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This research analyses the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic on the United States of America elections held in November 2020. We analyse the 29th of September and the 22nd of October debates in which candidates Donald Trump and Joe Biden participated. Content analysis is used as the research technique. The frequency and time spent by each candidate on the Covid-19 topic are measured. In addition, it is analysed the content of the speeches in general and the communication and discursive strategies employed by both candidates. Both verbal and non-verbal language and the elements linked to the staging of the debates are analysed too. Among other issues, the results show the importance of the pandemic in the debates, Biden explicitly took a pro-scientific stance, while Trump leaned towards a sceptical stance, and it was found that the communicative styles and strategies of both candidates have differed throughout the events analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The connection between politics and humor is longstanding and has evolved with the advent of the internet. This study examines posts on Guilherme Boulos' Instagram profile, a rising figure in the Brazilian left, from 2018 to 2023. The work is grounded in theoretical discussions on politics, humor, and the role of this resource in creating symbolic divisions among individuals and groups. Its primary aim is to comprehend the significance of humor in shaping Boulos' political identity. The corpus (n = 13,321) was subjected to descriptive analysis, complemented by qualitative observations. The posts were examined to differentiate between those that contained aspects of humor and those that did not. In the former, posts were classified based on their style. The study reveals that comedy is present in 17.7 % of the posts, employing an "aggressive" style that tackles various subjects, particularly former president Jair Bolsonaro. Furthermore, humorous communications have a higher level of dissemination and elicited responses. In Boulos' case, humor establishes the identity of a confrontational politician who opposes conservative policies and goals. This identity is characterized by an easygoing demeanor that resonates with the experiences of regular folks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of language reflects different sociocognitive processes which are crucial in political psychology. In political communication in elections and governance, the manipulation of language to mobilize actions may be imperceptible by citizens, especially in the vast volumes of news posted on digital platforms like Twitter (now X). For this reason, we set out to analyse the differences in the linguistic style and content of the messages of 18 mayors of large cities in Colombia during the electoral campaign and the start of the period of governance through a two-stage design. We found that the politicians' language during the electoral campaign had a persuasive function focused on promoting inclusive identities and generating empathy using prosocial topics. In contrast, the linguistic style during the term of office was more formal and complex, highlighting the legitimacy of the acts of governance. Differences were also found in the candidates on the left and right related to how they discuss economic issues during the electoral campaign. These findings show the need to take a multidisciplinary approach to address the effects of language and technology on the understanding and explanation of the psycho-political processes involved in elections and governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Describe cómo el proceso de comunicación del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones pasa de hacer publicaciones esporádicas de avisos sobre el proceso electoral o de promoción del voto a convertirse en un proceso de asesoría estratégica, comunicacional y política para que el superior, el pleno de magistradas y magistrados adopten sus decisiones administrativas y jurisdiccionales.

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research examines the ‘dirty politics’ between opposing and antagonistic poles during Chile’s 2021 presidential election. It analyses data from public messaging groups on WhatsApp, using computational methods, qualitative analysis, and an interview with a key informant from one of the candidates’ campaigns. The results point to ‘dirty’ tactics, such as disinformation and social engineering, but also to technical sabotage, with deliberate obstruction of campaign groups, mainly from the right against the left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proposals of think tanks nowadays carry weight in political actions worldwide. The communicative actions of these centers are crucial in the relationship with their diverse audiences for their initiatives to have a notable influence. Through a quantitative content analysis, the present study gathers communicative tools and measures the degree of interactivity promoted by these online research centers through their official websites, the medium that has the greatest impact on their visibility and influence. The research focuses on the 25 most influential think tanks in Central and South America, according to the 2020 Global Go To Think Tank Index. The results show that the level of interactivity offered by the unidirectional tools of these think tanks is considerably high. However, in the case of bidirectional resources, which provide a greater opportunity for interaction and dialogue with the web user, greater use is made of those of an asymmetrical nature. The level of interactivity achieved is still insufficient, as not all the opportunities offered by the digital space are leveraged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Recerca is the property of Universitat Jaume I and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Doxa Comunicación is the property of Fundacion Universitaria San Pablo - CEU and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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En el ámbito de la comunicación política, los partidos intentan apropiarse en el discurso público de los temas con los que se les asocia positivamente, aprovechando su supuesta competencia en la resolución de determinados problemas. El fenómeno de la desinformación puede erosionar los ejes en que se vertebran las soluciones a estas problemáticas e influir negativamente en la toma de decisiones políticas de la ciudadanía al distorsionar la realidad. El objetivo de esta investigación es analizar las desinformaciones provenientes de los actores políticos españoles, para comprobar en qué asuntos de la agenda política se centran y si existe un sesgo ideológico en la difusión de información falsa. Desde una perspectiva cuantitativa, se analizan todos los fact-checks realizados por Newtral y Maldita sobre declaraciones falsas o engañosas de políticos desde octubre de 2018 hasta marzo de 2023 (n = 1415). Los resultados revelan una mayor desinformación en los partidos mayoritarios, de la oposición y de derechas. Los picos más altos se observan durante periodos electorales, especialmente en elecciones generales. Los políticos desinforman negativamente sobre sus rivales cuando están en la oposición y positivamente sobre sí mismos cuando gobiernan. Cada bloque ideológico se centra en apuntalar los temas con los que la gente les identifica, difundiendo información falsa sobre la gestión de estos temas por parte de sus oponentes. Estos hallazgos apuntan a una consolidación del uso de la desinformación en la estrategia de comunicación política de todos los partidos.

Esta investigación se propuso revisar la evolución de la dinámica de interacción y circulación de contenidos derivados del hashtag electoral #ColombiaDecide en Twitter (ahora X), cuya iniciativa original fue impulsada por el espacio informativo Noticias Caracol. Desde un enfoque cuantitativo se analizó el corpus de más de 60 000 mensajes derivados del hashtag #ColombiaDecide en el año 2022 y se aplicó una metodología de análisis de contenido comparada con lo ocurrido en el año 2015, según una investigación que habría revisado en sus inicios a usuarios líderes, partiendo del rt como unidad de análisis. Desde una mirada cualitativa también se revisaron los mensajes de la etiqueta que en el año 2022 alcanzaron más viralidad. Los resultados permiten reconocer que la estrategia informativa del hashtag #ColombiaDecide ha sufrido una transformación en las voces que la ocupan, aunque los medios de comunicación siguen manteniendo una participación activa en el período analizado. Los cambios demuestran que actores y activistas políticos han logrado entrenarse para incidir en X y han ido desapareciendo usuarios líderes calificados como ‘ciudadanos’. En el contexto electoral 2022 se destaca que la tendencia ideológica de izquierda logra en Colombia un espacio de activismo en la plataforma X con una viralidad generada desde la emocionalidad, centrada discursivamente en el cambio.

Effective communication increases support for policy measures. This article argues that a narrative that portrays a policy's target group as a hero is most effective in generating support for the given policy. The research builds on the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) to test the influence of an audience‐as‐hero narrative on the opinion about a new campfire regulation among visitors to a national park in Russia. A survey experiment with 314 visitors to the national park compares the influence of a narrative portraying the regulation's target group as a hero (a park visitor) on policy opinion and a narrative portraying another hero (a firefighter). Results show that the audience‐as‐hero narrative has more influence on policy support than a nonnarrative message and also more than a narrative portraying another hero. This indicates that audience‐as‐hero narratives are particularly effective in generating support for policies. Related Articles: Crow, Deserai A., Lydia A. Lawhon, John Berggren, Juhi Huda, Elizabeth Koebele, and Adrianne Kroepsch. 2017. "A Narrative Policy Framework Analysis of Wildfire Policy Discussions in Two Colorado Communities." Politics & Policy 45(4): 626–56. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12207. Shanahan, Elizabeth A., Mark K. McBeth, and Paul L. Hathaway. 2011. "Narrative Policy Framework: The Influence of Media Policy Narrative on Public Opinion." Politics & Policy 39(3): 373–400. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00295.x/abstract. Smith‐Walter, Aaron, Holly L. Peterson, Michael D. Jones, and Ashley Nicole Reynolds Marshall. 2016. "Gun Stories: How Evidence Shapes Firearm Policy in the United States." Politics & Policy 44: 1053–88. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12187/full. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Cuadernos.info is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Facultad de Comunicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos.info is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Facultad de Comunicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main objective of this research focuses on studying the political discourse of the 75 candidates who participated in the Spanish regional elections held on May 28, 2023, in twelve autonomous communities. The aim is to determine the possible alignment or disconnection of the political agenda of these regional candidates with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) proposed by the UN in the 2030 Agenda. These global goals are key elements of sustainable communication and responsible leadership, as they are focused on overcoming the multiple global challenges humanity faces today. To achieve this goal, a mixed methodology was chosen, consisting of a quantitative analysis, of a descriptive nature, and a discourse analysis -- qualitative method. The FanPage Karma tool allowed monitoring a total of 190 official accounts of regional candidates on Facebook, X, Instagram, and TikTok. After eliminating duplicates and selecting only those posts that explicitly mentioned the SDGs, the sample consisted of a total of n=1,523 unique messages, which were processed with MeaningCloud for sentiment analysis. The results show that most posts focus on decent work and economic growth (SDG 8), sustainable cities and communities (SDG 11), and global partnerships (SDG 17). On the other hand, hunger (SDG 2), health and well-being (SDG 3), and responsible consumption and production (SDG 12) are the least visible topics. The most proactive politicians in sustainable communication were Pablo Zuloaga, the PSOE candidate for the Parliament of Cantabria, and Juan Lobato, the PSOE candidate for the Assembly of Madrid. In contrast, Leticia Díaz, Vox's candidate for the Parliament of Cantabria, and Alejandra Jacinto, Podemos' candidate for the Assembly of Madrid, were the least proactive. In conclusion, although fewer than half of the messages from regional candidates mention the 2030 Agenda, sustainable messages related to governance, transparency, or social policies generate much more engagement than those related to environmental policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Actas de Diseño is the property of Facultad de Diseno y Comunicacion, Fundacion Universidad de Palermo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este trabajo analiza el seguimiento informativo de la campaña de las elecciones andaluzas de 2022 y su vinculación con el interés manifestado por los ciudadanos en la campaña y con su participación a través del voto y como transmisores de contenidos sobre la misma. Para determinar la existencia de relaciones entre las variables consideradas se usa el test de hipótesis chi-cuadrado. La fuerza de las asociaciones se mide con el coeficiente V de Cramer y el coeficiente de contingencia. Los resultados muestran la existencia de asociación entre el interés en la campaña y su seguimiento mediático. La televisión es el medio preferido para informarse, seguido por la prensa digital y la radio. Los debates y las entrevistas son los contenidos más consumidos. La participación mediante conversaciones se lleva a cabo especialmente en entornos familiares. Sin embargo, no se observa relación entre el interés en el seguimiento mediático de la campaña y la participación a través del voto. Incluso aquellas personas que siguieron la campaña con mayor interés parecían tener decidido el voto ya antes de los comicios.

Los servicios móviles de mensajería instantánea como WhatsApp o Telegram han abierto nuevas posibilidades para la reconfiguración de la democracia. Pese a su popularización, todavía son escasas las investigaciones que analizan el rol de la ciudadanía en estas plataformas digitales en términos políticos. Por ello, nuestro objetivo es analizar el uso ciudadano de estas plataformas para la actividad política y la percepción de su utilidad para la participación ciudadana. Además, se pretende determinar la incidencia que tienen en estos los factores sociopolíticos. Para ello se ha realizado una encuesta mediante un panel online de la plataforma Qualtrics que se lanzó en mayo de 2023 y fue contestado por un total de 1106 ciudadanos residentes en España. Los resultados muestran que el 91.32% de los usuarios encuestados utilizan de forma ordinaria los servicios móviles de mensajería instantánea en relación con la política, si bien su uso decae significativamente durante el periodo de campaña electoral. Por lo general, los ciudadanos los consideran útiles para el involucramiento en los procesos de toma de decisiones públicas. Por último, se demuestra como el género, la ideología y el interés por la política son los factores más influyentes en las tres variables analizadas.

Este artículo tiene por objetivo ofrecer una perspectiva de la actual crisis de la democracia a partir del análisis del discurso político del populismo institucionalizado o populismo en el poder. Al analizar a esta forma de comunicación política, a partir de un enfoque performativo, se argumenta que una causa de la crisis democrática actual es la polarización afectiva, es decir, una forma de fragmentación social basada no en las diferencias políticas sino en una frontera identitaria, cuyo principal componente es la figura de un enemigo al que se despoja de su legitimidad para participar en la toma de decisiones colectivas que caracteriza a una democracia moderna. La construcción de este enemigo, por parte del populismo institucionalizado, se presenta como un significante performativo, es decir, como un elemento discursivo con el que se lleva a cabo una acción política, en este caso, la creación de un tiempo de polarización que provoca una crisis democrática entendida como una clausura de la constante búsqueda por ampliar libertades y derechos.

Las propuestas de los laboratorios de ideas (think tanks) hoy en día tienen un peso importante en las actuaciones políticas a nivel mundial, por eso las acciones comunicativas de estos centros resultan cruciales en la relación con sus diversos públicos, para que sus iniciativas lleguen a tener una influencia notable. El presente estudio, basado en un análisis de contenido cuantitativo, recoge las herramientas comunicativas y mide el grado de interactividad que fomentan estos centros de investigación en línea, medio que más incide en su visibilidad e influencia, para lo cual se analizan sus páginas web oficiales. La investigación se centra en los 25 think tanks más influyentes de Centroamérica y América del Sur, según el informe 2020 Global Go To Think Tank Index. Los resultados evidencian que, aunque el nivel de interactividad que ofrecen las herramientas unidireccionales de estos laboratorios de ideas es considerablemente alto, en el caso de los recursos bidireccionales −que aportan una mayor oportunidad de interacción y diálogo con el usuario web−, se hace mayor uso de los de naturaleza asimétrica, siendo aún insuficiente el nivel de interactividad alcanzado, al no aprovecharse todas las oportunidades que ofrece el espacio digital.

Unidas Podemos y Vox han trastocado el equilibrio de fuerzas en el Parlamento español. Sin embargo, aún no existe un consenso sobre cómo clasificar a ambos partidos y sobre si es correcto atribuirles el concepto en auge de ‘populismo’. Esta investigación, a través de una triangulación metodológica conformada por análisis de contenido, cuantitativos y cualitativos, y por entrevistas en profundidad, compara la comunicación y la identidad de estas formaciones durante las elecciones de abril y noviembre de 2019. Se evidencia que son dos proyectos populistas más parecidos de lo que a priori podría pensarse, y se estudia también el tratamiento que recibieron por parte de las principales cabeceras, a partir del cumplimiento de los factores propuestos por Entman para elaborar un frame. Obtenemos así una doble comparación, tanto entre ambos comicios como entre ambos partidos. Al mismo tiempo, quedan reflejadas las estrategias de estos últimos de cara a la construcción de sus frames, para responder a la escasa y crítica cobertura que les ofrecen los medios de comunicación tradicionales.

Centra el análisis en los desafíos actuales que enfrenta la democracia como forma de vida; puntualmente analiza la desigualdad, la polarización, la desinformación y el descontento ciudadano. Concluye que, a pesar de las incertidumbres que enfrenta la democracia, la capacidad de resiliencia y el respeto a los derechos humanos pueden fortalecerla.

The interest of public administrations in interacting and generating conversation with citizens has led to the opening of profiles on social networks. The present work analyzes how the General Administration of the State, in particular, the ministries of the Government of Spain, are using the TikTok network to communicate with citizens, what content they are publishing, what the format and tone of their publications is, and what frequency of publication they maintain, to know how institutional communication of the ministries is on this social network and observe if they follow a strategic use of their profiles. To do this, a quantitative content analysis of the publications of the profiles of the 7 ministries with active presence on TikTok has been carried out, from the first publication of each profile studied until March 31, 2023. For the analysis, different variables have been considered which collect the figures of the profiles, the tone of the publications, and the structure and format of the contents. The results show that the ministries maintain a low publication frequency, and there is a disparity in the type of tone used or intention of their publications and in the formats, which suggests a lack of common communication strategy by the Government of Spain to maximize performance on this social network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the globe, social media have become dominant channels of communication and news for many citizens. They also provide online spaces where misleading information can exacerbate social cleavages and political differences in societies, which can then lead to deleterious democratic outcomes. Therefore, much work has sought to understand the ways in which the effects of misinformation can be attenuated. This virtual theme collection highlights eight studies that examined the conditions in which individuals would actively verify information as well as the effectiveness of certain countermeasures designed to help individuals discern information veracity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mobile instant messaging services have been consolidated in political communication because they favor continuous connection and generate more trust than other social media. For this reason, most political parties use this type of apps. The aim of this work is to identify the communication strategies of Vox on Telegram in electoral contexts. Using content analysis techniques, all the messages that this far-right party published on its Telegram channel during two electoral campaigns, in the 2019 general elections and the 2021 Catalan elections, are studied. Specifically, five variables are examined: functions of the messages; thematic agenda; role of criticism; personalization in the leader; and level of hybridization with mainstream media. The results indicate an incipient evolution towards more innovative functions, although there is still room for improvement. In addition to promoting his campaign agenda, Vox uses Telegram to mobilize the vote and attack other parties by appealing to emotions on ideological issues; personalize its speech in a leader characterized by his emotional attributes; and replace conventional media. All of these strategies fit the populist style of other far-right international parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The goal of this article is to analyze the extent to which ideology intervenes in citizens' trust in the news that appears in traditional and social media during COVID-19. Methodology: To do this, a quantitative approach based on the online survey technique is used. The questionnaire was launched in July 2021 through the Qualtrics platform and was answered by 2,803 citizens residing in Brazil (726), Spain (682), the United States (694), and India (702). Results: We found a connection between ideology and confidence in traditional media, strongly conditioned by the socio-political context. In addition, right-wing citizens tend to trust the information they receive from digital platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, or WhatsApp better than left-wing citizens. This uneven impact of trust in the media could result in a heterogeneous effect of fake news, with right-wing citizens most likely believing political news appearing on social media. Discussion and Conclusions: This article contributes to expanding prior knowledge about the trust in mainstream and social media, with considerable emphasis on the factors that have a predominant influence in four countries with different social and political structures and media systems: Spain, United States, India, and Brazil. In this context, it has been observed how ideology is an essential factor in all of them. When this relevant variable is controlled for, and despite what previous studies had determined (Newman et al., 2021), factors such as educational or income level do not seem to play a significant role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: This article carries out a comparative review and critical analysis of the media reform proposals of seven European 'alternative' or 'critical' left forces1 from six countries (Spain, Portugal, Greece, Germany, the UK and France). Methodology: The aim is to assess the existence or possibility of common roadmaps and horizons on this issue for the European critical left. To this end, a documentary review and thematic and volumetric analysis (Krippendorff, 1990) of the most recent national electoral programs of each party was undertaken, their specific proposals and styles of formulation were compiled and classified, and a comparative analysis was carried out. Results: Up to three different and compatible taxonomies are proposed for the measures recorded. The proposals made by different parties differ markedly in both volume and approach. A categorisation of these proposals by programmatic axes, themes and sub-themes is provided, as well as a summary list of each party's proposals. Incompatibilities, common areas, and programmatic gaps are identified. Discussion: the timeliness of some programmatic formulations is discussed, and possible incorporations of interest for the case of political forces of Spanish origin are identified. Conclusions: The first research hypothesis is discarded, but the rest is validated: a certain widely shared programmatic framework already exists de facto, although it registers important blind spots. They frequently fall on different areas in each case analysed, thus proving the potential for mutual borrowing and learning between the different parties and the potential progress that this could mean in the articulation of a common programmatic framework that generates synergies towards a democratic media reform in the European sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ñawi: Arte, Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Escuela Superior Politecnica del Litoral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Mediterranean Journal of Communication / Revista Mediterránea de Comunicación is the property of Revista Mediterranea de Comunicacion / Mediterranean Journal of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Analisi: Quaderns de Comunicacio i Cultura is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Desde hace ya más de una década las elecciones en España tienen una doble lectura: la que se hace en el mundo real y la que se extrae de las redes sociales. La literatura académica sobre este aspecto es dilatada. El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar la presencia de los cuatro candidatos principales a las elecciones generales del 23 de julio del año 2023 a la presidencia del Gobierno. Para ello, emplea una metodología cuantitativa con el uso de herramientas para la recolección de datos en redes sociales. Entre los principales hallazgos cabe destacar que los candidatos que generan mayor respuesta por parte de los usuarios son Yolanda Díaz y Santiago Abascal. Del mismo modo, la imagen, y en concreto el mundo audiovisual, se convierte en el centro de la comunicación política en redes sociales, relegando al texto a un segundo plano.

El fenómeno de la personalización política, así como su relación con la inclusión de las redes sociales en la estrategia comunicativa de las campañas electorales, ha suscitado el interés de numerosos investigadores en los últimos años. El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo conocer su alcance en la campaña de las elecciones a la Comunidad de Madrid de 2021, mediante el análisis de contenido de los perfiles de los dos partidos más votados (Partido Popular y Más Madrid) y de sus líderes (Isabel Díaz Ayuso y Mónica García) en Twitter e Instagram. Además, se plantean otros objetivos y seis hipótesis que se verifican o refutan después de realizar el análisis de las cuentas en las citadas redes sociales. En este trabajo se emplean tres técnicas metodológicas: revisión bibliográfica, análisis de contenido y entrevistas en profundidad. Los resultados muestran que tanto Mónica García como Isabel Díaz Ayuso fueron las protagonistas de las publicaciones de Más Madrid (MM) y el Partido Popular (PP) en las dos semanas previas a la celebración de los comicios regionales. No obstante, se revela la existencia de una barrera en el ámbito familiar y cotidiano, al constatarse que la gran mayoría de contenidos personales compartidos por todas las cuentas analizadas se limitan a mostrar la faceta profesional de las candidatas.

Las redes sociales ofrecen un espacio digital de comunicación que ayuda a diseminar los mensajes de los actores políticos. El estudio de las estrategias utilizadas en estos canales puede ayudar a comprender las dinámicas sociales, especialmente las relacionadas con procesos electorales. Sin embargo, la mayoría de las investigaciones sobre comunicación política se centran en democracias del hemisferio norte. Para superar esta falencia, este estudio examina las cuentas de Facebook de los actores políticos chilenos durante la campaña de la primera vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales de 2021. Desde una perspectiva cuantitativa, se analiza el contenido de las publicaciones de los siete principales partidos y candidatos. El corpus está compuesto por una muestra de 909 publicaciones, codificadas manualmente según las categorías tema, populismo y campaña negativa. A nivel partido, se comprueban las diferencias según ideología y novedad institucional. Los resultados revelan un uso de retórica populista y temas divisivos por parte de las formaciones políticas opositoras más nuevas y radicales. No obstante, el nivel de populismo durante esta campaña es inferior al detectado en otras latitudes y destaca la ausencia de ataques contra minorías étnicas o culturales. El análisis de la participación de los usuarios revela que los partidos más nuevos son los que generan una mayor interacción con sus contenidos, que obtienen así mayor visibilidad. Estos hallazgos proporcionan una visión detallada de las estrategias de comunicación digital utilizadas durante la campaña electoral en Chile y contribuyen a ampliar el foco de los estudios de comunicación política al ámbito sudamericano.

Esta investigación analiza cómo son percibidos los partidos políticos respecto al partido ideal por los jóvenes en las elecciones autonómicas durante el período 2019 a 2023, empleando una metodología que combina la investigación cualitativa mediante la técnica del grupo de discusión con otra cuantitativa que utiliza el cuestionario, siendo la muestra seleccionada en ambos casos estudiantes universitarios de la Comunidad de Madrid. El análisis de los resultados permite establecer el posicionamiento perceptual de los partidos y concluir que el PSOE es el partido al que se asocian más atributos y el que más se preocupa por los jóvenes, siendo la formación más próxima al partido ideal.

La Asamblea de Madrid, como foro público, tiene el deber y obligación, por un lado de reflejar el sentir de la ciudadanía y, por otro de trabajar por el bien común para mejorar la vida de los ciudadanos madrileños. El presente trabajo recoge cuál es el criterio de nuestros políticos regionales respecto a la Agenda 2030, y los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible con el objetivo de saber si existe un entendimiento sobre la envergadura de la emergencia climática y la necesidad de comunicar e implementar dichos objetivos.