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Auch wenn Deutschlands Performanz bei den Infektions- und Todeszahlen sowie den wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Folgen in Verbindung mit COVID-19 im EU27-Vergleich als zufriedenstellend bewertet würde, stellt sich die Frage nach der Input-Legitimität durch demokratische Verfahren. Sie wird ausgehend vom Konzept der Emergency Politics von Jonathan White am Beispiel Deutschlands mit seinem Notstandsregime der Bund-Länder-Konferenz und dessen Effekten auf die 16 Landesparlamente aufgeworfen. Anschließend daran wird argumentiert, dass die während der Pandemiewellen in den Jahren 2020 und 2021 vorherrschende Entscheidungsfindung und Beschlussfassung innerhalb der föderalen Staatsordnung einen Rahmen bildete, der den Parlamentsfunktionen weitgehend den Boden entzogen hat. Zentral für die Analyse ist die Darlegung der von der Pandemie evozierten Veränderung des Mehrebenen-Regierens durch die Bund-Länder-Konferenzen. Auswirkungen dieser von der Exekutive dominierten Krisenbewältigungspolitik wird für die auf der Landesebene wichtigsten Parlamentsfunktionen, die Kontrolle durch Mitregieren, Oppositionskontrolle, Gesetzgebung sowie das Herstellen von Öffentlichkeit, diskutiert. Empirische Grundlagen bilden Presseberichte, nichtöffentliche Beschlussvorlagen und Beschlüsse der Bund-Länder-Konferenz sowie Bevölkerungsbefragungen. Der Aufsatz schließt mit der Empfehlung, zukünftige Notstandspolitik institutionell besser vorzubereiten und dabei einen Platz für den Landesparlamentarismus vorzusehen., Although Germany’s performance in terms of the number of infections and fatalities as well as the economic and social consequences associated with COVID-19 can be considered as satisfactory in an EU27 comparison, it raises the question of input legitimacy through democratic procedures. It draws on the basis of Jonathan White’s concept of emergency politics, using the example of Germany with its emergency regime of the Bund-Länder-Konferenz and its impact on the 16 state parliaments. It is then argued that the decision-making during the pandemic waves in 2020 and 2021 formed a framework within the federal state that largely removed the basis for parliamentary functions. Essential for the analysis is the outline of the change in the multi-level governance that the pandemic brought about through the conference of the Chancellor and the 16 state prime ministers. The impact of this governmental crisis management politics are discussed for the most important state parliamentary functions, the oversight through co-governance, oversight by the opposition, legislation, and the public debate. The empirical basis is provided by media reports, non-public drafts, resolutions of the Bund-Länder-Konferenz and opinion polls. The article concludes with a recommendation to better prepare future emergency politics institutionally and to give state parliamentarism a place in this process.

ZusammenfassungWährend der durch die Corona-Pandemie bedingten Schulschließungen im März 2020 führten viele Schulen Fernunterricht ein, der häufig ohne wirkliche Vorbereitung als digitaler Unterricht organisiert wurde. Daraufhin war ein verstärkter Austausch unter Lehrpersonen in Online-Communities zu erwarten. Eine Analyse der Kommunikation der Online-Community Twitter-Lehrerzimmer erlaubte Einblick in aktuelle Themen und ermöglichte zudem den Vergleich von Themen vor und während der Schulschließungen. Zur Identifikation von Themen wurden computerlinguistische Analysemethoden basierend auf 128.422 Tweets sowie eine qualitative Inhaltsanalyse von 270 Tweets durchgeführt. Es zeigte sich, dass Themen wie (a)synchroner digitaler Unterricht bereits vorher besprochen, während der Schulschließungen jedoch häufiger und breiter thematisiert wurden. Das Twitter-Lehrerzimmer wurde für gegenseitige Unterstützung sowie den Austausch über drängende Herausforderungen genutzt wie etwa die Verfügbarkeit geeigneter (datenschutzkonformer) Software. Die Ergebnisse legen somit Defizite des Digitalisierungsprozesses aus der Perspektive Twitter-affiner Lehrpersonen in Deutschland offen und zeigen das Potenzial von Online-Communities für Austausch und Vernetzung.

De avondklok mag worden gebaseerd op de Wet buitengewone bevoegdheden burgerlijk gezag. Buitengewone omstandigheden. Tijdelijke en beperkte inbreuk op diverse grondrechten is gerechtvaardigd.

In addition to medical, the corona pandemic has recently left its mark on German society, socially, and above all, economically. The attempts to revive the economy and to minimize the upheavals by a large wreath of various state measures in society as well as the economy can be assessed as successful in large parts. The consequences for German public finances are considerable and increase the debt ratio. An analysis of European countries debt situation after COVID-19 will be topic of a consecutive paper.

The COVID-19 pandemic has caused massive restrictions on public life. A survey of more than 1500 local councilors showed that councils at the local level are restricted in their capacity. After a total lockdown in March 2020 at the local level, the local central committee (Hauptausschuss) took over, substituting for and representing the full city council's local decision-making capacity. Later on, in some cities, councils were able to implement council meetings with half of the councilors. In this "executive hour," several local committees and commissions as well as political events organized by the civil society could not be implemented.Before the local elections on September 22 in North Rhine-Westphalia, the pandemic affected the registration of political parties, which became problematic. Appropriate space, as well as digital infrastructure, was lacking. With more mitigated COVID-19 restrictions and new regulations for local elections by the province of North Rhine-Westphalia, electoral party registration was facilitated, and deadlines were extended. In particular, smaller political parties and new candidates for the mayoral direct election experienced problems in presenting themselves during electoral campaigns; new parties and candidates were often disadvantaged compared with the political incumbent and the established political parties.Furthermore, electoral street campaigning, panel discussions, and canvassing were extremely limited. In this time of "forced digitization," the established political parties in particular were able to focus on e‑campaigning. Because of these disadvantages, smaller parties requested postponement of the local elections. The majority in all political parties refused postal voting.

The communication regarding the new corona-virus raises questions about availability and plain language. In Sweden, approximately 1.5 million people are in need of this communication through written language due to, inter alia, hearing impairment. Although subtitles are considered one of the most read genres today, it has received little focus in Swedish linguistic research, especially when it comes to intralingual subtitles. However, the communication through subtitles is limited and can lead to information loss. In Sweden, SVT as a public service channel has special requirements to maintain good quality in subtitles but nonetheless omissions are a prerequisite. However, this must never affect the loss of important information. Modality is considered within the Systemic-Functional Linguistics as linguistic tools to create opportunities to shift communication in different degrees and directions. A similar shift in degree can occur in expressions of valuation and opinions. Therefore, modality and valuation are interesting and important to study in a well-known TV- show that communicates, informs and debates about a social-crisis like the Corona-virus. This paper examines modality and expressions of valuation in the adaption from speech to subtitles in the Swedish news-program Agenda (SVT) reporting on the Corona-virus in Sweden and the world. Through the subtitling-shift model created by Sahlin (2001), I examine the omissions of modality and the expressions of valuation. The results show that the communication in subtitles have a weaker emphasis of conflicting opinions, are more objectively constructed and that there is a shift in nuances.

Die Corona-Pandemie bestimmt seit fast einem Jahr nicht nur unseren Alltag, sondern ist in zahlreichen wissenschaftlichen Disziplinen zum Gegenstand der Auseinandersetzung avanciert. Während allerdings beispielsweise Medizin und Public Health offensichtlich eine wichtige Rolle für die Bekämpfung der Pandemie spielen, lässt sich durchaus die Frage stellen, welchen Beitrag die Philosophie in einer solchen, anhaltenden Ausnahmesituation spielen kann und spielen sollte. In der Einleitung zum Schwerpunkt zur Corona-Pandemie werden daher drei Interpretationen des Einwands, es sei illegitim, dass sich die Philosophie mitten in der Krise zu dieser äußere, diskutiert und zurückgewiesen. Philosophische Auseinandersetzungen mit der Corona-Pandemie in der Corona-Pandemie, so das Fazit, können einen relevanten Beitrag sowohl zur fachinternen als auch zur öffentlichen Debatte leisten, sind nicht per se pietätlos gegenüber Betroffenen und stellen auch keine spezifische Ungerechtigkeit gegenüber den von der Pandemie stärker betroffenen Kolleg*innen dar. For almost a year now, the corona-pandemic has been dominating not only our quotidian lives, but also the agenda of multiple conferences, books, or special issues of scientific journals. While the legitimacy and usefulness of the scientific and, especially, medical examination of the pandemic is hardly questionable, the same cannot be said about the philosophical engagement with the situation. In fact, it may be argued that philosophers should not deal with the corona-crisis while they themselves and others are still experiencing this very crisis. The introduction to the special issue on the corona-pandemic takes this worry concern seriously. It discusses and rejects three interpretations of the objection, and rejects them all. We argue that philosophical treatments of the corona-pandemic during the corona-pandemic can be an important contribution both to the disciplinary and to the public debate on the crisis, they are not disrespectful to the persons immediately affected, and neither do they constitute a specific injustice towards fellow philosophers who are hit hard by the pandemic. (VLID)5807682

Calcerous tufa and sinter are among the most impressive natural spectacles in karst landscapes whose scientific and aesthetic value is universally recognized. Being visually often very appealing they attract numerous visitors. At the same time tufa landforms are extremely vulnerable and can be seriously damaged even by minor interference. The challenge is, therefore, to protect the calcerous tufa heritage, to communicate its values, and to enhance it with the help of adequate geotourism offers. Tufa geotopes are an essential part of the geological heritage of the UNESCO Global Geopark Swabian Alb in Southwest Germany. Unfortunately tufa landforms, especially tufa cascades, suffer serious impairments by (over-)tourism, particularly during the Corona pandemic. The article explores where best to strike the balance between valorization and protection, as well as how to ensure that growth in tourism is compatible with nature preservation, especially in the case of the extremely vulnerable tufa geotopes.