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Copyright of Contemporary Accounting Research is the property of Canadian Academic Accounting Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La présente étude se propose de démontrer les nouvelles motivations diplomatiques de la RDC face à certaines puissances émergentes de l’Extrême-Orient. Ces motivations sont en premier lieu d’ordre géostratégique, car elles sont liées à la vision diplomatique inhérente à la gouvernance qui, elles, sont aussi géopolitiques, géoéconomiques et culturelles dès lors qu’elles relèvent de l’espace territorial congolais, de ses ressources naturelles, de la culture congolaise. De telles motivations nécessitent qu’elles soient mises à la portée des partenaires africains et extra-africains qui prennent parti et cause pour la RD. Congo. Ce sont ces motivations qui seraient à la base et au centre de l’actuel déterminisme diplomatique congolais. Elles stimulent et doivent stimuler les autorités congolaises à opter pour un renforcement des liens diplomatiques préexistant avec ces Etats de l’Extrême-Orient dont beaucoup seraient en situation d’émergence.

In this article, we examine the outbursts of a white passenger on a London tram, antagonizing others through swearing, nationalist, racist and anti-immigrant talk and the responses of carriage members to her confrontational talk. Our analysis uses a video recording of the event made by a passenger that circulated widely on social and news media. We document multiple forms of response, including the video-witnessing itself. We describe how the trouble-making passenger antagonizes other passengers in order to produce opponents. In addition, we track how members of the carriage, in responding, show their right to respond, seek to avoid the terms of the confrontation and, once constituted as political opponents, their opposition to the politics being expressed. In examining the responses to the trouble-making and the politics being contested between the persons involved and, in tracking how public transport is attempted to be transformed into an ad hoc agora, we contribute to Barnett’s work on convening public space, ordinary action, and politics in human geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The author reviews the status of mourning as a pillar of healthy adjustment and relates this individual capacity to the context of the large group or society. This introduces the concept of social melancholia, a society that has foreclosed on mourning and interprets its losses and disillusionments through the lens of conspiracy and betrayal. This "negative of mourning," its effacement from consciousness and outlawing in the national discourse, is discussed in terms of its corrosive effects, polarizing and bringing the society closer to the mentality of war. Using Russia and Rwanda as examples, the author illustrates how societies which foreclose on mourning can regress into social melancholia while trying to reclaim some illusive lost destiny or ideal. The capacity to mourn is the pathway to social justice, whereas the negative of mourning instills paranoia and the ongoing thirst for vengeance, which is a formula for interminable conflict and even war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike their northern counterparts, the kingdoms of southern Ethiopia have received little attention by archaeologists. Their relatively late emergence and absence of literacy may explain this lack of interest. However, they have much to offer to better understand the history not only of the Horn but also of the precolonial African state more generally. In this paper, the polities that developed in the southern Ethiopian highlands during the second millennium AD are briefly described and then one of them is explored in more detail: the kingdom of Anfillo. An archaeological and historical overview of the polity is provided based on two seasons of fieldwork. It is argued that in Anfillo, as in other southern Ethiopian polities, a fortified landscape materialized at the same time a persistent situation of conflict and the collective memory of the ruling classes, which used it as a mnemonic device to tell history and legitimize social divisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International studies students are often interested in understanding contexts of conflict and war and working with affected populations. Although various research has assessed different pedagogical tools for increasing students' understanding of war experiences and reducing the perceived distance between such populations, virtual encounters are an understudied means for achieving these aims. This article examines how a US international studies course integrated virtual dialogue sessions with Afghan students to reduce the distance between Americans and Afghans. Accordingly, we conducted pre- and post-surveys and interviews, engaged in participant observation, and analyzed reflection papers to understand how US students' views transformed from the program. We find that American students learned about the precarity and resilience of Afghans and recognized their humanity. Moreover, participants developed outgroup trust, reduced intergroup anxiety, and in some cases developed empathy for the other group. Students experienced these shifts despite technological and logistical challenges, a language barrier, and the power imbalance, which led to ethical concerns for program instructors. Thus, we argue that virtual encounters can be an effective pedagogical tool for reducing distance between international studies students and war-affected populations and helping them to connect across group differences despite the inherent challenges in such programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Parti d’une revendication [légitime] du chef coutumier Kamuina Nsapu dans le territoire de Dibaya (Kasaï Central) qui était mal gérée par le pouvoir, le conflit qui porte le même nom et qui a opposé sa milice aux forces de l’ordre, a causé des milliers de morts, des blessés, l’incendie ou la destruction des maisons, des infrastructures et les édifices publics, mais aussi un déplacement massif des populations ainsi que leur errance à travers le territoire de Dibaya comme d’ailleurs à travers la province. Quant à l’aide humanitaire apportée, elle a été négativement appréciée par les victimes qui ont plutôt préféré plus une aide sous forme de cash qui leur aurait permis de s’adonner aux activités génératrices de revenus. Pour cela, les humanitaires devraient procéder à l’identification préalable des besoins de ces populations meurtries.

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Philosophia is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Après la seconde Guerre mondiale, la modernisation des techniques de sylviculture banalise la coupe rase transformant profondément les paysages ruraux. Dans les années 1960, de nouveaux mouvements sociaux contestent cette orientation et souhaitent une meilleure prise en compte de l’environnement. Si l’intégration paysagère des coupes rases permet d’apaiser les conflits dans les années 1990, cette solution ne répond que partiellement à une demande d’écologisation des pratiques sylvicoles. L’augmentation de la récolte de bois dans les années 2010 pose à nouveau la question de la place de la coupe rase dans les itinéraires sylvicoles. Acte technique, elle devient aussi un marqueur politique. Messages clés : • Avec le FFN, la technique de la coupe rase se mécanise se banalise et se dépolitise. • Dans les années 1960, l’impact écologique de cette pratique est à nouveau interrogé par les associations naturalistes. • Au cours des années 1990, elle devient le symbole d’une repolitisation et d’une écologisation des enjeux forestiers.

Symbole d’un monopole décisionnel des forestiers, la coupe rase est devenue au fil du temps une pratique controversée. Seuls à décider des règles d’exécution de cet acte technique au XVIIe siècle, les forestiers doivent transiger avec une nouvelle élite intellectuelle au XIXe siècle. Celle-ci porte en effet de nouvelles valeurs et représentations esthétiques de l’espace forestier en rupture avec la vision technique classique. Si ce mouvement de protestation obtient des concessions avec la création de réserves artistiques, le principe de la coupe rase demeure, laissant la porte ouverte à de futures contestations. Messages clés : • La coupe rase est devenue une pratique publiquement controversée au cours du XIXe siècle. • La rationalisation et modernisation de cette technique va accentuer les tensions au cours du XXe siècle. • Ces tensions témoignent d’une divergence progressive des représentations sociales de la forêt entre forestiers et usagers.

Belonging to the gang Los Ñetas, it is in part observing a certain number of rules which are transcribed in the Liderato, the book of the Ñetas. These rules are accompanied of trials procedure, the mesas disciplinarias, and of sanctions for those transgressing them. Yet, while Ñetas have developed a complex legal order to resolve internal conflicts, trials are little used. Is the Ñetas rules little applied, or little effective? What is the nature of these rules? Can we speak of Ñetas Law? And what is its role, if it is not used in cases of conflict?

Le présent article revisite le processus DDR - Désarmement, Démobilisation et Réinsertion-, en République Démocratique du Congo, au moment où, dans le contexte actuel de l’alternance politique, intervenue à la suite des dernières élections de 2018, il vient d’être institué un nouveau programme, le P-DDRCS en remplacement du PN-DDR et du STAREC. Dans une approche diachronique, il s’interroge non seulement sur la problématique de groupes armés qui persistent dans la partie Est du pays, mais aussi sur les causes de l’inefficacité du programme DDR antérieur. Il met en évidence les pesanteurs qui ont, jusque-là, plombé le processus DDR et qui risque, si rien n’est entrepris, de gêner encore l’actuel programme qui se veut pourtant innovateur, à plus d’un titre. En effet, sur son chemin, le contexte sécuritaire critique ainsi que la forte dépendance au financement extérieur, restent de contraintes majeures. Aussi, actuellement, ce nouveau programme a des défis à relever parmi lesquels le traitement de catégories de combattants issus de groupes armés radicaux et terroristes qui n’étaient pas là lors des anciens programmes. Adapter son dispositif à la nouvelle configuration de la réalité sur le terrain devient une nécessité historique qui invite à l’œuvre non seulement les acteurs politiques, les gestionnaires de programmes mais aussi les chercheurs en sciences sociales et humaines.

Résumé: L'incidence des grèves au Chili a considérablement augmenté depuis la fin des années 2000. Dans cet article, nous analysons l'activité de grève en nous concentrant sur un aspect clé du modèle chilien de relations de travail: le pluralisme syndical. Sur la base d'une enquête représentative des entreprises du secteur privé, nous estimons des modèles de régression logistique qui indiquent que le pluralisme syndical augmente significativement la probabilité de grèves dans les entreprises. Cependant, notre analyse ne permet pas de conclure que l'effet positif du pluralisme syndical s'explique par la concurrence entre syndicats, comme le suggère une partie de la littérature internationale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El conflicto entre Palestina e Israel es un tema sensitivo por sus características histórico -religiosas. Este artículo no pretende plantear argumentos que busquen crear juicios hacia la población de un país, como tampoco crear controversias tendenciosas por diferencias ideológicas, políticas ni religiosas; busca poner en el debate internacional desde el punto de vista de los derechos humanos cómo funcionarios de un país democrático como Israel deciden afectar a toda una colectividad palestina bajo lo que ellos consideran una “amenaza inminente” y, con este pretexto, sumergen a palestinos en el maltrato físico empleando métodos de tortura de manera indiscriminada, tanto a adultos como a menores de edad; niños detenidos de forma arbitraria, violenta, luego aislados, sometidos a tratos indignos, lo que les deja secuelas psicológicas y físicas para el resto de sus vidas así como a sus familias. Se pretende mostrar este drama social donde los más afectados son los niños palestinos. Sucede ante la mirada indolente de muchos gobiernos de comunidad internacional que optan por evadir su responsabilidad moral y política, dándole prelación a mantener las buenas relaciones políticas dado el poder hegemónico que representa Israel en detrimento de los derechos humanos de una población atrapada en un conflicto social y armado como es el pueblo palestino que intenta sobrevivir en un tipo de apartheid impuesto. Para la recolección y análisis de datos se empleó entrevistas semiestructuradas a profesionales especialistas en el tema palestino; además fuentes documentales como reportes oficiales, textos históricos, sitios web de noticias y de organizaciones de derechos humanos que trabajan en Palestina.

Copyright of Academia & Derecho is the property of Universidad Libre - Seccional Cucuta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Études de Stylistique Anglaise is the property of Societe de Stylistique Anglaise and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akofena is the property of Universite Felix Houphouet Boigny and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities Researches is the property of Mugla Sitki Kocman University, Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Gestion et Management Public is the property of Association Internationale de Recherche en Management Public (AIRMAP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Innovar: Revista de Ciencias Administrativas y Sociales is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Études Caribéennes is the property of Etudes Caribeennes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article porte sur le conflit intercommunautaire qui a éclaté entre les Luba et les Chokwe à l’occasion du phénomène Kamwina Nsapu dans le territoire de Tshikapa. L’objectif poursuivi est d’identifier les causes et les conséquences de ce conflit sur la cohabitation pacifique de ces communautés et de proposer des stratégies pouvant concourir au rétablissement du climat de paix qui a toujours caractérisé les rapports entre ces dernières.

Résumé Le conflit angolais n’a pas su trouver un dénouement rapide et durable parce que la diplomatie africaine sur le plan multilatéral ne semble pas contraignante vis-à-vis des Etats membres. La présente étude décline cinq justifications majeures à ce sujet. Abstract The Angolan conflict has not been able to find a quick and lasting outcome because African diplomacy at the multilateral level does not seem to be binding on member states. This study identifies five major justifications in this regard.

This article aims to explore a sapiential response to the question of the inner experience of the conflict between the voluntary and the involuntary, which Ricœur alludes to in the first volume of his Philosophy of the Will. I take as my starting point Ricœur’s reference in the conclusion to the three pieces of advice given by Descartes to achieve contentment, which Ricœur equates with the virtues of decision, effort and consent. Building on Ricœur’s assertion that we receive the life of the involuntary into the heart of freedom through attention, I seek to explore how attention can help reconcile the conflicting relationship between the voluntary and the involuntary in everyday experience. I do so by proposing a rereading of these three virtues in the light of the practical mediation of attention.

Deeper still than that of the differend, we find in Lyotard the concept of discrepancy, which underlines the welcome alterity in the encounter with others. We propose an understanding of Ricœurian anthropology based on this idea, when it is associated with another concept, that of ergodicity, which makes it possible to think the same in the discrepancy. We illustrate it with the trial and the act of judging. We then show that the Ricœurian process of putting rival thoughts into dialogue stems from this anthropology, and that Ricœur presents full coherence. For this, another concept is introduced which describes the mechanism of understanding always restarted, in the sense that each new thought must be able to be encompassed in the gaze cast on the world. Encompassing is a concept in modelling disciplines, which is difficult to translate into French. To illustrate this, we take as an example Ricœur’s “debate” with Jakobson in The Rule of Metaphor.

L’auteur est préoccupé par le conflit entre les bantous et les pygmées afin d’en faire comprendre et d’en expliquer les revendications et/ou les motivations. Le conflit actuel étant inscrit dans le contexte de la situation d’infériorité dans laquelle sont traditionnellement plongés les pygmées face aux bantous, l’étude suggère la construction de l’état d’âme de vouloir vivre ensemble et surtout jette les bases d’une cohabitation pacifique de toutes les communautés prenant en compte les intérêts de la majorité et de la minorité.

Nul n'est sans ignorer que le mouvement d'intégration qui tire son origine en Europe occidentale avec les accords constitutifs de Benelux dans les années 1945, s'est étendu progressivement dans toute l'Europe, en Amérique et Afrique. En effet, l'intégration favorise les relations dans une variété des domaines et de façon plus ou moins intense entre les Etats. Elle conduit ces derniers à l'interdépendance qui suscite une complémentarité, laquelle appelle la coopération favorisant le développement. C'est dans cette logique que notre analyse sur les enjeux de l'adhésion régionale au sein de l'organisation sous régionale de la communauté des Etats de l'Est est pertinente. Ces enjeux sont d'ordres géopolitique, géostratégiques et géo économiques.

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Belonging to the Los Ñetas gang means, in part, observing a certain number of rules that are transcribed in the Liderato, the Ñetas' book. These rules are accompanied by trial procedures, the mesas disciplinarias, and a series of sanctions for anyone who transgresses them. Yet, while the Ñetas have elaborated a complex legal order to settle internal conflicts, trials are rarely used. Are Ñetas rules poorly enforced, or ineffective? What is the nature of these rules? Can we speak of Ñetas law? And what use is it, if it is little applied in cases of conflict? This starting point will be the occasion to present a multi-sited ethnography carried out over four years among the Ñetas. I'll be looking back at the history of this gang, which originated in Puerto Rico and spread to the United States, Ecuador and Spain, as well as its internal transformation. By questioning the place of the law within criminal societies, I will show how the work of interpreting these rules enables the Ñetas to develop practices of self-improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologia, Problemas e Práticas is the property of Centro de Investigacao e Estudos de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities Researches is the property of Mugla Sitki Kocman University, Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Les conflits conjugaux constituent une note dissonante qui se répercute dans l’imaginaire populaire pour confirmer que les immigrants sont violents et ne respectent pas les droits de la femme. Cette doxa renseigne sur le déphasage culturel que vivent les couples immigrants impliqués dans les tensions et les conflits conjugaux. La résolution de ces derniers présente un paradigme quant au choix à opérer afin que les mariés fument le calumet de la paix et que le foyer se calme et retrouve son harmonie. Cet article examine le type de choix possible auquel les intéressés peuvent se fier ; notre réflexion est faite au travers des récits de vie d’une famille immigrante. Après le décryptage, nous concluons le débat en proposant que les couples, en cas de conflit conjugal devraient éviter de se fier à l'imaginaire populaire et que c’est utile de faire confiance aux canaux juridiques si et seulement si la résolution par la parenté n’est pas possible.

Ethnographic analysis of the two main exorcistic practices in which married women are involved in Garhwal (India) shows that the theme of domestic conflict is central to both rituals. Addressing classical debates in anthropology about possession, this text raises two main questions: are these practices forms of feminine resistance to patriarchal social rules? And what is the notion of the person and her or his action in the world underlying these practices? Although these rituals may sometimes bring benefits to the women participating in them, women do not seem to perceive themselves nor to act as individuals who are resisting social structures, but more as part of collective networks of human and spiritual persons. As for the effects of these rituals, they are geared towards the preservation of family unity. This is achieved by the fact that, while evoking human conflict, these ritual devices subordinate it to the problem of divine conflict. Yet these practices do not only have an integrative function vis-à-vis conflicts that potentially endanger the family unit, but they also firmly establish the position of married women and their irreplaceability in the fabric of social life. Being close to the deities of their natal villages and easily affected by spirits of the dead, married women have an essential role in mediating with them and therefore in building and preserving the network of human and non-human beings on which the well-being of the family depends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Configurações is the property of Centro de Investigacao em Ciencias Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of the Yerevan State University / Banber Erevani Hamalsarani. Sots'iologia is the property of Publishing House of Yerevan State University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities Researches is the property of Mugla Sitki Kocman University, Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Morocco, water resources are limited and in most cases exposed to over-exploitation and degradation by actors with their non-rational behavior seeking to maximize their own profits until the resource is depleted. This competition to access a limited resource will provoke a conflict of interest between the different actors using this resource. This work was carried out in the El Haouz area with the objective of proposing the most relevant strategy for a good management of irrigation water resource. The game theory has been applied to the case study based on the prisoner's dilemma, as this methodology is typical of conflicts of interest around the use of natural resources. This methodology has contributed to identify the problems and suggest solutions adapted to the case study. Despite the difficulties encountered in bringing together the behaviors of the various actors, contracting policy appears to be a good alternative to achieve the objective of an integrated management of irrigation water while associating social welfare, economic and environmental well-being.

RESUMÉ Cet article entend pratiquer une confrontation de la pensée de Levinas et Hegel sur la question de la reconnaissance. En général, c’est sur un ton de vénération et d’admiration que Levinas fait référence à Hegel. Cependant, le philosophe n’hésite pas à formuler une critique à l’encontre du philosophe allemand, qui se développe avec une extrême prudence. En d’autres termes, Levinas ne perd jamais de vue la capacité de la philosophie hégélienne à se protéger des critiques et à les anticiper jusqu’à ce qu’elles soient incluses dans son système. C’est également le cas de la critique que présente Levinas sur la lutte pour la reconnaissance chez Hegel. Notre position est que Levinas n’embrasse jamais ouvertement, mais implicitement et avec prudence, la critique de la notion d’identité, de réciprocité et de conflit comme faisant partie de l’ensemble de la métaphysique ontologique qui domine l’histoire de la pensée occidentale, laquelle le penseur juif invite à abandonner.

En el presente documento*, el autor reconstruye un concepto subjetivo de “paz duradera” a través de la experiencia sufrida durante el 2019 en la Comuna 13 de Medellín, lo que ha implicado su desplazamiento forzado y el de su familia. En el desarrollo del mismo se procura mostrar cómo podría consolidarse una vía de perdón, en donde se corte la cadena de violencia y se viva una experiencia de resiliencia en la que se presupone el derecho a la vida que tienen los victimizadores, procurando reconstruir los elementos necesarios para defender la idea de la no-repetición de las causas que podrían consolidar un nuevo conflicto intra-urbano. Se introducirán algunos comentarios de los diarios personales de la víctima.* Este artículo es uno de los resultados de la maestría en educación que el autor realizó en la Universidad de Antioquia (Colombia).

Which countries are likely to be subjects of research in the study of armed conflict? Evidence from other fields suggests that research often focuses disproportionately on the West, but it is unclear to what extent this is true in conflict studies. We suggest that a baseline explanation of research focus is each country's conflict experience, and we present two additional hypotheses: Western bias and research feasibility. Empirically, we count countries in the abstracts of five prominent conflict or security journals, 1990–2015. We also manually count single-country case studies. Western countries, measured by U.N. voting or geographic location, appear more than non-Western countries, even after considering conflict, wealth, and other factors. There is less support for the research feasibility argument, measured by each country's official languages and democracy. We find French- and Spanish-language countries less likely to appear in the literature. We conclude with a discussion of under-studied countries and offer related suggestions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sante Mentale au Quebec is the property of Revue Sante Mentale au Quebec and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Savoirs En Prisme is the property of Universitaires de Reims and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What are the reasons for the failure of the "peace agreements" signed by the protagonists of the ever-revolving Congolese conflict? The signing of peace agreements, the presence of foreign forces and the presence of international armed troops have not prevented the armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (since 1996) from continuing. The application of the texts of the various agreements concluded between the states of the region to put an end to the insecurity that reigns there is slow, which is why they often become inoperative because they are not applied at the appropriate time. A lasting peace in the DRC does not seem to be within reach, especially in the next few years. The deployment of peacekeepers in the country at the beginning of this new millennium seems to be planned for a long-term anchorage in the DRC. In spite of this UN mechanism, the country continues to suffer under the weight of insecurity due to this war that does not say its name. The vicious circle is thus complete: conflict calls for the presence of UN forces, which are unable to curb the insecurity. A long-term presence in the DRC in the heart of Africa seems inescapable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Comment évolue le temps de travail des salariés contraints au télétravail par les mesures sanitaires françaises en 2020? À partir d'une enquête qualitative conduite dans une régie municipale de l'eau, qui associe entretiens, observations directes et questionnaires, l'auteur montre que le télétravail pour motif de COVID‐19 restructure le temps de travail et redistribue le pouvoir de régulation. En période de confinement, la durée du travail s'allonge et les rythmes laborieux se modifient, avec des variations importantes selon la configuration familiale: le confinement en famille jugule l'allongement des journées de travail mais favorise leur fragmentation. Pour les télétravailleurs isolés, les effets sont inversés. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Berliner Journal für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)