable and attainable across the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonisation continues to have a tremendous impact on large parts of the globe and not only on previously colonised countries. Many of the current geopolitical, economic and environmental challenges that the globe faces cannot be thought of without taking decolonial thinking into consideration. In his Preface to Fanon’s book, The Wretched of the Earth, Jean-Paul Sartre argues that this book is not written for Europeans, yet he challenges Europeans to read it. It is between such particularism and universalism that this article will engage with decolonial thinking in the context of the globe’s various geopolitical, environmental and political challenges. Europe’s colonial claim to universalism cannot be separated from Christendom. In this article, this Christian colonial universalism will be brought into conversation with an attempt at a decolonial theology. Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: The article is an interdisciplinary conversation between philosophy and theology.

My aim in this editorial is to reflect on the implications of colonization on Brazilian scientific journals in the field of administration. The contribution to the debate highlights how the adoption of publishing and evaluation standards from central countries in the Global North creates distortions in the Brazilian system, underestimating the potential of Brazilian administration journals and hindering the development of researchers in the country.

The aim of this article is to discuss the recent changes in scenic dance in Brazil. Until the beginning of the 2000s, scenic dance was primarily practiced by middle class white dancers, whereas more recently there is a greater representation of Afro-Brazilians and socially less privileged people who come from the outskirts of cities (periferia). The author argues that this change of paradigm is happening due to cultural policies implemented by local governments, as they attempted to provide entertaining and creative activities to help diminish violence in large urban centers, starting in the 1990s. Since these cultural policies have been developing and increasing during the last twenty years, and taking into consideration the issues of decolonialization present in the broader panorama of Latin America, this article’s goal is to discuss the growing presence of artists and dance collectives addressing ethnic and social issues in their work in an attempt to challenge established hegemonic values. In order to accomplish this task, the author refers to social theories related to decolonialization and marginalized communities of the periphery as established by various theoreticians, including Frantz Fanon, Milton Santos, Stuart Hall, Boaventura de Souza Santos, Walter Mignolo, and Anibal Quijano.

Despite the advantages of literature review and the abundance of texts that discuss it, there is still a gap in critical reflection on its methodologies and uses. My goal in this editorial is to reflect on the practice of literature review in the administration field from a critical perspective. The literature review I am referring to is not just a set of techniques for conducting it; it is a collective doing among scholars, producing specific knowledge. By drawing on concepts such as fad, methodologism, and decolonial critique, we can conclude that contrary to the common belief among researchers, following rigid protocols in literature review does not necessarily lead to new knowledge. Instead, it reproduces pre-existing ways of thinking about a topic, which can inhibit reflective and critical thinking about research findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the hermeneutics of suspicion, this article explores how the critical theory of human rights inspired the Latin American perspective of emancipation, which questions the conventional, Eurocentric universalism of human rights. A causal and philosophical-legal investigation is developed, based on the methodology of documentary analysis of bibliographic sources. The research identifies three key tools in Latin American thought that have influenced the devaluation of the imposed vision of human rights: emancipation ideologies, culture and literature. It shows how there have been various social and cultural movements that promote said emancipation. Finally, the research opens new lines of study on the viability of establishing a Latin American culture of human rights, challenging the Western knowledge imposed in this multicultural context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global impact of Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization and the backlash towards reproductive justice that it represents warrant a global feminist response informed by broad theoretical and geopolitical lenses. We consider how a solidaristic, transnational feminist movement might learn from Latin American feminist movements that have been successful in uniting broad coalitions in the fight for reproductive justice as situated within far-reaching political goals. The success of such a global movement must be decolonial and must contend with the fact that overlapping realities of global inequality, severe poverty, extractivism, and western-backed violence are fundamentally implicated in reproductive justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the relationship between decolonization, climate change, and environmental injustice as represented in the writings of Abdulrazak Gurnah. Gurnah’s work is considered an example of decolonial literature. Decolonial literature has focused on issues beyond the nature of the colonial subject, highlighting the relationship between the capitalist world economy and the formation of modern decolonial subjectivities, namely the exposure of those subjectivities to environmental injustice. The paper intends to answer the following research question: how does Abdulrazak Gurnah address the articulation between decolonization, climate change, and environmental injustice? The paper argues that Gurnah addresses such an articulation by discussing knowledge production about the colonial subject and the postcolonial self and instituting an association between environmental/climate precarity and biopolitical precarity. Building from two of Gurnah’s novels—By the Sea and Afterlives – the paper debates how Gurnah’s characters are afflicted by the racialization of social and economic relations and biopolitical and climate precarity. Questioning knowledge production about the colonial subject and the postcolonial self is significant because it underscores the importance of transforming how knowledge about climate change is produced. Instituting an association between environmental/climate precarity and biopolitical precarity permits debating how colonial and capitalist power structures are responsible for disseminating environmental injustice, foregrounding the epistemic importance of indigenous climate change studies. The work of Gurnah is critically analyzed, bearing in mind the need to discuss the relevance of addressing climate change and environmental injustice from the perspective of global south literature.

Despite the advantages of literature review and the abundance of texts that discuss it, there is still a gap in critical reflection on its methodologies and uses. My goal in this editorial is to reflect on the practice of literature review in the administration field from a critical perspective. The literature review I am referring to is not just a set of techniques for conducting it; it is a collective doing among scholars, producing specific knowledge. By drawing on concepts such as fad, methodologism, and decolonial critique, we can conclude that contrary to the common belief among researchers, following rigid protocols in literature review does not necessarily lead to new knowledge. Instead, it reproduces pre-existing ways of thinking about a topic, which can inhibit reflective and critical thinking about research findings.

Ocean science diplomacy stands for the social phenomena resulting from the interaction of science and diplomacy in ocean affairs. It refers, inter alia, to the provision of scientific evidence in support of international decision-making, the building of alliances through scientific cooperation, and the enhancement of international collaborative marine research. Despite this generalization, we still lack an understanding of the sense practitioners make of ocean science diplomacy. This paper reports on perceptions of ocean science diplomacy collected through twenty in-depth interviews with South and North Atlantic government officials and researchers involved in the All-Atlantic Ocean Research Alliance. In principle, interviewees perceive ocean science diplomacy as a positive and critically important phenomenon that combines the best of science and diplomacy. However, below this generally positive perception, there seems to be a polarization of power between science and policy and also between South and North Atlantic perspectives. Scientists have reported feeling suspicious of policymaking processes, while officials portray science as unaccountable and segregated from policy. South Atlantic researchers expressed concern over limited research capabilities, and officials reported an openness to the scientific evidence presented by scientists. Northern interviewees, with reported enhanced research capabilities, seem more inclined to search for the right scientific evidence in support of national political goals. A preconceived sense of the other is what seems to permeate South–North Atlantic relationships. Northern subjects make sense of their Southern peers as those in need of assistance, while Southern interviewees claimed being unheard and victims of tokenism. I discuss these findings in light of postcolonial and decolonial theories, advocating for the need to decolonize ocean science diplomacy in the Atlantic Ocean if we are to achieve its alluded benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This conversation with French-Algerian thinker and activist Houria Bouteldja focuses on her book Whites, Jews, and Us: Toward a Politics of Revolutionary Love. By zooming in on contemporary debates around racism and decolonization in France, this interview focuses on questions of how gender and masculinity, sexuality, class, and race form political relationships within the modern nation-state. In particular, it asks follow-up questions to Bouteldja's epistemology in the chapter "We, Indigenous Women," the chapter that explicitly focuses on women, gender, and sexuality. And while gender and sexuality are always also inherently public, we follow up on tracing how her book, Les indigènes de la république (the movement of which she was the spokesperson from 2005 to 2020), and she herself have been received in French public debate, including in academia, politics and the media. Within the latter power fields, we address the role of women of color intellectuals and the challenges they pose to current debates and "moral panics" through the optics of popular decolonial movements. Eventually, a conversation unfolds where an ostensible "(too) liberal academia" has been marked by contemporary accusations of "Islamogauchisme" in a wider discourse that portrays Europe as being "in crisis" and what that means for the decolonization of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructing academic knowledge in and from the global South is riddled with negotiations of oneself, our collectivities, and the demands of productivity. In our activism in and outside academia, gender knowledge emerges like grass: unpredictable, collective, abundant, messy. In policy and higher education, the field is limited by the credentials of expertise with all the restrictions, pressures, and limitations of higher education and its demands for publication. Gender studies is currently a contested field, facing attacks from across the political spectrum that question its rigour, ethics, and very nature. In this context, rooted in our concern for how we construct gender knowledge and the continued colonial consequences of academia, we reflect on our own negotiation processes and offer our methodologies of creativity and play as a way to evade the limits of expertise. Inspired by Deleuze and Guattari's concept of rhizomes as well as MacLure's call to wonder, we examine the intersections of our experiences and our positionalities in and with the academic spaces we inhabit, to discuss methodologies in knowledge construction. We look at how these methodologies allow us to map contradictions and tensions in the construction of knowledge between the arboreal forms of what is considered knowledge and the other that is possible, born from where we have been cut, the phantom members of the decolonial ghost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alternative Francophone is the property of Alternative Francophone and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper discusses the import of "theory-fiction" in contemporary Romanian culture, by analysing the textual and artistic output of the performance artists Alina Popa and Florin Fluera?. The first part introduces the key methodological concepts used in the text, such as Edward Said's notion of "travelling theory", and some considerations regarding "theory-fiction", which is a hybrid discourse at the intersection of theory and fiction. I begin the paper by offering some background information about the works of the two above-mentioned artists. Then, I examine some of the most important texts and performances by Popa and Flueraş in light of an essential mechanism deployed by "theory-fiction", namely "hyperstition". Lastly, I return to Said's concept of "travelling theory" and attempt to expand it by proposing a new notion, that of "travelling theory-fiction" based on Popa and Flueraş's case. This latter term considers both the intermedial nature of the artists' usage of "theory-fiction" and the autochthonous sociocultural context in which they introduce this discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arte y Políticas de Identidad is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The objective of the article is to bring reflections on the influence of modernist thought on public policies and practices for the preservation of cultural heritage in Brazil from a historicized reflection of SPHAN (National Historical and Artistic Heritage Service), a federal body created for these purposes in 1937. By mobilizing theoretical issues of decolonial epistemology and the African diaspora, we seek to demonstrate the hypothesis that such a "modern" influence may have contributed to a colonialist reading that excelled in dissimulating the marked presence of African ways of doing things in Brazilian cultural heritage., mainly in the architecture of São Paulo's colonial tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-World War II era of International Law was prolific in generating intricate and complex processes of advancing human rights through the creation of norms and agencies, framing the protection of individuals in major human rights documents. Most of these instruments were incorporated at State level to predominantly protect the nationals and legal civilians. This perspective is e still very attached to the territorial dimension of State Sovereignty. Therefore, in terms of governance e, the International System fails to advance the process of decolonization as historically overcoming colonialism, and not only a process of legally addressing the emancipation of colonies, but of breaking the paradigm of the power dynamics in its very structures, for no major international mechanisms were created to overcome the colonial advantage within International Organizations - and this reflects on the institutional dynamics of specialized agencies and subsidiary organs of the UN, such as the UNHCR, designated to work with refugees, as some of these were not designed to last more than its original mandate. Additionally, in the last decades, with the expanded flow of information, goods and services, no such expansion was allowed when it comes to migrants. The figure of the migrant rises as much more interesting to the economic system as being undocumented, differently from the protected civilian. Since most economic migrants and refugees are from the Global South, it might imply an unfinished globalization process, as the system itself feeds on this colonial logic, promoting this figure of the illegal migrant to nourish itself from it. Saskia Sassen and Anne Orford will bring light on this matter, about how economic globalization depends on the current international division of labor and migration, exploiting these migrants, because this deprivation of rights that renders them undocumented is the necessary condition for their labor exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay puts in conversation notions of diversity, interculturalism and multiculturalism with decolonial scholarship, and then discusses the theoretical and methodological implications for meta-intercultural education – that is, a perspective that reconceptualises intercultural education anchored in critical and decolonial perspectives. It is suggested that a decolonising diversity approach opens new pathways for critical responses to the global discourses and practices of diversity that reinforce particular forms of colonial violence through intercultural education policies and practices. It is argued that this approach offers new insights that enable practical, everyday education interventions which disrupt institutionalised diversity work. Importantly, this approach does not mean a blanket rejection of everything that is 'Western' or 'European' and replacing it with other centric forms of knowledge production, but rather building upon decolonial critique to critically interrogate key concepts and transform our ways of thinking about interculturality and diversity in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper challenges the Eurocentric entrepreneurship narrative from postcolonial and pan‐African feminist perspectives. Based on interview research conducted with 24 Zimbabwean women entrepreneurs, we narrate their microstorias in order to expose the legacy of entrepreneurial colonialism and patriarchy in Africa. The microstorias reveal the colonial past as well as the patriarchal norms that disenfranchise women entrepreneurs in Zimbabwe. Yet, they also reveal their struggle, resilience, resistance and their ongoing fight to construct their own identities as entrepreneurs. The paper contributes to enhance and advance further postcolonial, decolonial and critical voices in entrepreneurship and organization studies by challenging the prevailing western discourse of entrepreneurship from the introduction of necroentrepreneurism; giving support to intersectional postcolonial and Pan‐African feminist perspectives that voice global South women entrepreneurship and, by decolonizing and decentring the theoretical debates on entrepreneurship and organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with Los ríos profundos (1958) by José María Arguedas, Peruvian writer and anthropologist. This work is an autobiographical novel and a kind of Bildungsroman whose protagonist is Ernesto, a criollo boy. The main stage is Abancay, where the social structure of discrimination is solid in all spaces such as the school, the city and the hacienda, which is the origin of Ernesto's acute discord with the world. That social structure is revealed more clearly through los colonos, practically enslaved Indians. My opinion for a long time has been that the final part of the work is too utopian, in which, when typhus breaks out, los colonos of the hacienda go to the city without fears asking for mass despite the control of the soldiers. However, considering the reality of the deep Andes of that time, I changed it. Indeed, these colonos did not dare to speak or protest like the wretched of the earth despite so many inexorable exploitations. But with the typhus, they became those who know how to speak and act. According to the concepts of Nelson Maldonado-Torres, one of the important scholars of decolonialism, it can be said that the novel ends with the decolonial turn of los colonos, overcoming their condition of the coloniality of being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on the relationship between archive and territory. I relate a research stay in the Nitassinan of Pessamit, a territory reconfigured in the 1960s by COMMposite, 23(1), 2023 the development of extractive infrastructures, such as a hydroelectric complex and mining projects. While engaging this territory as an archive, that is to say as a repertoire of techno-ecological hybridizations left by these projects, I made, during my passage in these places, an an/archivistic herbarium. This repertoire of my interactions with the territorial archive deliberately blurs the traces of Quebec’s settler colonialism. In this reflexive and critical essay, I present this process and its floristic an/archive in order to suggest that the territorial archive constitutes a technique of colonial governance, based on extractive and infrastructural mechanisms. It follows that an an/archival methodology works to make these modalities visible while creating a space in which to claim alternatives. Perspectives from infrastructure theory, decolonialism and queer approaches inform this reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]