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Smuggling plays a key role in several debates about the short- and mid-term consequences of the 1707 Union of Scotland and England, with the general consensus that smuggling was as widespread and dramatic as the early post-Union Scottish customs administration was inefficient and corrupt. This article questions these assumptions through a detailed study of the post-Union Scottish customs. By highlighting the bureaucratic sophistication apparent in the administrative changes, as well as by comparing the extent of customs fraud and tax resistance in Scotland with developments in England and Wales, the article argues for a more even-handed evaluation of the extent of smuggling on the Scottish scene. It further shows that there are good reasons why the Scottish situation was subject to an exaggerated perception in England. Ultimately, the article illustrates that the real problem for the English executive in addressing the Scottish customs in the wake of the Union was a particular fiscal dilemma that resulted from a clash between contemporary expectations about the profitability of the Scottish customs and the simultaneous need for preventive measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is the largest free trade agreement in the world in terms of its membership and it has tremendous potential to lift millions of Africans out of poverty through boosting intra-Africa trade by ensuring that Africa has one gigantic market of over 1.3 billion people. For this to be achieved, this trade agreement must be implemented rapidly and to the letter. This article therefore argues that, among others, the use and adoption of an African indigenous language such as Kiswahili can play an important role in enabling Africans to trade with one another with ease and mutual trust. The adoption and use of this language as a potential lingua franca for commerce and teaching and learning also has the potential to harness the innovation and creativity of Africans as this would be emanating from the age-old ingenuity of our forebears. The main argument made here is that language is both the reservoir and vessel for culture and indigenous knowledge systems (IKS), and without its maximum exploitation, our societies will not industrialise and develop. Methodologically, qualitative semi-open-ended interviews and non-participant observation were conducted in Kenya, Tanzania and South Africa to gauge experts' views on the utility of Kiswahili as a potential Pan-African language. Pan-Africanism and Afrocentricity are key theories deployed in giving shape to this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis article examines and analyses the challenges faced by Southern African Development Community (SADC) member states while implementing the organisation’s Trade Protocol, which it adopted in 1996 to increase intra-regional trade. The focus is on member states who have signed and ratified the Protocol but struggle to honour it. This means that the SADC member states that have not acceded to the Protocol are not the subject of analysis. While several studies have been undertaken to explore regional economic integration in SADC, the challenges emanating from the domestic circumstances faced by members within the context of regional integration have not been properly examined. This article argues that the failure of some member states, including Malawi, Zimbabwe, and Angola, to honour their commitments to the Trade Protocol is not unjustifiable; however, there must be a willingness to make certain concessions for the region’s intra-trade agenda to be a success. This article adopted a qualitative approach as it poses an exploratory question. The sources used include SADC documents, World Bank reports (on gross domestic product and World Development Indicators), and publications, including policies, protocols, communiques, statements, books, and journal and newspaper articles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The motivation of the present study is to complement the extant literature by assessing the relevance of governance and information technology in how African trade affects female labour force participation. The study focuses on 48 African countries using data for the period 1996–2021. An adopted empirical strategy is the fixed effects regressions that are designed to address concerns for simultaneity and the unobserved heterogeneity. The fractional probit model based on the pooled Bernoulli quasi-maximum likelihood method is also employed. The following main findings are established. First, governance moderates intra-African trade to engender positive synergies on female labour force participation. The positive synergies are apparent from the overall quality of institutions, government effectiveness and the rule of law. Second, information technology does not significantly moderate intra-African trade to affect female labour force participation. The established findings from fixed effects regressions are robust to fractional probit model estimations. The findings are relevant in informing policy makers on how governance can be used to moderate the influence of African trade in promoting female labour force participation. Policy implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the linkages between regional integration, poverty, and inequality reduction in the South African Customs Union. This was achieved by applying an econometric analytical technique to panel data on the five-member countries covering 2000–17. Results confirmed that regional integration is important in poverty and inequality reduction. This study has revealed that poverty can be reduced by increasing the levels of integration with other economies, increasing Human Development Indexfst and reducing inequalities. Therefore, these findings show that SACU governments’ commitment to enhancing each of these variables is critical in achieving zero or reduced poverty among member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prioritizing potential invasive alien species, introduction pathways, and likely places susceptible to biological invasions is collectively critical for developing the targeting of management strategies at pre‐border, border, and post‐border. A framework for prioritizing the invasion management that considered all these elements in combination is lacking, particularly in the context of potential coinvasion scenarios of multispecies. Here, for the first time, we have constructed a coupling framework of biological invasions to evaluate and prioritize multiple invasion risks of 35 invasive alien mealybugs (IAMs) that posed a significant threat to the agri‐horticultural crops in China. We found that the imported tropical fruits from free trade areas of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to entry ports of southern China were the primary introduction pathway for IAMs, vectored on various fruit commodities. There was also a high probability for cointroductions of potential multi‐IAMs with a single imported tropical fruit. The potential distribution of such IAMs with dissimilar net relatedness were mainly located in southern China. These distributions, however, are likely to expand to the higher latitudes of northern China under future climate and land use/land cover changes. Temperature and anthropogenic factors were both independently and collectively determining factors for the diversity and distribution patterns of imported IAMs under near‐current climate conditions. Our findings highlight that these multiple components of global change have and will continue to facilitate the introduction and establishment risks of IAMs in southern China, as well as the spread risk into northern China. Additionally, our findings, for the first time, demonstrated management prioritization across the continuous invasion stages of 35 IAMs in China, and provide additional insights into the development of targeting of their biosecurity and management decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the potential role of APEC in global governance, emphasizing the importance of a rules-based international trading system. Dr. Rebecca Fatima Sta Maria, the APEC Secretariat Executive Director, highlights the significance of multilateral cooperation in ensuring fair and secure trade. The article also explores the evolution of trade agreements like CPTPP and RCEP, emphasizing the need for middle-power leadership to promote reforms in the international trading system. Additionally, it suggests initiatives for closer partnerships between ASEAN countries and Japan, including student exchanges and collaborations to strengthen economic relationships. [Extracted from the article]

Despite the advent of trade liberalisation, trade taxes still remain a key source of tax revenues in sub‐Saharan Africa. Further trade reforms in the form of the African Continental Free Trade Area could, however, hinder output growth in the region if these reforms lead to a decline in total tax revenues. Motivated by this conundrum, this paper investigates the impact of trade liberalisation on tax revenues across a panel of sub‐Saharan African countries. The results indicate that trade liberalisation is associated with an increase in total tax revenues. Also, the reduction of import and export duties significantly increases and decreases domestic and trade tax revenues, respectively. In addition, greater urbanisation is associated with an increase in total tax revenues, while inflation decreases tax revenues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This conceptual essay extends decolonisation debates to the broader context of decoloniality of praxis. It acknowledges the significance of epistemological and pedagogical decolonisation but argues that these do not fully engage with the entrenched coloniality in tourism in Africa. The essay problematises the conventional explanations for Africa's underperformance in international tourism and its erasure of Africans as tourists. It proffers pragmatic arguments for decolonising tourism in Africa, given the unprecedented decline in international tourism during the Covid-19 pandemic, the historically contradictory images of Africa, the latent demand for domestic and regional tourism, the youthful population of Africa, and the possibility of Africa-wide freedom of movement emanating from implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area. The article emphasizes the need for concomitant representivity of Africans as producers and consumers of tourism experiences from within the continent, partly facilitated through principles of subsidiarity, although potential resistance to such a pursuit is acknowledged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The agricultural sector is regarded as a fertile ground for achieving the African Continental Free Trade Area ambitions. However, agricultural productivity in Africa is low and falling. It is argued that intra-Africa trade and good governance can help increase agricultural productivity. Nonetheless, both are low, casting doubt on their ability to enhance agricultural productivity. This study attempts for the first time to examine the causal relationship between the intra-Africa agricultural trade, governance quality, and the agricultural total factor productivity (ATFP) for 47 countries over the period 1995–2018. We extend the analysis to regional economic communities (RECs) to understand the diversity in this relationship within the continent. Using the panel VAR model in the generalized method of moment (GMM) estimation approach, our results suggest a long-run equilibrium relationship between the three variables. Specifically, the results indicate that at the African level, intra-Africa agricultural trade has a statistically positive effect on governance quality and ATFP. In contrast, good governance has positive and negative impacts on ATFP and trade, respectively. We also find that ATFP positively influences intra-African agricultural trade and governance. At the RECs level, our estimations show significant heterogeneity in the three variables' impacts. Policy implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Africa appears to be an appealing investment destination, with African stock markets offering foreign investors the gateway to tap into the continent's potential growth opportunities. Despite the significant growth and development of stock markets on the continent in recent decades, however, there remain some obstacles to overcome. This paper aims to examine the challenges faced by African stock markets which diminish their appeal to foreign investors and assess regional integration as a potential solution. Key takeaways: (1) African stock markets are often inadequately regulated and exhibit limited size, depth and liquidity, compounded by high currency volatility, prohibitive trading costs and macroeconomic and political instability, making them less attractive to foreign investors; (2) policy makers and regulators in developing countries should focus on fostering the development of vibrant and liquid public equity markets that are well regulated by creating a favourable market ecosystem through legislation, tax incentives and other measures to encourage listings; (3) for financial markets to operate effectively, they must exist within a comprehensive supportive framework encompassing legal, economic and political elements and coordinated monetary policies, potentially through currency zones; (4) the regional integration of stock exchanges can facilitate global integration, and some progress has been made in this regard. African stock markets remain weakly integrated, however, and economic integration initiatives are still hampered by low intra-African trade and inadequate infrastructure; (5) while the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) lays a solid foundation for economic integration, African countries should allocate additional resources to implement the AfCFTA and ensure increased intra-Africa trade to assist in making its stock markets more attractive to foreign investors and potentially launching a continental exchange in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African countries have recently signed an ambitious and progressive trade pact titled the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement. The agreement establishes a free trade area, which also includes a dispute settlement mechanism (DSM). African countries further agreed on the Protocol on Rules and Procedures on the Settlement of Disputes to establish and regulate the process of the DSM. The Dispute Settlement Body formally launched its business on 26 April 2021. The Agreement and the Protocol are the first of the kind in the continent and are on the verge of implementation. Given that, the article examines the AfCFTA Agreement and the Protocol on Rules and Procedures on the Settlement of Disputes. Accordingly, the article finds that the Agreement and the Protocol involve some legal challenges that will constrain the efficacy of the DSM in the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of EURE is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: This paper aims to provide authorities managing free trade zones, business enterprises, financial institutions and dedicated free zone customs, police and immigration command assigned to deal with aspects of movement of goods and persons in and out of the free zones with a clear understanding of the cross-border financial crime risks associated with the African Continental Free Trade Area and the risk control measures that combines human intelligence with advanced technology to combat cross-border financial crimes in the African Continental Free Trade Area. Design/methodology/approach: A range of research activities would be used in this study. In addition to a sweeping literature review of academic, official studies and media writings, the main focus is on critically evaluating and analysing primary data by searching and collecting statutes, court cases, administrative rules and regulations and policy documents. Findings: This paper identified bribery and corruption; modern slavery; and trade-based money laundering as the financial crime risks that are of priority concern to African Continental Free Trade Areas and demonstrated how countries can assess and mitigate these risks through adequate policies, procedures and controls including appropriate compliance management arrangement and adequate screening procedures to ensure high standards when hiring employees; corporate transparency; training on managing incidents of modern slavery, forced labour and third-party exploitation; and appropriate monitoring framework for trade-based money laundering activities. Originality/value: While many authors have written research papers on intra-African trade, none of those research papers explained how countries can assess and mitigate financial crime risks in free trade zones. This research paper describes the ways in which cross-border financial crime risks can be assessed and adequately addressed by the authorities managing free trade zones. This research paper analyses the risk assessment topic in line with the African Continental Free Trade Area with a focus on free trade zones in Nigeria. This research paper would help authorities managing free trade zones, commercial organisations and business enterprises to identify, prevent and mitigate cross-border financial crime risks. Zone managements and business enterprises that implement the risk-based approach, in line with the guidance given in this research paper, will be well-placed to avoid the consequences of inappropriate de-risking behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores how income inequality among individuals in each country and trade costs depicting geographic distance between countries impact economic welfare and regime choice under representative democracy, comparing three trading regimes: most favored nation, customs union, and free trade agreement. We examine two cases: one in which trade costs are incurred symmetrically among all countries, and the other in which no trade costs are incurred among the potential member countries, but only between them and nonmembers. In each case, we identify the political feasibility of each regime as well as the impact on the average welfare levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the WTO's 2023 Trade Policy Review (TPR) of Turkey, covering 2016–2022. As Turkey marked its centenary in 2023, the TPR allows for critical reflections on Turkey's global and European economic integration and its evolving economic policies. The review period witnessed key developments: heightened tensions with the European Union (EU), the country's transition into a presidential system, and the impacts of COVID‐19 and the Ukraine war. Turkey continued its state‐led development and proactive industrial policy post‐Global Financial Crisis, aiming to reduce the current account deficit, diversify exports, advance technological sophistication and enhance its position in global value chains (GVCs). Recently Turkey has further aligned its import–export regimes and trade negotiations with these strategic goals, increasing its Most Favoured Nation tariffs and adopting localisation strategies to support key sectors. Turkey navigated the pandemic effectively, bolstering its role in global supply chains, as indicated by its increased trade‐to‐GDP ratio. This underscores its economic resilience and strategic location. However, Turkey's trade policies are increasingly diverging from those of the EU, its main trade and supply chain partner and Customs Union ally. Turkey's new Regional Trade Agreements aim for deeper sectoral integration with partners other than the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hacettepe University Journal of Economics & Administrative Sciences / Hacettepe Üniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Hacettepe University, Faculty of Economic & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We consider the role played by trade in differentiated inputs in the country-pair decision to form a PTA in goods and in their decision to expand it to trade in services with varying degrees of coverage, which transforms a preferential agreement into an Economic Integration Area (EIA). Our baseline model is very successful in predicting the formation of preferential agreements. Our model correctly predicts 84 percent of the country pairs with PTAs in our dataset and can successfully predict the 83 percent of the country pairs that do not form a PTA. Moreover, our model predicts 78 percent of the observations involving country pairs belonging to an EIA when a PTA exists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We examine the likely effect of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) on African investment using data on announced greenfield investment. Departing from existing work on this subject, we add value by providing estimates based on a general equilibrium counterfactual analysis in a structural gravity framework. Results suggest that the stock of announced intra‐African greenfield investment in 2018 would have increased by 0.7 percent from a successful implementation of the AfCFTA in that year relative to the baseline scenario of no agreement, with considerable heterogeneity across source and destination countries. Moreover, the positive effect is found to increase with the depth of the negotiated agreement. Exploring possible transmission channels we find the trade elasticity of announced greenfield investment to be positive, especially for trade in intermediates in African host countries with strong governance indicators. This suggests that, by improving institutional quality and galvanising regional value chains, integration within Africa could also incentivise investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most signatories of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement have submitted tariff concession offers, as published on the AfCFTA Secretariat's website. Over a year since the AfCFTA came into effect, it is time to take stock of these submissions and assess the data with respect to members' stances towards fostering intra‐African trade through openness on the one hand and maintaining protection against competing imports and revenues from import tariffs on the other. Combining the offers with corresponding trade and tariff data, we find that there are both significant data gaps and inconsistencies with the AfCFTA's trade liberalisation modalities and the trade classification standard. Constructing two tariff schedules, one which repairs the offers for compliance with the modalities and another that maximises the import tariff revenue retained as a benchmark, the analysis confirms that the modalities require regions to liberalise strongly, but most opt to liberalise even more and earlier than necessary. Stances towards freer trade, however, differ markedly between regions. Deriving a measure of liberalisation stance from the schedules above and associating it with trade, economic and geographic indicators reveals patterns that suggest potential motivations for the stances of some country groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research explores the interplay between innovation, economic systems, governance structures, and law, and how they interact with one another in the context of China and Ethiopia's investments in the Digital Silk Road. The way cutting-edge methods related to governance and economic systems might help lower the risks involved in major infrastructure projects, like the Digital Silk Road, particularly in light of law and 5G developments, is investigated. China–Africa connections are to be strengthened, sustainable development is to be encouraged, and healthy economic progress is the goal of the partnership between Ethiopia and the Hainan Free Trade Port. The impact of these transnational investments on fair growth and sustainable development is assessed, while exploring the evolving agendas and procedures governing investments. This research draws attention to how the law and legal cooperation between Ethiopia and China may promote mutually advantageous outcomes, promote transparency and governance mechanisms, and lessen the likelihood of disputes. This research on the factors influencing the future of the Digital Silk Road and its consequences for long-term, sustainable economic growth, and business in the area, aims to provide valuable insights for policymakers, development professionals, and academics, and for the copromotion of China and Ethiopia in terms of digital investment. This research relates to the promotion of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), in terms of construction and economic development. It also examines how the DSR raises concerns about data security and privacy, cross-border transactions, technology transfer, and cyberterrorism, as well as encourages digital investment, such as through enhancing digital governance regulations, modernizing international investment agreements (IIAs), and bolstering global health, coordination, and cooperation; the article concludes by analyzing the implications for Africa. The findings show that such cooperation would support Africa's digital transformation and sustainable development, while strengthening China–Africa cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to explore the innovation of China-ASEAN Free Trade Area (CAFTA) Intellectual Property (IP) dispute settlement mechanism and evaluate its effect through empirical research. Firstly, this paper analyzes the awareness of IP protection in CAFTA, and studies and analyzes the changing trend of IP protection awareness. Secondly, by discussing the improvement of IP dispute settlement mechanisms, including the formulation and improvement of laws and regulations, the improvement of law enforcement and judicial ability, the differences in the efficiency of dispute settlement mechanisms in different countries are analyzed. Furthermore, the paper discusses the importance of promoting cooperation and consultation in solving IP disputes, and studies and analyzes the influence of cooperation and consultation on IP protection. Finally, the paper summarizes the research results, points out the progress and challenges in IP protection in CAFTA countries, and puts forward some suggestions. This study has certain theoretical and practical significance for deepening the understanding of CAFTA IP dispute settlement mechanism and improving the level of regional IP protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a strong relationship between regional integration and economic performance. This paper investigates the impact of regional integration on macroeconomic indicators in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) – a trade block created by the former Soviet republics in 2014. This study compares two types of regional collaboration strategies: first, unilateral trade liberalization with the one-sided opening of market access that does not imply any mutual concessions, and second, reciprocal regional liberalization evaluated as the degree of regional economic integration between the countries. We apply a random effect panel data analysis with the dataset over 25 years since 1995 covering five countries (Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia). We find that, under the current stage, the EAEU positively affects trade flows, negatively affects the level of employment, and has no impact on other economic performance indicators. We also conclude that despite the declared level of economic integration – customs union – Eurasian block functions mainly as a free trade area facilitating mutual trade, which is different from the broader objectives that regional integration aims to achieve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose. To develop recommendations on the effectiveness of economic cooperation between Ukraine and China in the context of the implementation of the One Belt One Road initiative (BRI), using the gravity model of trade to analyze the factors influencing such cooperation. Methodology. Analysis of scientific literature and Internet sources – to determine the purpose and objectives of the research; formalization methods – to describe the characteristics, dynamics and states of the gravity model of trade; methods of the theory of the gravity model of trade – to analyze factors affecting bilateral trade and the construction of a model of economic cooperation between China and Ukraine. Findings. A gravity model of trade between China and Ukraine was developed in the context of the implementation of the “One Belt One Road” initiative, which illustrates the influence on bilateral trade of such factors as the size of the economy, the level of demand, port infrastructure, the logistics efficiency index, participation in international organizations and bilateral mutual recognition agreements. It has been proven that the geographical distance and time of trade registration have a negative effect on the efficiency of bilateral trade. Institutional factors also play a key role in bilateral trade. Originality. For the first time, the use of the gravity model of trade has been proposed to assess factors influencing bilateral economic cooperation between China and Ukraine, which contributes to the identification of key factors influencing such cooperation. It has been proven that the dynamics of bilateral trade relations are significantly influenced by the factor of institutional stability and infrastructure development. Practical value. The proposed approach makes it possible to formulate proposals regarding the formation of economic policy aimed at strengthening trade cooperation along the BRI path. They include strengthening infrastructure construction, promoting multilateral cooperation, creating effective mechanisms for economic and trade cooperation, accelerating the development of the free trade area within the framework of the BRI, removing trade barriers, strengthening environmental trade management, and unlocking the trade potential of the BRI countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter examines the enigma of Sub-regional economic integration in the Communauté Economique et Monétaire de l’Afrique Central (CEMAC) zone. The sub-regional integration idea was born out of the need for a united Africa during the immediate independence period, to be achieved through a gradual, but steady process. Although instituted in 1994, CEMAC was a re-make of the Economic and Customs Union of Central Africa (UDEAC) created in 1964. CEMAC was established, to promote sub-regional integration among central African states that shared a common legal tender, the CFA franc, through the promotion of trade, a genuine common market and greater solidarity. Albeit recording some inroads, CEMAC lagged behind its objectives, due to tardiness and overall poor implementation of policies, limited technical capacity, divergent attitudes of member states towards integration and absence of sanctions against states that disrespect community norms. The chapter sustains that such diverse political, economic, and socio-cultural impediments could only be halted through a joint approach, for remedial renewal by all stakeholders for a truly integrated economic CEMAC sub-region. This investigation shall be based on secondary and primary data, interpreted qualitatively and presented thematically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• South Asia is geographically connected, but highly dis-integrated, with more than 90 % outward-oriented trade. • The cumbersome procedures, ruthless application of Non-Tariff Measures (NTM's), and restrictions are the biggest challenges for trade in this region. • Against this backdrop, this research measures the economic impact of Mutual recognition of Standards in South Asia. • Simulation results suggest that if standards are mutually recognized then all countries will be better off, and intra-regional trade and welfare are forecasted to increase. • SAFTA should proceed to establish such a mechanism that enables member countries to recognize the certificates and tests approved by the exporting countries. SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Area) is not a success story. Geographically connected, but highly dis-integrated, with more than 90 % outward-oriented trade, this is the case of South Asia. Of course, military, and political tensions are the major obstacles. However, recent data and studies show that cumbersome procedures, ruthless application of NTMs (Non-Tariff Measures) and restrictions are the biggest challenges for trade in the region. NTMs are important for public health and the environment but if such standards are mutually recognized through bilateral or multilateral agreements then the hectic and lengthy procedures can be avoided. This is the basic hypothesis investigated and checked in this research. Taking four economies, (Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, and SriLanka) two-step process is adopted; firstly, AVEs (Ad Valorem Equivalents) of NTMs are calculated and then incorporated in an extended GTAP (Global Trade Analysis Project) based CGE model. Simulation results suggest that if standards are mutually recognized then all countries will be better off, intra-regional trade and welfare will increase. The study recommends that SAFTA should proceed to establish such a mechanism that enables member countries to recognize the certificates and tests approved by the exporting countries. Further, Port restrictions and the issue of para-tariffs should be discussed in future negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The potential benefits of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) have taken center stage in recent policy and scholarly debates. We contribute to this discussion by drawing insights from our assessment of the current levels of export survival across the following agreements: the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the East African Community (EAC), and the overall economic integration agreement (EIA). Using monthly firm-product-destination customs transaction data from Kenya for the period January 2006 to December 2017, we find that the average duration of trading is longer under an agreement than when there is no agreement in place by 1.12 months. The mean duration of exporting under EAC exceeds that of COMESA by 1.47 months. The probit regression results with random effects reveal that trade agreements reduce the hazard rate for exports. However, the effect differs depending on the agreement's depth and extent: The effect is negative for the EAC and positive for the COMESA. We also find that the 'timing' effect differs depending on the nature of the agreement. Overall, while the AfCFTA may expand market access, it might not guarantee low failure rates for exporters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese Government has promulgated the "Belt and Road Initiative" (BRI) to increase trade flows and integrate goods markets between China and BRI countries. The validity of purchasing power parity (PPP) implies well‐integrated goods markets, a precondition for further economic convergence, and the next stage of economic integration in factor, service, and financial markets. Our study aims to examine the validity of the PPP and the extent of goods market integration between China and selected BRI countries in Africa. Since the functional form of the cointegrating relationship may not be exact or linear, we adopt the nonparametric rank tests for analysis without prior knowledge and specification of the functional form. We also address the rank problems that occur in multivariate rank tests. Our empirical results provide strong evidence of an unrestricted PPP relationship with reasonably strong evidence of nonlinearity in the data. We also find that some African BRI countries have experienced goods market integration with China during the second‐half period only. This indicates that the introduction of the BRI in 2013 and China's active involvement in African economic development through BRI projects are leading to enhanced goods market integration between China and Africa. The results indicate favorable prospects of closer economic cooperation in the factor, service, and financial markets to build a free trade area or common markets with BRI countries in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the geostrategic importance of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), discusses its potential trade impacts on African states, and considers whether it could support regional peace. Regional integration is crucial for achieving industrialisation, promoting trade across African borders, and preserving regional peace and security. Inextricably linked to regional integration is a security community comprising a distinct group of individuals for whom the likelihood of large-scale conflict or violence has diminished. A comparative analysis was conducted using Africa's trade patterns, milestones, and achievements during 2015–2017 and 2022–2023. Subsequently, the key causes of insecurity on the African continent were explored, focusing on the Regional Economic Communities and states embroiled in coups during 2020–2023. The findings suggest that African authorities view the AfCFTA positively and believe economic integration may bring about peace. However, African authorities would require a strong continental strategy – supported by robust regional and national programmes – to promote investor confidence and trade, considering Africa's high levels of intercommunal violence, civil unrest, violent extremism, terrorism, and transnational crime. The AfCFTA delayed trade liberalisation to protect Africa's less developed economies, resulting in poor working conditions, intellectual capital loss, and decreased tax collection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent spree of coups (failed and successful) in West Africa between 2020 to 2023 is a serious cause for concern in terms of the democratic trajectory of the continent. This, coupled with the incessant political instability across Africa (in countries like Mozambique, the DRC, the Tigray region civil war in Ethiopia, Islamic terrorism in many parts of the Sahel, and the Libyan crisis) that has continued unabated since the fall of Muammar Gaddafi, suggests nothing close to the aim of 'silencing of the guns' in Africa. If anything, the insecurity situation in Africa seems to be worsening. Following the official launch of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in January 2021, what do these untenable political, and peace and security issues mean for the implementation and domestication of AfCFTA in the midst of the wars raging in Africa? This paper attempts to assess and critique the first ten-year plan of the AU's Agenda 2063, specifically in terms of the aim of ensuring peace and security (silencing the guns), and then determining whether this ideal has created a conducive environment for successful implementation of the AfCFTA, or will do so in future. Some of the key drivers behind the recent spate of coups in Africa (mostly in West Africa) and the general political instability across the continent are explored and unravelled in this paper using Sankarist tools of analysis, and the Sankarist theory and praxis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the effect of free trade on intra-African bilateral trade balances for Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda, and Tanzania to assess the potential implications of the African Continental Free Trade area. The four countries have experienced persistent trade deficits. Whether free trade within Africa can improve the national trade balances, and the drivers of bilateral trade balances are important questions for policy and strategic programmes for the countries to make the most gains from free trade area. The econometric model estimated for each country is an extension of the standard Keynesian model of trade balance to include determinants of bilateral trade flows from the gravity model. Quantitative analysis using panel regression was augmented with qualitative data from interviews with trade policy experts and trade officials from various African countries and focus group discussions with small-scale cross-border traders at the Busia and Namanga border posts in East Africa. Findings show that complete tariff elimination on intra–African trade may not impact the bilateral trade balances of Kenya, Rwanda, and Tanzania but could improve bilateral trade balances for Uganda by 6 percent. Within the free trade areas, Uganda's bilateral trade balances were higher within the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa but lower within the East African Community, than outside these areas. Kenya's trade balances were lower in the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, than otherwise. On the contrary, no significant difference in trade balances is established for the membership of Kenya, Rwanda, and Tanzania in the East African Community; Rwanda in the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa; and Tanzania in the Southern African Development Community, when compared to trade balances with non-members. The importance of macroeconomic factors is demonstrated by the increase in bilateral trade balances with higher relative price levels of trade partners; the reduction with increase in relative production and expenditure capacities of trade partners; and improvements following a depreciation of home currency for Tanzania and Uganda, yet a worsening of trade balances in Kenya. A lack of harmony in documents required for cross-border movements within the free trade areas is reported as counterproductive. All African countries should therefore fully implement protocols and cooperate in the harmonization of trade procedures for the free movement of people and goods across borders. Country policies and trade programmes should pursue increased productivity in the leading intra-African export sectors and diversify exports via foreign direct investment in strategic sectors to substitute imports from outside Africa; reduce costs of production; increase the quality of products; and improve transport infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deploys neo-Gramscian international relations theory to discuss how the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of our America (ALBA) can be understood as an attempted transnationalisation of the counter-hegemonic historical bloc of social forces that originated with Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution. The Bolivarian Revolution inaugurated a protagonistic National Constitution which sought to give a central role to civil society and social movements in political life, enfranchising unrepresented people, like indigenous communities. ALBA consists of an attempt to transnationalise this movement by providing a model of regionalization for Latin America that constitutes an alternative to the neoliberal approach embodied in other regionalisation initiatives, such as the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). However, the article argues that ALBA's success as a vehicle for the transnationalisation of counter-hegemony in Latin America has been severely compromised by emerging tensions and contradictions within the Bolivarian Revolution historical bloc, namely between the social movements and the central governments of ALBA's member countries. These contradictions become particularly evident when analysing social movements' struggles about the environmental impacts of massive infrastructure projects promoted by these governments as part of their overall national and regional strategy of economic development and poverty alleviation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic integration ranks as one of the leading development strategies in Africa. The newly created African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the proposed Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) linking three major regional blocks offer a new impetus to studying trade policy effects. Using a structural gravity model of bilateral manufacturing trade between the African Union member states and all countries in the world, the trade effects of African economic integration agreements (EIAs) are assessed. The findings suggest that economic integration, in aggregate, enhances total African exports. Disaggregating the effects by type of agreement and by subgroups of countries, free trade agreements (FTAs) and partial scope agreements (PSAs) are found to increase extra African exports, but have no effects on intraAfrican exports. A positive and significant effect on intra African exports is introduced when the FTA dummy is combined with AfCFTA in contrast to a neutral effect stemming from the joint FTA-TFTA dummy. The findings suggest that a continentwide FTA yields greater benefits when compared with integrating the subregions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Regional trade agreements (RTAs) are playing an increasingly crucial role in the current international trade pattern of ebbing globalization, making it increasingly important to comprehensively analyse RTAs' impacts. Trade creation and trade diversion have been hot-button topics on RTAs since Jacob Viner raised, many scholars had conducted extensive research on their economic impacts, but little is known about their environmental impacts. In this paper, we take the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area (CAFTA) as an example, comprehensively consider the tariff, geographic and temporal dimensions of trade to characterize the proxy variables that identify the two effects. Based on data of Chinese enterprises from 2002 to 2007, we empirically tests the impact of the trade effects on energy-related carbon emissions of enterprises from a fixed-effects panel model. Research finds the trade creation effect increases enterprises' $${\rm{C}}{{\rm{O}}_2}$$ C O 2 emissions intensity, whereas the trade diversion effect reduces and is more influential. Further mechanism analyses show coal use status of enterprises, especially coal consumption, utilization intensity, and share in primary energy consumption are important influence channels. Additionally, the scale and factors composition of production and technical efficiency are also important mechanisms. Furthermore, enterprises in different regions and of different ownership types show heterogeneity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a dynamic preferential trade agreement (PTA) formation model, we show that political biases in exporting and import‐competing sectors substantially impact the extent of PTA formation. While both exclusion and free riding incentives constrain the expansion to global free trade in a free trade agreement (FTA) game, only the former incentive arises in a customs union (CU) game. When we endogenize the choice between FTAs and CUs, the tension between the flexibility benefit of FTAs and the coordination benefit of CUs reveals that FTAs always serve as PTA building blocks while CUs may serve as PTA building or stumbling blocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformative research agenda encourages the pursuit of questions emphasizing societal welfare and well‐being outcomes rather than (just) focusing on narrow, incremental business‐related outcomes. This paper addresses that premise by examining those households at the social and economic bottom of the pyramid (BOP) that are intended to benefit most from the removal of trade barriers. The removal of these barriers should enable supply chains to yield commercial and welfare efficiency in terms of economic surpluses. The Goods and Services Tax legislation implemented in India in 2017 sought to do just that, serving as the experimental testbed for our investigation. Yet, as our analysis of more than 50,000 unique households in the Consumer Pyramids Household Survey data indicates, those at the social and geographic BOP see less benefit than others from the same policy intervention. This runs counter to the intended consequences of such policies. We employ a middle‐range theorizing approach grounded in the Theory of Customs Unions to inform and substantiate our hypotheses, which are tested using a stochastic frontier analysis and truncated regression. The results hold implications for policymakers and organizations seeking to elevate the efficacy of supply chains orchestrated by and serving BOP populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) has been hailed as a key pillar and catalyst for economic growth, industrialization, and sustainable development in Africa. One of the anticipated benefits is the promise to increase intra‐African trade through the elimination of import duties and other tariffs among countries. However, due to the heterogeneity between the African countries, questions remain as to whether each country will benefit from tariff elimination. This paper aims to evaluate the macroeconomic, fiscal, and welfare consequences of import tax removal in Senegal with the rest of Africa. We link an extended version of the partnership for economic policy (PEP) static computable general equilibrium (CGE) model with a non‐parametric microsimulation approach. We calibrate the model with Senegal's most recent Social Accounting Matrix. The microeconomic model is calibrated using the latest Senegalese household consumption survey. The findings indicate that tariff removal from the rest of Africa has favorable economic, fiscal, and welfare impacts for Senegal. The paper suggests that it will lead to an increase in economic growth and investment. The removal of tariffs is expected to favor urban households over rural ones and leads to a modest decrease in income inequality, accompanied by a 3.36% reduction in the number of poor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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African countries are currently negotiating the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Competition Protocol (CP) to regulate competition in the created continental market. However, the most daunting task for the negotiators and African countries is which institutional design to adopt at the continental level, pitying against a supranational or cooperative institutional model. Drawing from a dearth of literature on institutional designs, I propose two factors that African countries should consider when deciding on the most appropriate institutional design for the AfCFTA CP. First are the benefits and costs of each institution design building on the experiences of existing regional competition regimes. Second is the institutional context in which the AfCFTA Continental Competition Regime (CCR) will be established, which constitutes African countries' attitudes towards supranational institutions, preference heterogeneity, and power distributions. The findings of this article show that African countries should establish a less ambitious institution design that will attract business and political acceptance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australian Federation in 1901 entailed the formation of a customs union among its formerly tariff‐autonomous colonies. Although the elimination of tariff barriers to intercolonial/interstate trade would have been welfare‐enhancing, Australia's common external tariff was set considerably higher than the tariffs on external goods imported by the pre‐Federation colonies, implying a welfare reduction. Using a dataset of 3,584 commodity‐ and colony‐disaggregated imports, this paper estimates trade restrictiveness indices and welfare losses for the Australian colonies and Commonwealth. Despite the high external tariff post Federation, the customs union produced a net static welfare gain conservatively estimated to have been 0.17 per cent of GDP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: With a rapidly growing young population, the African continent provides a high but barely exploited economic potential. Creating an African free trade zone is one of the African Union's major initiatives to increase prosperity. Even though the AfCFTA has already come into force, its potential has not yet been fully exploited. This study investigates the logistics challenges associated with the AfCFTA and potential solutions and development paths for future value chains. Methods: The study builds upon a two-stage research process. First, applying the Nominal Group Technique with a group of 19 industry experts, current challenges and strategies to deal with them are conducted, and statements about potential development paths emerging from the AfCFTA are synthesized. Second, a questionnaire among additional industry experts is done to assess the results of the first stage. Results: The article sheds light on the barely untapped field of logistics challenges hindering the AfCFTA to leverage its potential. Strategy fields to address current challenges are explained, and the first indications of how the AfCFTA will shape supply chains in the mid-term are outlined. Conclusions: The article underlines the importance of logistics in the development of pan-African value chains and highlights potential development paths that may arise in the medium term. It also emphasizes the growing need for cooperation between politics, business, and research to overcome current logistics challenges and leverage the potential of the AfCFTA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is expected to provide trade gains for Africa, especially from reducing non‐tariff measures (NTM). Unfortunately, data on NTMs is scarce, both by country and sector. Using three underlying NTM data sets and other data sources, we provide a range of estimates to fill the missing gaps in the existing estimates. Focusing on agriculture, we then use a computable general equilibrium model to estimate the effects of the AfCFTA. Results from all three data sets indicate that NTM reduction leads to much greater intra‐Africa trade gains than tariff reduction alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries are under pressure to commit themselves to sustainable environmental activities. This study employed data from 2007 to 2021 using quantile regression to determine the heterogenous effects of industrialisation on environmental degradation in SACU countries. Prior to the main results, this study investigated and confirmed the existence of a long-run relationship between industrialisation and environmental degradation. This study confirms the heterogeneous effect of industrialisation on environmental degradation. The results through quantile process estimates demonstrated an inverted U-shaped curve. The inverted U-shape suggests that industrialisation at lower and higher quantiles has a minor effect on the environment compared to medium quantiles, where it has a higher effect. This study found that industrialisation increases environmental degradation in the 4th to 6th quantiles, whereas in the 7th to 8th quantiles, industrialisation reduces environmental degradation. Therefore, it is recommended by this study that to mitigate environmental degradation, firms in SACU countries are encouraged to adopt environment-friendly technologies in their production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional integration in Africa is deepening, and the existing regional groupings are making frantic efforts to remove barriers to trade. One way in which trade among countries can be promoted is through the establishment of free trade areas with member-states. However, regulatory quality that supports international trade in most African countries is exceptionally low. This study investigates the effect of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) free trade area (FTA) on the bilateral export efficiency of member-states over the period 1997–2021. The results obtained using a stochastic frontier specification of the gravity model and panel data of 16 exporting COMESA member-states show a positive effect of the COMESA free trade area on export efficiency. In addition, the study finds regulatory quality to have a positive impact on export efficiency. Controlling for regulatory quality, the results also show that the FTA stimulates export efficiency. Hence, non-FTA COMESA members ought to contemplate joining the FTA in order to expand their respective exports with other member-states to their maximum potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of e‐commerce into supply chain management (SCM) and logistics operations has greatly impacted the way these processes are executed. The Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) has disrupted traditional SCM and logistics business processes, making digitalization a crucial element for differentiation and competitiveness. The objective of this article was to investigate how the adoption of appropriate digital technologies could accelerate intra‐African trade in goods and services through the AfCFTA Agreement. The author employed a content analysis of the primary source documents, specifically the Protocol on Trade in Goods, available on the AfCFTA's website. The nine Annexes of the Protocol on Trade in Goods were evaluated against a digital supply chain (DSC) model adopted in this article. The results of the analysis showed that the supply chain and logistics processes of the AfCFTA's Protocol on Trade in Goods could be effectively identified and mapped to potential digital technologies through the adopted DSC framework. The practical implications of this study suggest that the AfCFTA could adopt a DSC framework as a guide in concluding negotiations on the Protocol on Digital Trade to harness the benefits of digital technologies. As the main contribution, this article provides a DSC framework that could be utilized to accelerate intra‐African trade through optimization of supply chain and logistics processes of the AfCFTA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]