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Since 2016, there has been a flood of research on the US right spanning disciplines and methodologies. This article theorizes a conceptual heuristic drawn from the writing of Stuart Hall to integrate this scholarship. To make the case for what I term Hall’s political sociology, I stage a dialogue with Arlie Hochschild, whose 2016 ethnography Strangers in Their Own Land has become a classic in the literature. While both Hall and Hochschild stress the importance of documenting the affective nature of political subjectivities, Hochschild’s investment in a politics of reconciliation prevents her from scaling analysis up to political elites, a move that would enable her to better contextualize her findings. Hall offers a model for such an approach, as he connects political subjectivities to acts of articulation; these acts to hegemonic projects; and the impact of such projects to the conjuncture. I stylize Hall’s four-step conceptual frame as a relational cycle because it reconnects the historicizing work of conjunctural analysis to the felt experience of individual subjectivities. Beyond outlining Hall’s political sociology, I illustrate how its use as a heuristic can integrate recent research on the US right. This scheme corrects for an analytic shortcoming driven by Hochschild’s politics of reconciliation, namely a view that political progress will emerge from small-scale, cross-partisan dialogue. Though Hall offers no easy answers to the political questions of our time, his relational political sociology provides a tool for interlacing the research we have, thus rendering the massive challenges of the moment visible in all their detail.

ABSTRACT Private higher education (PHE) in Taiwan, similar to other East Asian systems, is a distinct sector that has played several significant roles. It experienced growth and prosperity during the massification of the entire higher education system. However, a multitude of emerging circumstances has ushered in dramatic changes and crises, impacting not only PHE but also the entire sector as a whole. These ongoing developments have the potential to fundamentally reshape the current components and structures of Taiwanese higher education. Therefore, we have adopted conjunctural analysis as a methodological approach to examine these forces and their effects on the evolving role of the private sector in the context of higher education system reconfigurations in Taiwan. Our findings reveal that PHE has faced a series of crises, encompassing demographic shifts, financial challenges, and legal complexities. The pursuit of greater “publicness” and the implementation of intervention measures through policy enactment and legal regulations have shifted the entire system toward a more “publicized” configuration. This new direction marks the onset of a new era in Taiwanese higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay emerges from a recognition that Cultural Studies in the field of Communication (and beyond) continues to be misrecognized and mis-used. This essay thus re-engages the question of what exactly is cultural studies and why it is important not to misrecognize it and dilute it of its critical potential. Addressing Cultural Studies' parochialism, its circulation in non western parts of the world and its specific commitments, this essay hopes to invite the readers to re-cognize what cultural studies is, so that it is not used loosely for any form of cultural criticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The participation of Indigenous nations in the industrial logging of their own territories has received scant attention in academic literature despite the challenges it poses for decolonial critiques of extractive industries and efforts of non‐Indigenous land defenders to build solidarity with Indigenous nations. Taking as a point of departure recent struggles over the logging of old forests on Vancouver Island, in the settler province of British Columbia, and drawing on the political economic history of the island's Nuu‐chah‐nulth peoples, we employ a conjunctural analysis to argue that Indigenous forestry can be understood as the articulation of Indigenous practices of self‐determination (in a context heavily constrained by the colonial past and present) with a set of structural fixes for an industry in crisis. We argue that understanding the present moment of Indigenous forestry as a conjuncture affords an analysis of the tricky conditions that Indigenous communities must imperfectly and strategically navigate to adapt their livelihoods and exercise self‐determination in the colonial present while maintaining possibilities for a decolonised future. It also points to a series of contractions at work in Indigenous forestry which could become disarticulated and rearticulated, potentially opening up wider possibilities for a decolonial future in “BC forests”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers the possibility of what I would call conjunctural translation. While literal translation has accelerated cultural ethnocentrism as well as settler colonial violence, conjunctural translation seeks to glimpse the possibility of solidarity buried beneath the collaborative rule among the empires. This essay first retraces colonial modernity in the British Caribbean and Britain. Reading the selected chapters from Familiar Stranger, I propose that this memoir registers the three phases of colonial modernity: transatlantic slavery, migration to metropolis, and the prison-house of identity politics. In contrast to this, literal translation was at the core of cultural ethnocentrism that underpinned colonial modernity in Korea and Japan. The second part of this essay explicates the relationship between colonialism and modernity in East Asia that is punctuated by the following three phases: settler colonialism, migration to metropolises, and the curtailment of identity and citizenship. In this case, each phase appeared as deprivation of land, migration to Japan and the crises of security, and the loss of nationality during the Cold War era. The last part of the essay concerns unpredictable connections between colonial modernities. Though separately formed in the transatlantic and transpacific regions, these modernities create crosscurrents of thought, struggles, defeats and victories: conjunctures. Published in the early 1950s, the writings of Martin Carter and C. L. R. James differently refer to the Korean War. By comparing their work, this essay concludes that the future of solidarity comes from 'the ability to be exposed'. As Hall unexpectedly encountered the Caribbean migrants in London in the key moments of his memoir, such conjunctural translation was undertaken by the Caribbean intellectuals of the 1950s. To expose oneself to these unexpected encounters is the very momentum that urges us to be vigilant to the dangers of literal translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Calls to identify, explore, and address ethical and social issues as part of the design and implementation of scientific research are now widespread. One way of doing so is through an embedded approach, where ethical, legal, and social implications (ELSI) researchers are situated within larger scientific research studies. We trace the emergence of the ‘embedded ELSI’ approach to integration alongside the development of genomic medicine. In particular, we conduct a conjunctural analysis that draws attention to contests and struggles over the forms and meanings of good science – in this case, genomics – and the role(s) of ELSI scholars and researchers in producing good science. We demonstrate that the embedded ELSI approach emerged from these contests, which left ELSI research and interventions constrained – institutionally, topically, and methodologically. We end by calling for an opening up of embedded approaches to integration so that they might better meet calls for justice and equity in the present conjuncture.

Land trusts are increasingly powerful institutions of U.S. environmental governance that deserve more critical scrutiny. As charitable conservation organizations, they enjoy the many advantages of nonprofit status under the claim that they provide broad public benefits. Critics, however, have recently challenged this claim, portraying land trusts as quintessential institutions of neoliberal privatization and hybrid governance. Through a conjunctural analysis of U.S. land trusts across the long twentieth century, and with specific attention to the first, the Trustees of Public Reservations (founded in 1893), this article argues that the treatment of land trusts as neoliberal institutions is both illuminating and limiting. As many critical analyses indicate, U.S. land trusts today tend to privatize governance and facilitate the use of public funds for projects with significant private benefit. I argue, however, that the conceptualization of land trusts as institutions of neoliberal environmental governance also obscures the fact that, across their long history, they are an expression of the contradictions of decentralized land-use planning under capitalism. Most broadly, I suggest that rigorous conjunctural analysis can help geographers refine their conceptualization of neoliberalism and move beyond its limits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper situates contemporary manospheric culture within archaic forms of masculine identity formation foundational to patriarchal political orders and fascism. What happens when 21st century emergent masculinity is also what Deleuze and Guattari call a neo-archaism? Drawing from Celia Amoros’ understanding of patriarchy as being primarily composed of masculine pacts and packs, I analyse the manosphere as an neo-archaic space for the formation of brotherhoods. Moreover, these fratriarchal groupings are warbands, reviving the Männerbund as fascist patriarchal pact. An analysis that takes seriously the neo-archaic elements of the manosphere sees the archaic not as past imaginary but a revived force that erupts in the present. We can see the manosphere less as one part of the internet than a transnationally spreading zone that expands this archaic war. Finally, the paper argues that the conjuncture is riven by the revival of a patriarchal power that is primordial, defined as a first order in which gender is foundational to its mythical establishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the (inter)disciplinary parameters and political possibilities of Sport Studies by providing an overview of the state of Sport Studies after the cultural turn. The cultural turn is defined as the influence of linguistic models on cultural analysis and the associated impact of poststructuralism and critical theory on the social sciences. I argue that the cultural turn, especially as developed within the academic field of Cultural Studies, resulted in the elevation of culture as central rather than epiphenomenal to our understandings of how society works. Drawing on the work and ideas of Stuart Hall, I warn against decontextualized forms of cultural analysis, that privilege discourse analysis and descriptive content analysis. Instead, an argument is made for more critical conjunctural analyses, broadly defined as the analysis of socio-economic forces that shape power relations within a given social field during a particular period of time. The article then maps six key forces reshaping the current conjuncture. Sport, I argue, is entangled in complex ways with these emerging and changing formations, and in some areas, sport is at the forefront of the cultural-ideological revolutions taking place. As a key site of meaning making, a powerful space where bonds of attachment are forged, a space of fantasy and play, and a place for identity construction and human creativity, I show how sport is now central to current struggles to remake the world system into a more humane, less toxic and more egalitarian space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This reflection is based on Joao Batista Libanio's observations about the ecclesial situation in his work The Return to Great Discipline. The framing of ecclesial subjects in the post-conciliar era, inspired by Tridentate identity patterns, was an ongoing project at the beginning of the 1980s. This purpose has taken shape over the last forty years and has built up a legacy that today configures an unprecedented situation, far removed from a supposed unity of imaginary and discipline. The reflection points to the crisis of the framework model since the resignation of Benedict XVI and the contradictions faced today by his successor with the projects of unavoidable reform of the Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South African critique of racial capitalism was developed during the struggle against apartheid, as Black South Africans engaged in urgent debates about how to understand the system they were fighting and how to win liberation for all. Rather than arguing that capitalism has always been racial, South African radicals developed a conjunctural analysis of racial capitalism with attention to time and space. In this article, we focus on the work of Neville Alexander to develop two arguments about the conjunctural critique of racial capitalism. First, we argue that the conjunctural analysis was closely tied to political praxis. The critique emerged as a theoretical framework that could inform political strategy in a context of struggle. Second, we demonstrate that the conjunctural analysis was always global, situating South Africa within a world historical moment and engaged in dialogue with radical intellectuals and anti-colonial, anti-capitalist, and anti-racist movements around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In dialogue with Della Porta’s work on protests as critical junctures and drawing on the comparative analysis of four case studies in Europe (Barcelona and Dublin) and North America (Baltimore and Montréal), the paper develops a neo-Gramscian perspective on the impact and legacies of urban resistance to austere neoliberalism after the Global Economic Crisis (GEC) of 2008–9. Framed by the postulated ‘interregnum’ in the hegemony of neoliberalism, it argues that the conjunctural politics of the period are defined by a continuing conflict between passive revolutionary subsumption and generative anti-systemic politics, which plays out in acute form in the international urban arena. The paper accordingly contributes to the journal’s work on the relationship between protests and social structures, situating urban movements in multi-scalar socio-economic, political and cultural contexts and developing reflections on the conjunctural significance of anti-systemic struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution frames Isabella Weber's How China Escaped Shock Therapy as an opportunity for geographers to theoretically and methodologically engage with a growing literature on the intellectual histories of economics. I draw out three key themes in the book that provide entry points for geographical theorizing. First, Weber understands economic knowledge to be shaped not solely by its original context but by the historical-geographical trajectories and mobilities of its producers and consumers; second, she traces the institutional processes through which economic ideas re-emerge across time and space, offering key intellectual resources for dealing with context-specific governance dilemmas and economic problems; and third, her granular accounts of elite-intellectual contestation offer a way to reveal complexity and contradiction on the inside of dominant economic-geographical imaginaries. The book is a conjunctural historical geography of China's economy, which is both empirically specific and theoretically-general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The polarised Leave/Remain positions offered by Brexit hampered opportunities for Britons to articulate the complexity of their affective political allegiances. Turning our focus on Grayson Perry: Divided Britain (2017, C4, Swan Films), we argue that Perry's role as artist-ethnographer enabled an exploration 'from below' of the tensions occluded by deliberative democratic debate in febrile post-Brexit Britain. Intervening in a conjuncture of which Brexit was symptomatic, Perry's arts documentary with Channel 4 provided the space to articulate newly configured affective and political affiliations in terms both of Britain as place and Britishness as identity. Drawing on Chantal Mouffe's conception of agonistic politics, we argue the programme provided a space of confrontation for groups defined as polarised 'camps' to contest and debate through their emotional and symbolic differences which exposed the limitations of the 'post-political' formation. However, while the programme visualises Perry's 'left populist' strategy of crafting two similar pots through ethnographic listening and interactions with Leave and Remain communities, we argue the focus on predominantly white communities ultimately offers a limited notion of what 'a people' with the potential to revitalise democracy in contemporary Britain could be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recognizing the current conjuncture, this article explores the changing role of media and communications in the cohering of social struggles by antisystemic social movements. Transforming structural relations of media and their tactical uses, the authors argue, are key components to shifting the terrain upon which such movements build. In response to a deepening organic crisis, the authors argue for the importance of organizing against and beyond the existing political economy of platform media by building new narrative blocs as bases of power that can serve as one of several determining factors for the direction of popular movements and the generalization of new notions and political programs around which a counterhegemonic consensus may emerge for society. Transformative resistance and collective power will depend on the ability to develop movement‐based media infrastructures to deepen international communication processes with and relationships to an ongoing global mass movement against the rise of antidemocratic politics, popular authoritarianism, and other morbid symptoms of a declining order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advances in conjunctural analysis and insights into global production networks (GPNs) are used to examine the ways policymakers develop bio-pharma development strategies to manage the trade-offs between economic value capture and securing value for health. Four strategic state roles are identified – provision, protection, procurement and production – all shown to be recombined in conjuncture-contingent ways. Case studies of California's Bay Area, Puerto Rico's Bio-Island, China's Greater Bay Area, Singapore's Biopolis and South Africa's mRNA Hub in Cape Town illustrate how each regional conjuncture leads to recombinations of the roles in ways that reflect the connected but also competing and contested strategies for securing economic value vis-à-vis health value. The resulting variegation of development makes manifest policy struggles that continue to complicate the meanings of strategic coupling and value in hubs of bio-pharma GPNs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we use primary and secondary data as a descriptive approach to recent experiences in the form of a situational study. The article highlights distinctive features of national social policies by reviewing public information contents, including a case study based on data processing from two peri-urban neighbourhoods in intermediate cities in the province of Misiones. As a working hypothesis, we discuss whether the pandemic has strengthened the role of the goverment with some innovation in the face of the new epidemiological phenomenon, or whether the policies responded to the accumulation of the already available welfare with a sustained assistential tendency while, at the same time, intra-household care networks and community support were strenghtened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Políticas Culturais em Revista is the property of Politicas Culturais em Revista and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the sectors most affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, in Ireland as elsewhere, was the subsidised arts sector. In this article we examine one key aspect of this situation: the supports for artists. Specifically, we consider whether these supports are consistent with pre-pandemic policies in Ireland. We offer an overview of both the impact and responses to COVID-19 on the sector, and the historical narratives within Irish arts policy that informed those responses. In considering the range of instrumental policy developments within the Irish state and their relationship with the status of the artist, we question whether the introduction of the Basic Income for Artists (BIA) scheme constitutes a change or a continuum in policies articulating the relationship between the state and the arts. Using Hall's idea of conjuncture as a tool for analysis, we argue that the different social, political, economic, and ideological contradictions brought together by COVID-19 have resulted in a strategic policy focus on the ambiguous category of "the artist" and that a number of the policy contradictions that the BIA scheme attempts to resolve are of no intrinsic concern to artists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, China’s centralized politics have explored new resources to tame the sustainability question and hinder the possibility for narratives of crisis to institutionalize foci of social and territorial malaise. The party-state rhetoric has focused its attention on inverse discourses of future environmental civilization whereas the current conjuncture shapes the local greenspace as a problem space. The analysis of environmental crisis discourses in Chongqing reveals the conundrum of redefining the commons in transitional times characterized by practices of redenomination of nature reserves and green objectifying high-end real estate advertisement. It points out how the crisis is turned into an opportunity for further uneven development through a process of emplacement on the basis of individualized forms of environmental protection. On the other hand, the digital makes space for alternative narratives of awareness which evoke a sense of social responsibility to understand the territorial changes and avoid a complete de-politicization of local communities on the governance of commons. The essay reveals how the state of tension within the eco-commodity production and circulation is linked to discourses of emotional proximity to the landscape.

The article attempts to clarify the theoretical foundations of the formation of the concept of Ukrainian unity at one of the decisive stages of the nation’s struggle to implement the idea of unity into an ethnic family - during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1920. On the basis of the analysis of the documents of the era, the theoretical heritage of Ukrainian intellectuals - the leaders of the national movement, the materials of the heads of socio-political processes, it is proved that the calculations and logical constructions of constructive plans and ways of their implementation were based on an ethnographic principle: “candidates” for consolidation into a joint state entity areas of compact residence of the ethnic group were definitely recognized, where their number was predominant - 50% + 1 person. In regions with a mixed (poly-ethnic) composition of the population, the democratic way of solving the problem of their belonging to one or another entity should be the will of the residents: holding referenda, plebiscites, polls, decisions of community meetings, etc. From the first steps of the post-February (1917) development of events, the scientific elite (M. Hrushevskyi, V. Vynnychenko, S. Yefremov, D. Doroshenko, etc.) substantiated the platform according to which the progressive progress of Ukrainianism was possible only on the path of deepening revolutionary shifts, first of all, the introduction of national statehood. Consequently, the problem of sobrality became a derivative, an organic component of the concept of the Ukrainian national-democratic revolution. Remaining faithful to the defined criteria, the Central Rada steadily sought positive results in confrontations with the Provisional Government and the People’s Committee of Soviet Russia. Neglecting the scientific-ethnographic principle, replacing it, or groundlessly “supplementing” it with conjunctural, income - mostly political, as well as historical, economic, geographical, strategic-military or other elements-criteria did not bring any desired effect, as happened, for example, under the hetmanate of P. Skoropadskyi, but also caused tensions, insurmountable crises in international relations. The return to the revolutionary path of development (a new stage of the Ukrainian revolution), the revival of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which coincided in time with the revolutionary collapse of Austria-Hungary and the creation of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic, opened the way to the rapprochement of the two Ukrainian state phenomena. Guided by scientific predictions, the moods of Transnistrian and Transnistrian Ukrainians, and humane aspirations, the Act of Zluk was adopted on January 22, 1919. Although due to many reasons it was not possible to fully implement the intended course, it became an inspiring example, one of the indispensable state-building landmarks for fighters for national unity, cathedral Ukraine. An important confirmation of the objective theoretical correctness, significance, and viability of the scientific-ethnographic principle in the conceptual vision of the prospects of national development were, so to speak, from the reverse side, the unpleasant, negative real facts, the practice of the end of 1919-1920, when the leaders of the Ukrainian movement tried to achieve the goal, the triumph of the Ukrainian cause, renouncing comprehensively substantiated, verified ideological and political programs, all their components, including the concept of national unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Kavilando is the property of Kavilando and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, I engage with the spatial dimensions of Gramsci's work and look at common sense through a primarily spatial lens. I discuss how changing commonsensical understandings concerning migration do more than redefine persons as "migrants" or "non-migrants." As such, I underline how socio-spatial relations are also renegotiated symbolically, in practice, and on multiple scales. Thereby, I take the role of common sense in Lefebvre's idea of spatial production as an entry point for the analysis. I then link this perspective to migration scholarship that discusses how the relational positioning of localities at specific historic conjunctures influences the differentiation between "migrants" and "non-migrants." The empirical material was gathered in two fieldwork periods in 2011 and 2018 in the Monte Laa neighborhood of Vienna, Austria. I describe the repositioning of the neighborhood in everyday practices and commonsensical imaginaries both in an urban context and the transnational context of Central and Southeast European space. Comparing commonsensical imaginaries from 2018 with those from 2011, the so-called 2015 "refugee crisis" emerges as a moment of conjunctural rupture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to clarify the theoretical foundations of the formation of the concept of Ukrainian unity at one of the decisive stages of the nation’s struggle to implement the idea of unity into an ethnic family - during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1920. On the basis of the analysis of the documents of the era, the theoretical heritage of Ukrainian intellectuals - the leaders of the national movement, the materials of the heads of socio-political processes, it is proved that the calculations and logical constructions of constructive plans and ways of theirimplementation were based on an ethnographic principle: “candidates” for consolidation into a joint state entity areas of compact residence of the ethnic group were definitely recognized, where their number was predominant - 50% + 1 person. In regions with a mixed (poly-ethnic) composition of the population, the democratic way of solving the problem of their belonging to one or another entity should be the will of the residents: holding referenda, plebiscites, polls, decisions of community meetings, etc. From the first steps of the post-February (1917) development of events, the scientific elite (M. Hrushevskyi, V. Vynnychenko, S. Yefremov, D. Doroshenko, etc.) substantiated the platform according to which the progressive progress of Ukrainianism was possible only on the path of deepening revolutionary shifts, first of all, the introduction of national statehood. Consequently, the problem of sobrality became a derivative, an organic component of the concept of the Ukrainian national-democratic revolution. Remaining faithful to the defined criteria, the Central Rada steadily sought positive results in confrontations with the Provisional Government and the People’s Committee of Soviet Russia. Neglecting the scientificethnographic principle, replacing it, or groundlessly “supplementing” it with conjunctural, income - mostly political, as well as historical, economic, geographical, strategic-military or other elementscriteria did not bring any desired effect, as happened, for example, under the hetmanate of P. Skoropadskyi, but also caused tensions, insurmountable crises in international relations. The return to the revolutionary path of development (a new stage of the Ukrainian revolution), the revival of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which coincided in time with the revolutionary collapse of Austria-Hungary and the creation of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic, opened the way to the rapprochement of the two Ukrainian state phenomena. Guided by scientific predictions, the moods of Transnistrian and Transnistrian Ukrainians, and humane aspirations, the Act of Zluk was adopted on January 22, 1919. Although due to many reasons it was not possible to fully implement the intended course, it became an inspiring example, one of the indispensable state-building landmarks for fighters for national unity, cathedral Ukraine. An important confirmation of the objective theoretical correctness, significance, and viability of the scientific-ethnographic principle in the conceptual vision of the prospects of national development were, so to speak, from the reverse side, the unpleasant, negative real facts, the practice of the end of 1919- 1920, when the leaders of the Ukrainian movement tried to achieve the goal, the triumph of the Ukrainian cause, renouncing comprehensively substantiated, verified ideological and political programs, all their components, including the concept of national unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Retrospection and transformation of the phenomena of criticism and crisis in social theory in recent decades have led to the weakening and even “illegitimate” renunciation of the said doublet. The paper presents an analysis of the renewal of discourse on criticism/crisis and its effects with special consideration of the possibilities of structural criticism. We included several authors of recent analyses as well as the viewpoints that have led to reconsideration of historical and analytical dynamics of two categories, structure and conjuncture, as a form of analysis of current structural processes in terms of structural analysis and criticism. The paper comprises three parts. The first part is a reflection on the reason criticism and crisis have been subjected to different processes of derogation despite their original connection. In the second part, we show the effects of different ways that crisis has manifested itself in capitalism and explain its dispersive and “non-punctual” modalities. The third part raises the question of chances of reuniting the crisis and “immanent criticism” based on structural criticism, and we further articulate its connections with immanent criticism. Structural criticism is viewed as a connection between immanent criticism and transcendent orientation that is focused on the reconnection between crisis and criticism, the elements related to capitalism.

The grain market has absolute priority compared to other options for establishing economic relations, because the market system naturally combines the interests of consumers and producers of grain crops, in economic terms it is interesting for producers to meet the needs of buyers in bread products, which are reflected in significant demand. Ukraine has a huge potential for leadership in the world ranking of grain production and has tendencies to further strengthen its own positions on the international market, but it needs to improve technologies in this direction, as well as study the problems of the world grain market and justify algorithms for solving them at the national level. The purpose of the article is to determine trends in the grain market of Ukraine over the past five years and identify the most profitable crops for cultivation. During the research, the method of system analysis, generalization, induction, deduction, modeling and planning was applied. It has been established that the grain market has undeniable advantages compared to other forms of organization of economic relations. Trends to a significant decrease in the price policy on the market of grain and oilseed crops during 2016-2018 were revealed, and the transition from classic and traditional grain crops to legumes became characteristic of 2019-2020, which took place under the influence of a number of factors, including the increase in demand for leguminous crops, profitable relevance of leguminous crops, positive impact on soil cover. The prospects for the cultivation of niche crops are outlined, and the existing situation on the grain market and the situation of niche crops are highlighted. The segmentation of operators of the crop market was made regarding the production of niche crops. The practical value of the work consists in determining the further development strategy of the field of grain production in Ukraine

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Like indigenous peoples across the hemisphere, the Maya of southern Belize have long struggled to decolonize their ancestral lands. For over four decades, the 'Maya movement' has clashed with the state, yielding mixed results. After a series of favorable court decisions, the Maya communities have won legal claim to their lands. However, the government of Belize has not substantively addressed this decision, and the rural Maya communities of Toledo remain the poorest in the country. This paper analyses one exceptional period, 1997–2004, when the Maya movement aligned itself with progressive state leaders to advance a set of goals, including but not limited to land rights. I argue that a combination of factors made the 1997–2004 conjuncture decisive for shaping present conditions in Toledo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bu çalışmada, Fransız düşünür Louis Althusser’in ölümünden sonra yayımlanan Karşılaşma Maddeciliğinin Yer Altı Akımı ve Machiavelli ve Biz başlıklı metinlerinden yola çıkarak, içerisinde bulunduğumuz konjonktürde radikal bir siyasetin olanakları üzerine düşünmeyi deneyeceğiz. Söz konusu eserlerin, Althusser’in felsefi arayışı boyunca, politik pratiğin koşulları üzerine düşünme çabasında, yeni ve beklenmedik bir pozisyona karşılık geldiğini önereceğimiz bu makalede, sadece Althusser üzerine değil ama aynı zamanda Althusser ile birlikte ve yer yer de ona rağmen düşünerek, bu pozisyonun bir “karşılaşma politikasına” doğru nasıl geliştirilebileceğinin yollarını arayacağız. Sol siyasetin etkisini yitirmesine paralel biçimde dünyanın değişik yerlerinde otoriter lider ve rejimlerin yükselişe geçtiği, neo-liberalizmin yıkıcılığına küresel pandeminin yarattığı felaketin eklemlenerek kesif bir belirsizlik yarattığı bu konjonktürde, Althusser’in bu yeni pozisyonunun düzen dışı radikal bir siyaseti yeniden düşünebilmek için barındırdığı olanakları irdeleyeceğiz. Bu yolla, Althusser’i güncelliğini yitirmemiş bir felsefi figür olarak yeniden düşünme fırsatı da yakalamış olacağız.

The Covid-19 pandemic is intensifying existing problems of economic asymmetry, and other injustices, between and within countries and regions around the world. It is thus imperative that sociological studies of education document its socio-cultural implications in different locations and on different scales. It is equally imperative that such studies have a historical perspective that asks what pre-existing social problems have been intensified and how such intensification is happening. This paper responds to these imperatives through the deployment of conjunctural analysis and related crisis and articulation theory. We discuss the global Covid-19 conjuncture as it emerged in the first seven months of 2020 and show how it articulated with the preceding conjuncture. Subsequently, we focus on the issues associated with closing and reopening schools and show how they were intertwined with reconfigurations of the school/home/work nexus. We consider these reconfigurations in two very different locations, Australia and South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Via a reflection on the evolution of a module on comparing capitalisms that I have been teaching for more than a decade, this article discusses the collective influence of new generations of students on how knowledge is (re)made. I deploy a conjunctural understanding of the term 'generations' in order to make sense of how students' interpretations of the topics covered by the module have, across the 2010s, led me to increasingly question the field that was, in an earlier conjuncture, essential for my intellectual foundation and development. Their lived experiences of capitalism are more likely to be dominated by themes such as political, economic and social crises and conflicts, inequality, personal indebtedness and precarity, and in some cases activism. This has had profound and long-lasting effects on my teaching and research, discomfiting me in an ultimately beneficial way; most notably, through the recognition that future critical work on comparing capitalisms ought to move away from previous attempts to engage immanently with dominant, mainstream approaches and towards the articulation of a more confident, autonomous position. Hence, a key aspect of the development and evolution of critical research agendas occurs in and through educational exchanges in the seminar room. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By "thinking conjuncturally", this article urges urban geographers to rethink the site of encampments as a space for cultural intervention in urban planning and development. Drawing on content analysis of archival records, this article provides a case study of Black‐led and supported encampment communities in the 1980s and 1990s in Los Angeles. These encampment communities emerged in a critical moment when Los Angeles became the homeless capital of the nation while the demographics of the homeless became predominantly Black. The article shows the emergence of encampment communities as both a result of rising homelessness and as a necessity for creating life‐fulfilling alternatives. As such, these include sonic critiques, cooperative planning, forming a commons, and a poetic ethnography against the carceral organisation of homelessness. The article shows that to understand homelessness and crisis, geographers must take seriously the site of the encampment as an emerging cultural intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tbis paper examines tbe development of tbeory and practice at tbe Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS), popularly known as tbe Birming, bam School, through tbe conceptual lens of the term culture. During tbe Centre's management by Richard Hoggart, Stuart Hall, and Richard Jolonson tbere is a move from literary analysis as social analysis towards a practical tbeorising tbat enables practitioners to work witb popular forms of cultural production, before exposing tbe hidden narratives of individuals before a cultural product in its creation and usage. Using Ann Cullis' 1988 text TellingTales: A semio/graphy of Birmingham as a case study, the Centre's different approaches to culture are shown to be interconnected and insightful in revealing dynamics of social exclusion and gendered use of space within tbe very city wbere tbe Centre was operative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Nepal, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) contributed to the articulation of a post-2015 conjuncture involving a new constitution, earthquake reconstruction, an Indian blockade and disenchantment with Western non-governmental organization developmentalism. This conjuncture permitted the emergence of new domestic possibilities, regional configurations of power, Himalayan geopolitical and geoeconomic dynamics, and developmental trajectories involving an infrastructural turn. Considered a frontier zone since the Sugauli Treaty, Nepal has mobilized its own historical, geographical and political conditions, and articulated the BRI as a historical opportunity to liberate itself from India's market monopoly and domestic political and economic influence by generating a new national discourse in favour of a sovereign, autonomous and self-reliant development path that is already shaping national policymaking, state restructuring, political mobilizations, regional negotiations and Nepal Himalaya landscapes. As such it challenges the conventional opposition between globalized capitalist and imperialist exploitation and national sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UK geopolitics for the last five years has been heavily dominated by Brexit. The lead up to the referendum, the result, negotiations, intervening general election, extensions, further negotiations, and impending exit from the European Union have captured both academic and public interest. This paper contributes to geographical and wider social science research on the everyday geographies of socio‐economic change, with a particular focus on Brexit and the temporal politics of waiting. Emerging analyses focus on Brexit as an event, as uncertainty, and a discrete period for and of research on public moods. I illustrate how exploring Brexit through the lens of waiting provides new ways of thinking through the time‐spaces of Brexit, by drawing on data collected during an ethnographic participatory project in Gorse Hill, Greater Manchester (2018–2020). Analysis of group discussions, peer‐led research projects, podcast recordings, vox pops, and ethnographic fieldnotes highlight the embodied, everyday, endured, and emplaced experience of waiting for Brexit. More specifically, findings make the case for this waiting as crisis, as conjuncture, and as method. The paper closes with a discussion of the pace and timeliness of research, and the implications of waiting for, in, and with Brexit and other forms of socio‐economic change. This paper contributes to geographical and wider social science research on the everyday geographies of socio‐economic change, with a particular focus on Brexit and the temporal politics of waiting. I illustrate how exploring Brexit through the lens of waiting provides new ways of thinking through the time‐spaces of Brexit, by drawing on data collected during an ethnographic participatory project in Gorse Hill, Greater Manchester (2018–2020). Findings make the case for this waiting as crisis, as conjuncture, and as method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this brief essay, I connect conceptualizations of dispossession with those of conjuncture, specifically conjuncture as an ethico-political category. Interested in the long history of racial capitalism and its iterative spatialities, I seek to foreground the contingency of the present and the politics made possible across time and in time. Drawing on postcolonial thought, especially that attentive to Blackness, I make an argument about the necessity of understanding urban transformations in relation to the present history of colonial settlement and removal.