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By conceptualizing similarity among firms in terms of overlapping resources, research on location choice has found that similar firms tend to locate far from one another. Yet, a resource-overlap perspective may not always align with decision-makers' similarity classifications. In this article, we propose that new entrants also perceive firm similarities in terms of collective identities, and we examine how competition between collective identities influences entrants' choice of location. Our arguments center on the distinction between unaffiliated traditionalists, actors who are loyal to values and practices originally associated with a label and who emphasize autonomy, and affiliated modernists, actors who reinterpret a label using different values and practices and who seek consistency. Analyzing the entry of 177 artisan bakers within the city of Lyon from 1998 to 2017, we find that new entrants locate where prior actors with similar collective identities had located previously. To differentiate through competition, however, some new entrants also tend to prefer locations closer to actors who are encroaching on their collective identity, most evident among traditionalists choosing to locate near modernists. By integrating a collective-identity perspective with location choice, we show how the sociocognitive basis of similarity classification shapes new entrants' competitive behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Ernst B. Haas is recognized among European integration scholars as a founding figure of neo-functionalism, his later writing on nationalism is less known to European integration scholars. I contribute to this special issue by discussing Haas' later work on liberal nationalism and by reflecting on its insights for the study of collective identities in the European Union today. In a nutshell, Haas expected that (1) national and supranational identities are inherently rational and the expression of a deliberate choice, (2) citizens shift their identities from the national to the European level due to utilitarian considerations, (3) nationalism is not per se destructive, but it comes in many moulds and can be the basis for the international community. I argue that Haas' emphasis on rational and deliberate identity choice clashes with our current understanding of identity as implicit and subliminal. Moreover, his optimism is challenged by the rise of radical-right-wing parties who have successfully mobilized exclusive nationalist identities against European integration. On the other hand, Haas' emphasis on the double-edged nature of collective identity is an important reminder that also European identity, while striving to overcome exclusive nationalism, can reify its exclusiveness at the supranational level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, I examine how users of an online Reddit community, r/IntellectualDarkWeb, forged an anti-establishment collective identity through practices of "heterodox scientific" reasoning. I do so through a discursive analysis of comments and posts made to r/IntellectualDarkWeb during the COVID-19 pandemic. First, I deploy the BERTopic algorithm to cluster my corpus and surface topics pertaining to COVID-19. Second, I engage in a qualitative content analysis of the relevant clusters to understand how discourses about COVID-19 were mobilized by subreddit users. I show that discussions about COVID-19 were polarized along "contrarian" and "anti-contrarian" lines, with significant implications for the subreddit's process of collective identity. Overwhelmingly, contrarian content that expressed skepticism towards vaccines, mistrust towards experts, and cynicism about the medical establishment was affirmed by r/IntellectualDarkWeb users. By contrast, anti-contrarian content that sought to counter anti-vaccine rhetoric, defend expertise, or criticize subreddit users for their contrarianism was penalized. A key factor in this dynamic was Reddit's scoring mechanism, which empowered users to publicly upvote contrarian affirming content while simultaneously downvoting anti-contrarian content. As users participated in sense making about COVID-19, they deployed Reddit's scoring mechanism to reinforce a contrarian collective identity oriented around a practice of heterodox science. My research shows the continued relevance of the concept of collective identity in the digital age and its utility for understanding contemporary reactionary social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an investigation of representations of the Other and ancient Chinese collective identity in classical Chinese texts, this paper offers a new perspective to modern discourse surrounding the ‘distinctions between barbarians and Chinese’ (yixia zhi bian 夷夏之辨). Providing a historical analysis of terms and tropes related to the in-group Huaxia and out-group rongdi (barbarian Other) from the Shang to the Han dynasties, it is argued that increasingly abstracted representations of the Other functioned in promoting identification and solidarity with an increasingly unified Huaxia. Rather than reading depictions of the rongdi as merely a reflection of how the ancient Chinese perceived the out-group, terms that function as the ‘generalized barbarian’ are interpreted as recursive reflections of how the Huaxia in-group understood the Huaxia themselves, offering a glimpse into what was implicitly regarded as characteristic, distinctive, or even sacred to Huaxia collective identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been much debate about the consequences of the internet and social media for activism and social movements. According to Lance W Bennett and Alexandra Segerberg, digital activism involves a logic of 'connective action', in which collective action and collective identity lose importance. To assess the validity of this theory, I focus on personal testimony campaigns that have by now become a familiar digital tactic, especially in online mobilisations around issues of gender and sexuality. Drawing on discourse analysis of some of the most prominent examples, from #MeToo to #GirlsLikeUs, I argue that more than a logic of connection, what is at stake here is a 'logic of collection', involved in gathering personal testimonies as specimens of various grievances people are affected by (sexual harassment, discrimination, etc.). Aggregating personal testimonies around shared hashtags provides a means to construct and/or trasform the collective identity of the groups involved in order to raise their self-awareness and place them in a better position to engage in collective action. These practices thus suggest the need to overcome the opposition between personal and collective identity inherent in the theory of 'connective action', and refocus research on the forms of online identification that connect these two levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent decades have seen a blurring of the line between extremist movements and mainstream politics, driven by rising sectarian polarization. This development has been linked to digital media, with suggestions that so-called echo chambers may drive political radicalization. To understand the social processes taking place inside such digital spaces, this article draws on Randall Collins and the Durkheimian tradition to develop a theory of discursive community formation. Empirically, we analyze 20 years of discussion on the White Power forum Stormfront, employing natural language processing to study discursive evolution as members become socialized into the community. Our findings suggest that digital media provide space for conversational rituals that instill in people a sense of social membership and intersubjectivity, contained in the elaboration of a shared discourse, within which certain beliefs become sacred and unquestionable. This provides a potential social mechanism linking echo chambers to the rise of sectarian polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we look at installation art through the lens provided by the notion of "affective artifact" (Piredda 2019). We argue that affective character is central to some works of installation art and that some of those works can expand our knowledge of our affective lives, while others can contribute to the construction of our identities. Sections (2), (3), and (4) set the stage for our discussion of affective installation artworks by, respectively, situating it within the debate on affective artifacts, looking at some general issues concerning the affective character of artworks, and sketching out a view of the ontology of installation art. In section (5), we discuss the affective character of six works of installation art. In section (6), we show how those artworks can reveal aspects of who we are. Section (7) concludes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chesapeake Bay watershed encompasses six states and the District of Columbia. Consequently, the people within it display great diversity in terms of values, allegiances, and experiences. That diversity may help to explain an apparent inability to coordinate actions aimed at redressing the dismal water quality throughout the watershed. In this paper, we bridge theory to an applied scenario to examine the importance of developing a collective identity within the watershed to bring about changes in individual behavior and policies. We present the current conditions of the Chesapeake Bay watershed, propose a stage model for the development of a collective watershed identity, outline theoretically grounded determinants of each stage, and discuss the challenges in developing a collective identity. We further suggest several guiding questions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the early 2020s, the NATO representatives have adopted an increasingly alarmist rhetoric regarding China’s strengthening positions in the international relations. In 2022, the PRC was officially qualified as a ‘systemic challenge’ to the countries of the alliance. These attempts to securitize the Chinese factor in the NATO’s discourse are particularly noteworthy since they can hardly be rationalized by traditional military-political, economic or ideological reasons. The author argues that these reasons stem from the NATO’s search for a new, global identity. In order to test this hypothesis, the article traces the evolution of the alliance’s collective self-representations from the Cold War period up to the present day. The author shows that during the Cold War, when NATO positioned itself as a military-political alliance aimed at deterring the ‘Soviet threat’, the alliance’s relations with China developed steadily and constructively despite political and ideological differences. In the post-bipolar period, the Chinese factor has lost its importance even more, as NATO was actively considering the idea of repositioning itself as a ‘security community’. Attention to the PRC in the NATO discourse increased significantly in the 2010s, when the alliance set a course towards a radical expansion of its mandate in international relations and self-representation as a global security actor. However, as the author emphasizes, during this period there still have been no attempts to securitize China, and relations between the PRC and NATO were marked by positive dynamics. The shift in the perception of the PRC in the NATO’s official discourse took place in the second half of the 2010s — early 2020s and stemmed from the apparent difficulties in asserting the global identity of the alliance and the growing great-power rivalry in the international arena. From this perspective, increasing efforts to securitize the PRC could be ascribed to the continuous evolution of the alliance’s collective identity and the desire of its leaders to close ranks in the face of new strategic challenges. However, the author shows that the deterioration of relations between NATO member states and Russia, a traditional ‘significant other’ for the alliance, renders meaningless any further attempts to securitize China, which continue still more by inertia.

This study examines the emergence and development of a social movement community among LGBTQ population. Drawing on the case of the LGBTQ movement in South Korea between 1993 and 2019 from a longitudinal perspective, we identify the relational dynamics of how different movement groups avoid internal frictions and successfully develop a movement community. Our findings suggest that, as a response to repeated repressive external events, LGBTQ groups have formed and maintained collaborative networks based on a common identity as “sexual minorities.” By examining the networks of movement coalitions, we also identify key movement groups that played a critical role in connecting other groups with disparate sexual and gender identities within the community. These bridging actors were either the pioneering gay and lesbian groups that have collaborated since the 1990s or the new groups founded around inclusive collective identities such as “sexual minorities” or “queers.” Implications for the studies on social movements and homosexuality are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This concept paper explores possible collective identities for a future wildland fire workforce. Taking inspiration from the work of futurists who foresee an end to the dominant fire exclusion/suppression paradigm, and assuming that an emerging fire restoration/resilience paradigm shift replaces it, this paper engages in speculative explorations of the process and product of this paradigm shift with respect to the future collective identities of a workforce conducting ecological fire management. Social constructionist assumptions from symbolic interactionist sociological theory, Gramscian political theory's concept of hegemony, and new social movement theory's concept of collective identity all provide the intellectual foundations for the discussion. This concept paper argues that in order to actualize a paradigm shift, more than advances in scientific research or reforms of government policies will be required—the wildland fire community will need to become (or join) a social movement engaged in collective actions. An imaginary social movement, the "Greenfire revolution," is invented to help illustrate how the selected theories and concepts might apply in the social construction of ecological fire management and the collective identities of its future workforce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Considering the significance of collective identity in carrying out group and social activities, this study aimed to design a model of collective identity based on perceived social support with the mediating role of emotional intelligence among students. Methodology: The present study was applied in objective and descriptive-correlational in method. The research population comprised all undergraduate psychology students of the Islamic Azad University of Qom Province in the academic year 2021-2022. The sample size of this study was 500 individuals, selected after reviewing the entry criteria through convenience sampling. Data were collected using the Collective Identity questionnaire (Hezarjaribi & Lohrasbi, 2011), Perceived Social Support (Sherbourne & Stewart, 1991), and Emotional Intelligence (Schering, 1996) questionnaires and analyzed using Pearson correlation coefficients and structural equation modeling in SPSS-27 and AMOS-24 software. Findings: The findings showed that collective identity, perceived social support, and emotional intelligence among students had a positive and significant correlation (P<0.01). Additionally, the model of collective identity based on perceived social support with the mediating role of emotional intelligence in self-efficacy among students had an appropriate fit. In this model, the variable of perceived social support had a direct and significant effect on emotional intelligence and students' collective identity, and the variable of emotional intelligence had a direct and significant effect on their collective identity. Perceived social support with the mediating role of emotional intelligence had an indirect and significant effect on students' collective identity (P<0.001). Conclusion: According to the results of the present research, counselors and psychologists can improve collective identity among students by enhancing their perceived social support and emotional intelligence through educational workshops. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this qualitative study, we focus on Las Kellys, a Spanish movement of room attendants who have mobilised against labour precarisation and social devaluation, to address two challenges: (1) to characterise the role of social media in the construction and politicisation of collective identity as a stepping stone to mobilisation, and (2) to describe the lines of interplay between online politicisation of collective identity and other mobilisation factors such as grievances, social embeddedness and efficacy. Findings suggest that (1) room attendants build a politicised collective identity on Facebook, which functions as both an online community of coping and a locus of politicisation and micro-mobilisation, and (2) online politicisation of collective identity happens in online/offline interplay with the process of consensus mobilisation around the room attendants' issues (grievances), the social capital accumulated within intragroup and intergroup networks (social embeddedness) and the expectation of changing conditions and/or policies through protest (efficacy). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, I examine how users of an online Reddit community, r/IntellectualDarkWeb, forged an anti-establishment collective identity through practices of “heterodox scientific” reasoning. I do so through a discursive analysis of comments and posts made to r/IntellectualDarkWeb during the COVID-19 pandemic. First, I deploy the BERTopic algorithm to cluster my corpus and surface topics pertaining to COVID-19. Second, I engage in a qualitative content analysis of the relevant clusters to understand how discourses about COVID-19 were mobilized by subreddit users. I show that discussions about COVID-19 were polarized along “contrarian” and “anti-contrarian” lines, with significant implications for the subreddit’s process of collective identity. Overwhelmingly, contrarian content that expressed skepticism towards vaccines, mistrust towards experts, and cynicism about the medical establishment was affirmed by r/IntellectualDarkWeb users. By contrast, anti-contrarian content that sought to counter anti-vaccine rhetoric, defend expertise, or criticize subreddit users for their contrarianism was penalized. A key factor in this dynamic was Reddit’s scoring mechanism, which empowered users to publicly upvote contrarian affirming content while simultaneously downvoting anti-contrarian content. As users participated in sense making about COVID-19, they deployed Reddit’s scoring mechanism to reinforce a contrarian collective identity oriented around a practice of heterodox science. My research shows the continued relevance of the concept of collective identity in the digital age and its utility for understanding contemporary reactionary social movements.

To what extent may individual autonomy persist under the constraints of group identity? This dualism is particularly salient in new movements that value individual creativity above all, and yet have to muster community cohesion to establish a new style. Using the case of New Hollywood in the 1960s and 1970s, the authors show how this movement reconciled the demands of collective identity and collaboration in film production with their commitment to the individual filmmaker's artistic autonomy. Using information from the Internet Movie Database on 17,425 filmmakers who were active between 1930 and 1999, the authors show that a cohesive symbolic network, in which New Hollywood filmmakers shared references to a canon of revered films, served as a foundation for the collective identity of this new artistic movement. References include allusions to iconic scenes, settings, and shots of classic films. In contrast, collaborations in film projects yielded a fragmented network that did little to support the creative enterprise of New Hollywood. The evidence suggests that symbolic ties through shared citations allowed New Hollywood filmmakers to realize their vision of autonomous auteur filmmaking and to draw symbolic boundaries that separated them from the old Hollywood studio system.

Tafsir At-Tanwir, the progressive interpretations in it cannot be separated from Muhammadiyah's collective identity. The logical consequence of efforts to understand the interpretations in Tafsir At-Tanwir, directly or indirectly, needs to understand Muhammadiyah's collective identity as a whole. Especially in research focused on environmental issues. This research is a library research using a qualitative approach. The research subject (formal object) is Tafsir At-Tanwir, while the research object (material object) is progressive interpretation that includes environmental discourse as researchers found in Tafsir At-Tanwir. While this research uses a descriptive-analytical type of research, in which it will describe and analyze Tafsir At-Tanwir in which it shows the progressive interpretation of the Qur'an on environmental discourse. This research uses collective identity theory to portray the progressive interpretation in At-Tanwir cannot be separated from Muhammadiyah. These interpretations have critical and creative nuances in responding to environmental problems that exist in contemporary times. Actually, the interpretation of At-Tanwir makes critical efforts towards current actual problems such as illegal logging, environmental pollution, exhaust emissions, which ultimately create global warming. Muhammadiyah's collective identity on environmental issues is divided into three points, namely Muhammadiyah's attitude towards environmental issues based on ideology, the characteristics of Islam Berkemajuan, and Muhammadiyah's attitude.

Protesting government tuition increases in 2012, Quebec university and college students participated in collective action that they contentiously characterized as a ‘strike.’ While oppositional actors insisted students were boycotting classes – not striking – student activists claimed legal and cultural justifications for their action. This paper asks: How did Quebec student activists discursively characterize and legitimize their protest tactic as a strike? How did this discourse – and opponents’ counter-discourse – structure the terms of the debate within higher education institutions? Using discourse analysis of student newspapers and organizers’ first-hand accounts of the strike, this paper argues that striking students developed a discursive repertoire constituted by two components: they linked their action to a collective identity with a historical legacy of striking and adopted collective action frames that characterized the action as disruptive and collective. While the debate within higher education institutions centred around legitimacy, it was deeply rooted in contestation over individualism versus collectivism and the ongoing neo-liberalization of higher education. Through the case of the 2012 student strike, I propose employing collective identity and collective action frames together in a dialogic framework of discursive repertoires, thereby providing analytical clarity to this concept for social movement scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 2016 and 2019, South Korean conservatives organized a movement called the T'aegŭkki Rallies to oppose the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye and to protest against President Moon Jae-in's administration. This movement is puzzling for its timing, demographic composition, and rhetorical choices. Through in-depth interviews with rally participants and non-participants, I illustrate that a collective identity, shaped by authoritarian socialization, strengthened with positive memories about an authoritarian past, combined to mobilize rally participants. Curiously, rally participants saw themselves as defenders of liberal democracy, protecting South Korea against progressive forces seeking to turn the country into a communist state. However, my interviews revealed that they were, in fact, trying to protect the authoritarian past. In this manner, South Korea's authoritarian legacy entrenches ideological polarization and hampers common understandings of democratic citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the research aim was to reconstruct the political characteristics of the discourses of four youth organizations operating in Poland in three intertwined dimensions: content, structure and time. In the content dimension, by using the analysis of the discursive strategies, the focus was on political goals and political features of collective identities. In the structure dimension, by using the analytical tool provided by discursive institutionalism, the internal dynamics of discourses were explored. In the dimensions of structure and time, an attempt was made to capture the discursive change as a reaction to the war in Ukraine. Over 700 texts posted by the organizations' websites or Facebook pages were analysed. Three types of discourses were identified, which show various ways of representing political objectives and collective identities. Furthermore, all of the discourses reacted to the war in Ukraine. The results show the scope and dynamics of such changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conformation and dynamics of metropolitanisation act as propulsive elements of territorial transformations. The deficiency of infrastructural equipment, the heterogeneity of urban fabric and the lack of services and public spaces contribute to severing the identity ties between settled communities and territories. In light of this, within the more general reflection concerning urban regeneration, we recall the role that cultural heritage plays in the physical and functional organisation of the city, as a reflection of the interaction between community and context. The contribution is contextualized in the research work on the activities related to Thematic Line 4 of the Extended Partnership 5—CHANGES (NRRP). The thematic line activities follow three phases: 1. contextualization; 2. operational phase; 3. experimentation. The research work presented here is part of the 'operational phase', to identify strategies and projects for heritage-led regeneration. The article analyses the pilot case of CSOA Forte Prenestino as a starting point for thinking about expanding the research activity to other similar cases. It is a self-managed community centre in Rome (Italy) located in the nineteenth-century Forte, which has become a symbol of collective identity. The case study was identified following three levels of investigation: 1. identification of the municipality, first-level administrative subdivision of the city of Rome (Italy); 2. identification of the main historical, archaeological and architectural emergencies of the municipality; 3. identification of an asset to be analysed as "Heritage by designation" (involvement of experts) and "Heritage by appropriation" (involvement of communities). The research results show the "Recognition Path" of Forte Prenestina: according to what has been 'designated' by urban planning instruments, project instruments, legislative instruments and authors of scientific publications and conferences; and on the basis of the bottom-up 'appropriation' process of the asset that has allowed its management, assessment of its cultural and social potential and its development. The research results allow us to reflect on heritage-led urban regeneration as a strategy capable of capturing and promoting the links between social integration and cultural–historical identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People on the move are increasingly immobilised between and within state borders, having left 'there' but not allowed to be fully 'here'. This paper presents a nuanced examination of this state of enforced in--betweenness, exploring how refugees and other migrants negotiate collective existence through, despite, and alongside liminality. Drawing on ethnographic data collected at a Swiss Red Cross psychotraumatology centre, the study identifies factors that impede and facilitate the formation of collective identities, with temporal and spatial liminality emerging as the most central collective experience for refugees and other migrants. The findings illustrate how therapists reinforce these bonds by fostering an idealised sense of therapeutic communitas that promotes unity in adversity. However, the paper refrains from reducing the collective significance of liminality to a mere act of defiance. Instead, it critically reflects on how refugees and other migrants forge collective connections within politically and legally imposed disconnection. It accounts for the paradox of refugees and other migrants making collective lives in liminality while confronting the always-imminent possibility of this very liminality dismantling their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis article explores the multifaceted role of protest anthems in social movements, emphasizing their dual function as powerful expressions and integral components of socio-political activism within the broader context of symbolic forms, political practices, and material realities, while acknowledging their potential to drive political change. The study examines three feminist protest anthems: Un violador en tu camino from Chile, Baraye from Iran, and Quiet from the United States, which have gained traction through social media platforms. The study draws on trauma, collective identity, and feminist solidarity to reveal the social and political landscapes in which these anthems emerged. It also examines the social wounds they mourn, the blend of verbal and non-verbal elements used to convey mourning and trauma, the collective responses they provoke, and their implications for communities. The article argues that feminist protest anthems are vital cultural and political artifacts that offer feminist collectives a means to address social injuries and their causes, fostering communities and catalyzing social change by invoking shared experiences of a painful past. Ultimately, these protest anthems are discursive practices promoting solidarity, mobilizing against prevailing discourses perpetuating societal injuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advantageously, smaller regional wineries need to differentiate themselves, but also need to build partnerships with their local competitors in order to develop regional brand identity. Wineries will form geographical strategic groups to create a common identity and communicate with buyers through digital storytelling. Regional wineries that perform this strategy have the advantage of collectively drawing customers into the region before attempting to distinguish themselves individually. This paper is to conceptually demonstrate the benefits of strategic groups and how they operate via digital storytelling methods. Oftentimes, regional winery groups can craft a collective identity that provides benefits, such as mutual trust and reputation. More importantly, the collective identity is done as a strategic group to reinforce authenticity to the individual wineries' digital storytelling, to connect with buyers. Through a strategic group lens, we attempt to understand how collective winery groups use digital storytelling to create authenticity and enhance individual efforts. We investigate these efforts via regional wine collectives to understand authenticity development through digital storytelling. We introduce examples of wineries utilizing digital storytelling within their regions as a justification to study these concepts in the winery business. A call to empirically investigate winery strategic groups at a regional level is presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the evolving landscape of communication technology, the interplay between media and collective identity becomes crucial due to its ability to shape the socio-political dynamics of nations. This article aims to address the role of collective identity construction in Russian state media, arguing that it is a highly manipulated process in the context of the Russian invasion of Ukraine that aims to shape the way the events are perceived by the Russian population. Through narrative analysis, the article aims to explore how the subject of Russian collective identity is constructed in the political talk show Evening with Vladimir Solovyov during the timeframe of one and a half years starting from the beginning of the full-scale war in Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The identified narratives constitute a complex structure that contributes to the construction of a particular Russian collective identity. While addressing different themes, overall, they shape public perceptions towards uniting individuals around particular ideas beneficial to the state and legitimising the actions of the Russian regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Politicae is the property of Studia Politicae and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Korrika is the most popular and participative event in favour of a minority language such as basque. The participants run around 2,000 kilometres in relays for eleven days without interruption. This research analyses the twenty-second digital Korrika on Twitter, the first one held after the pandemic, combining Social Network Analysis and Descriptive Content Analysis. A total of 52,210 tweets from 13,739 cyberactivists were captured and analysed (from 1 March to April 30, 2022), extracting relevant data on the leaders of the conversation, the language used, the most viralised content, etc. The results show that the online community mobilises digitally accompanying the physical event and promotes a horizontal and cohesive digital Korrika, with shared leadership and using different languages to foster activist links with other international communities sensitive to minority languages. On the other hand, the most viralised contents, in audiovisual format, contribute to build by visual metaphors a collective Basque identity related to effort, romanticism, courage, cooperation, etc. Another notable phenomenon is that the conversation mainly revolves around positive messages and symbols, and the online community effectively isolates hate speech. The methodological design of this research has the potential to be replicated in the observation of other social phenomena with the aim of converting the data (interactions on Twitter) into knowledge that can be used by the scientific community or the actors involved in strategic decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papeles del CEIC is the property of Centro de Estudios sobra la Identidad Colectiva, Facultas de Ciencias Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The sense of agency refers to the experience of control over voluntary actions and their effects. There is growing interest in the notion of we-agency, whereby individual sense of agency is supplanted by a collective agentic experience. The existence of this unique agentic state would have profound implications for human responsibility, and, as such, warrants further scrutiny. In this paper, we review the concept of we-agency and examine whether evidence supports it. We argue that this concept entails multiplying hypothetical agentic states associated with joint action, thus ending up with an entangled phenomenology that appears somewhat speculative when weighted against the available evidence. In light of this, we suggest that the concept of we-agency should be abandoned in favor of a more parsimonious framework for the sense of agency in joint action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a content analysis of a compilation album released in the early years of the women's music community, we find that music aids in the construction of collective identities by bridging the individual and collective. The women's music community was a part of lesbian feminism and emerged in the mid-1970s and was centered around the concerts, festivals and production and consumption of music. We analyze individual themes of pride in/claiming a lesbian identity, romantic yearning to illustrate how musicians and poets presented lesbian lives and loves as desirable and without stigma. We examine how collective themes that acknowledged societal homophobia and encouraged group resistance created a sense of community and a need for change. We argue that music played a key role in the construction of a positive lesbian feminist identity in a time of homophobia and discrimination. We find that this process provides a framework for understanding how music can play a role in the construction of positive collective identities in times of societal bias and/or backlash. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I argue that indigenous Latin American food delivery workers organize to defy information and knowledge asymmetries by utilizing technology built to mediate online social interactions. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, this paper investigates transnational modes of community-building and network formation and examines how these networks are instrumental for delivery workers in New York City to exercise agency, forge their narrative, and resist platform control by resisting, pushing, and extending a variety of digital and communication technologies. I analyze how public and private means of communication facilitate and constrain social forms of organization by mapping how delivery workers communicate and engage collectively both in the physical and the digital worlds. My research reveals two platforms that workers use to share information: one that operates inwards (WhatsApp) and another that operates outwards (Facebook). These channels represent opposite sides of the spectrum between public and private and synergize to form a transnational distributed knowledge network to shape and interpret the collective identity of Latin American delivery workers. Overall, this article sheds light on how the flow of information through different spaces and times enables delivery workers to construct a place for subversion and negotiation with roles assigned to them by broader socio-political forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the evolving landscape of communication technology, the interplay between media and collective identity becomes crucial due to its ability to shape the socio-political dynamics of nations. This article aims to address the role of collective identity construction in Russian state media, arguing that it is a highly manipulated process in the context of the Russian invasion of Ukraine that aims to shape the way the events are perceived by the Russian population. Through narrative analysis, the article aims to explore how the subject of Russian collective identity is constructed in the political talk show Evening with Vladimir Solovyov during the timeframe of one and a half years starting from the beginning of the full-scale war in Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The identified narratives constitute a complex structure that contributes to the construction of a particular Russian collective identity. While addressing different themes, overall, they shape public perceptions towards uniting individuals around particular ideas beneficial to the state and legitimising the actions of the Russian regime.

Shaping children`s and youth`s identities from the perspective of dynamically changing societies after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian attack on Ukraine is one of the fundamental problems of educational and upbringing institutions. There is a lack of system solutions that take into account in the teaching and learning process both the pupil’s home culture (often different from the environment of current residence) and the culture experienced in the perspective of life and education. Coexistence, building the cultural structure of individuals in multicultural societies, is possible by introducing, from the first stages of education, a transcultural approach to creating the school`s reality. It also balances the chances of each pupil to find its references: experiences and values that shape individual and collective identity while establishing protection against “getting lost”. This article aims to present a pilot concept of work, which points to theoretical and practical solutions in the field of education for trans-culturalism in grades I-III. The concept should then be verified in the school environment from both teachers’ and students’ perspectives. It will make it possible to determine whether the planned activities and how they are presented are appropriate for children at the first stage of education and whether, based on the prepared material, it is possible to balance the chances of shaping the identity of individuals in multicultural environments.

Categories are organized vertically, with product categories nested under larger umbrella categories. Meaning flows from umbrella categories to the categories beneath them, such that the construction of a new umbrella category can significantly reshape the categorical landscape. This paper explores the construction of a new umbrella category and the nesting beneath it of a product category. Specifically, we study the construction of the Quebec terroir products umbrella category and the nesting of the Quebec artisanal cheese product category under this umbrella. Our analysis shows that the construction of umbrella categories can unfold entirely separately from that of product categories and can follow a distinct categorization process. Whereas the construction of product categories may be led by entrepreneurs who make salient distinctive product attributes, the construction of umbrella categories may be led by "macro actors" removed from the market. We found that these macro actors followed a goal-derived categorization process: they first defined abstract goals and ideals for the umbrella category and only subsequently sought to populate it with product categories. Among the macro actors involved, the state played a central role in defining the meaning of the Quebec terroir category and mobilizing other macro actors into the collective project, a finding that suggests an expanded role of the state in category construction. We also found that market intermediaries are important in the nesting of product categories beneath new umbrella categories, notably by projecting identities onto producers consistent with the goals of the umbrella category. We draw on these findings to develop a process model of umbrella category construction and product category nesting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changing contours of Morocco's involvement in the inter-Arab system over nearly a century was largely instrumental. It was driven by both "realist" concerns and domestic political issues related to fundamental matters of regime legitimacy and societal cohesion, i.e. the very nature of Moroccan national identity. With the decline of Arabism's political salience, and a monarch who preferred to keep a low profile in Arab affairs, Morocco's relations with Arab Mashriq countries became increasingly devoid of traditional markers of Arab solidarity and brotherhood. Domestically, the emergence of the Amazigh factor led to Morocco's collective identity becoming a renewed subject of contention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like a virus making a species jump, the concept of resilience has been the protagonist of an impressive interdisciplinary spill over. This article focuses on the difficulties of including this concept in the epistemic plane of the social sciences, and proposes an analysis of the limitations encountered when it is applied beyond physical and natural systems, in contexts characterised by components and regulatory processes at a different level of ontological stratification, such as Socio-Ecological Systems (ESS). The contribution is structured in three parts: the first focuses on the interdisciplinary genealogy of the concept and the reflections that have attempted to interpret the causes, modalities and effects U of its growing relevance for the social sciences. The second addresses some interpretative problems and proposes possible theoretical and methodological solutions oriented towards the inclusion of resilience in the domain of the social sciences. The last part delves into the case of a peculiar ESS such as that of mountainous inland areas, in which the dynamics of resilience are observed from an inverted perspective compared to the traditional one, namely by conceiving repopulation phenomena as trauma, rather than depopulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This reflection will focus on a corpus of testimonies collected in Metz a few months after the terrorist attacks on November 13, 2015 in France. We will discuss how the media narratives of these attacks build an internalized representation of a national event among speakers who live 350 km away from the site of these attacks. It emerges a balance between cohesive momentum and local withdrawal, in particular through the involvement and the emotion of citizens. We will show that the distance Lorraine/Paris and its suburbs appears in a polarizing or unifying apprehension. Through the prism of the media consulted, an articulation occurs between projective collective identities and frozen identities of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to analyze the discourse formulas: on behalf of Rzeczypospolita and on behalf of Poland in the speeches of the presidents of the Third Polish Republic (1995-2023). The aim is to describe the potential of these formulas in the context of constructing the collective identity. The authors continue the debate undertaken in the previous publication (Dyoniziak & Pirogowska, 2023) and show on the basis of 1000 presidential speeches written on www.prezydent.pl that the proper name Rzeczpospolita has greater identity potential than the name Polska in creating a national community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political demands are a relevant factor in protest participation. However, most studies examined demands as a tactical tool, and it remains unclear how the endorsement of collective demands may contribute to creating the mobilization potential. This analysis examines how collective demands facilitate links of collective identity, efficacy, and grievances with sympathy for normative and non‐normative protest actions in the context of Hong Kong's anti‐extradition law amendment bill social movement. The results show that collective demands are directly and indirectly related to sympathy for protest action and moderate the role of political dissatisfaction in forming the mobilization potential. The analysis also reveals distinct associations of sympathy for normative versus non‐normative protest action with facilitating factors. These results are discussed with respect to their theoretical and practical relevance in forming the mobilization potential and how they may contribute to understanding social movements more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the transformative power of cultural nationalism in Oromoo literature, examining its role in fostering collective consciousness, safeguarding collective identity, and propelling social and political change. The analysis focuses on four selected novels, Godaannisa, Yoomi Laataa? Burreen Bifa Tokko Miti, and Dibaa, employing the "Earth-Woman Symbolism" framework to explore the intertwining of man-woman and culture-nature dichotomies in strengthening cultural nationalism. The study reveals that cultural nationalism serves as a beacon for Oromoo, defining their "us" against external marginalization. It also acts as a custodian of collective identity, ensuring its transmission across generations. Cultural nationalism is embedded in character? ethical stances, their pursuit of truth and peace, and their resistance to harmful societal structures. The narratives of the selected novels are constructed on a foundation of cultural nationalism, shaping the very essence of Oromoo identity. Key emphases include constructing a cohesive collective identity, ensuring the continuity of cultural heritage, invigorating cultural resistance, and promoting societal transformation through ritual practices. Building upon these findings, the study calls for further exploration into the diverse facets of cultural nationalism in Oromoo literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often the case that religious and national forms of self-definition are mutually reinforcing and intertwined (e.g. Smith 1991, 2004; Daniel -- Durham 1997; Friedland 2001; Hoppenbrouwers 2002; Anderson 2006, etc.). This process can occur in a variety of ways and contexts all over the world. In addition to attempts at defining religious and national identities, the following paper focuses primarily on three approaches: (1) how religious and national identification can be understood, (2) what is the relationship between religion and nationalist worldviews, what is the reason for this linkage, and (3) what is the mechanism and significance of the connection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to investigate the relationship between the national media, the provincial TV channel and the Kurdish language overseas satellites on the dimensions of the national and ethnic identity of the Kurds in Oramanat region of Kermanshah, which was conducted with a survey method and the use of a questionnaire among a sample of 400 citizens of four cities of Javanroud, Paveh, Ravansar and Salas Babajani. The obtained data were processed and analyzed through spss software. The findings of the research show that the amount of use of the national media (1 hour and 45 minutes) and the provincial TV channel (half an hour) compared to virtual space and the Internet (4 hours) and even satellite (about 2 hours) was much less, which shows that respondents' satisfaction with national and provincial media is very low. In terms of identity, the average number of ethnic identities is (4) and national identity is (3.5), which is at an average level. The inferential results of this study showed that the national media (beta 0.22) and the Zagros provincial TV channel (beta 0.19) have a positive and direct effect on national identity, which explains a total of 13% of respondents' national identity. Also, age (beta 0.14) has a positive effect on national identity, and the use of Kurdish language satellites (beta -0.12) has a negative effect on national identity. On one hand, out of all the studied variables, only Kurdish-language satellites with beta (0.21) have had a positive effect on ethnic identity, and in total, 5% of the variance of ethnic identity is related to these Kurdish-language overseas media. In the meantime, the amount of use of new social networks with beta (-0.12) had a negative effect on ethnic identity. On the other hand, in relation to the respondents' religious identity, the national and provincial media explained only 9.5% of the respondents' religious identity, and more than 90% of the unexplained variance is related to factors other than the national and provincial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central to the growth and visibility of conspiracy theory QAnon is the #SaveTheChildren movement – a digital social movement aimed to bring awareness to and end child trafficking. This paper analyzes the #SaveTheChildren movement on image-sharing platform Instagram, where the hashtag (and related others) had to be shielded by the platform because of its association with QAnon. A thematic analysis of #SaveTheChildren posts examines the motivations, tactics, and desired outcomes of the movement. Emergent themes highlight the pervasive spread of misinformation regarding human trafficking and the ideological, political, and social motivations of posters. Drawing on shared reality theory and social identity theory, we argue that the movement represents a 'networked moral panic' and explore the structural limitations of digital social movements in an era of information disorder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the relationship between identity and identity-related concepts (self, personality, social self, personal identity, social identity, collective identity, narrative identity) in social and political theory will be examined. Some of the concepts listed, especially the concepts of identity and self, are often used interchangeably. In recent years, these concepts have occupied a predominant place among the subjects discussed in disciplines such as philosophy, anthropology, sociology, political science and psychology. Different meanings can be attributed to each of these concepts depending on the tendencies of the disciplines. These two basic situations can often lead to conceptual confusion or prevent or delay the proper understanding of many social issues or problems that require the use of relevant concepts. This study aims to make a modest contribution to solving these problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]