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This essay reads the Taiwanese Malaysian author Chang Kuei-hsing's 1998 novel Elephant Herd from an ecological perspective. A novel about the Sarawak communist insurgency (1963–90)—an important but underrepresented conflict during the Cold War in Asia—Elephant Herd reappraises the legacies of this conflict through its ecological impact on the Bornean landscape and peoples. It critiques existing historical recollections of this period, which take the perspectives of either the colonial British government and its subsequent Malaysian inheritors or the largely ethnic Chinese leftist insurgents who sought to establish an independent Borneo state. The novel argues for a postcolonial remapping of Borneo beyond colonial statecraft and Cold War geopolitics in this contested territory, which are narrated through Chinese civilizational and Malay and British national narratives of place. It does so by staging a transformation of the settler Sinophone subject in Borneo, manifesting encounters in the Borneo rainforest that reveal the Indigenous experience of this insurgency and the cost of state-making projects in Borneo through environmental ruins such as elephant tusks. The novel concludes by proposing a postcolonial Bornean identity that begins from the perspective of the Indigenous Iban people, whose voices reframe the Sinophone narrator's assumptions about land, history, and place beyond a settler point of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish political theater of the 1960s-1970s was a genre that galvanized both its intellectual proponents and drew the ire of state authorities. Deeply marked by the work of Bertolt Brecht produced some half a century earlier, the stage became an important setting where the broader violence between far-left groups, far-right groups, and the government was recast in literary form. During his doctoral research on the influence of German Marxism on Turkish political theater, former U.S. Peace Corps volunteer Albert Nekimken collected plays, works of theatrical criticism, periodicals, short stories, novels, and rare recordings of performances, among other materials. The Albert Nekimken Turkish Theater Collection, primarily composed of Nekimken’s research materials, began to grow as playwrights, intellectuals, and others contributed interviews or gifted materials to the young scholar in the mid-to-late 1970s. These works were acquired by Nekimken at a time of rampant political censorship and  ntellectual persecution–exemplified by the fact that many of the publications and performances in the collection were banned or subject to great censorship by the Turkish government. Among the works in the collection are those by well-known writers such as Orhan Asena, Engin Cezzar, Güngör Dilmen, Muhsin Ertuğrul, Nâzım Hikmet, Orhan Kemal, Aziz Nesin, and Haldun Taner. This newly described and processed collection held in the Booth Family Center for Special Collections at Georgetown University offers new directions to students and scholars of political theater, the history of Modern Turkey, Turkish-German literary exchanges, and intellectual histories of the Cold War. The collection also gives educators hoping to bring primary sources into the classroom new pedagogical tools to explore histories of censorship, erasure, and contentious politics.

In this paper, we want to show our appreciation for a major figure in our discipline by reading his work carefully, juxtaposing this material with historical narratives that place him in context. We think he would have appreciated the imbrication of his ideas with those of pertinent scholarly forebears, the reactions against socialism, impact of the Cold War, as well as the philanthropic politics that have shaped our intellectual parameters. As we make clear, M.J. Baker was a pioneer, justifying and extending the reach of marketing in the United Kingdom. He wore many hats: academic, editor, entrepreneur, and institution builder. Core themes in his writing are outlined, with attention devoted to his paradigmatic, epistemological and ethical commitments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article maps the American reception and erasure of the Icelandic novelist and Nobel Laureate Halldór Laxness, revealing a complex transnational literary and political conflict rooted in Cold War tensions between Iceland and the US. After World War II, the American military outpost in Iceland became a site of contact and contestation in the newly independent nation. During the 1940s and 50s, Laxness was at the center of this discourse as he critiqued Iceland’s move toward a military alliance with the US and its entry into NATO. This article offers a bilateral reading of this controversy, examining Laxness’s political essays and his prescient novel The Atom Station (1948) in dialogue with American newspapers and declassified government documents. Recovering the story of Laxness’s literary suppression and his scrutiny by the American government provides new insights into Cold War cultural containment with implications that extend beyond the writer himself, expanding the study of anti-Communist repression and foregrounding a lesser-known site of literary resistance to the rising American military-industrial complex.

In the harshest phase of the Cold War between the end of the Second World War and the death of Stalin, the Italian Communist Party, in line with the orientation of international communism, stuck to a model of militancy forged in the 1930s and based on the submission of individual choices and behaviour to the rules dictated by the party. This claim was never fully realized: the discipline operated by the party was not a one-way process, and had to deal with the cultural, familial, existential and affective factors that make up each individual's life. However, the case of the communist leader Emilio Sereni shows how the higher up in the organizational structure one went, the more the identification of the individual with the party intensified, through a logic that affected even the most intimate sphere of feelings and family relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing the Foucauldian term 'conduct', this article explores how social resilience and morale became a target of state intervention in Denmark during the Cold War. 'Psychological defence' was a Cold War phenomenon designed to bring an imagined future war into a space of control as well as a tool for the authorities' exercise of power in case another world war became a reality. Advocating a methodological internationalism, the article analyses how the concept of psychological defence travelled from Sweden to Denmark via Norway and NATO, and in a complex process of translation, mixing and hybridization was adapted and appropriated to Danish security policy conditions, preparedness culture, and historical experiences. Ultimately, psychological defence was replaced with a more practical or even cynical approach to public information and media preparedness, even if the objectives remained the same. The article employs source material from Danish, Swedish, and NATO archives and combines Scandinavian Cold War history with media history and the history of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay will examine Cold War sport links between two relatively small-sized, satellite countries: Hungary and Cuba, via the activities of Hungarian coaches on the island. These started in the 1960s after the establishment of diplomatic relations and show a concentration in the first half of and the middle of the 1970s. The investigation aims to find out the main reasons and objectives for the presence of Hungarian sport professionals on the island as well as to evaluate the impact of their work. The study begins with providing a brief overview of the evolution of the foreign relations of the Socialist bloc in the 1950s and 1960s and within this context, of Hungarian-Cuban bilateral links, finally narrowing down the analysis on sport relations. In this context, two case studies are presented: one on football and the other on water polo, traditional fields of success for Hungarians, but little known / not popular on the island. The investigation – based on documents of the Hungarian National Archive and contemporary press articles – aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of international (sport) relations in the 1960s and 1970s, adding both to Sport History and New Cold War Studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 20th century, authoritarian regimes willingly embraced sport as a vivid arena for demonstrating their superiority. Prior research on postage stamps issued by such regimes revealed certain patterns associated with periods of aggressive internal and external rhetoric, whereby postage stamps served as a channel for government propaganda. In the current study, we looked at sports, military, and national identity stamps. Applying the social-semiotic method, we first examined the messages sports stamps have conveyed in Soviet Union and Russia. Then, the quantitative paradigm was employed to evaluate the trends in the issuance of propagandistic stamps by post-WW2 USSR and Russia. Finally, we expanded the scope by looking at stamp issuance in Germany, Italy, and USSR in pre-WW2 and WW2 years. This heavily militaristic "landscape" was used mainly as a basis for comparison with the issuance policy of Putin's Russia. The results shed light on some striking similarities across the different countries and periods. These findings are discussed in the context of the recent geopolitical situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following its defeat at the 2024 general election, the Conservative Party will likely look for lessons either in its past—specifically its successful response to Labour's landslide victory in 1945—or from sister parties overseas, notably the Australian Liberal Party. The article argues that Britain and the Conservative Party have changed so fundamentally since the end of the World War Two—and indeed since 1997—to make any comparison meaningless. Highlighting the growing ‘Australianisation’ of British and especially Tory politics in the last three decades, it suggests instead that the Conservative Party would be better looking ‘down under’ for a guide on how to respond, even though critical differences remain between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Portugal and South Africa significantly shaped the regional politics of twentieth-century southern Africa. Notably, Exercise Alcora, the military alliance between Rhodesia, Portugal, and South Africa, is a well-documented aspect of Cold War history that has recently garnered increased scholarly attention. The availability of previously classified materials has revealed a more complex and nuanced account of the collaboration between Portugal and South Africa, whose early partnership laid the foundation for a broader supranational alliance in the region. This research delves into the genesis and evolution of South African–Portuguese ties, scrutinising the progressively strengthening connections from the 1950s to the early 1960s. It posits that, before the late 1940s, no substantial or well-defined relations existed between Portugal and South Africa. Establishing these ties was neither straightforward nor effortless; instead, it was a multifaceted and labour-intensive process influenced by critical factors. Both nations were united by shared ideological tenets rooted in nationalism. They concurrently experienced a waning of ties with democratic powers, notably Britain and the United States. Moreover, the apparent indifference of these Western states to the communist threat in Africa catalysed closer bonds between Lisbon and Pretoria, marking a significant shift in their geopolitical alignments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the epoch-making trial against the German Communist Party (KPD) in 1954–56 – a process with unmistakable political, ideological, and political-theoretical aspects. Both the government and the party's representatives used metaphorical arguments to publicly state their case for or against the eventual party ban. Citing classics of Marxism-Leninism for evidence, the government blamed the KPD for planning a violent revolution and described its activities metaphorically in military terms. The party retorted by ridiculing the government for reading metaphors literally and, more methodologically, rejected the government's non-contextual approach as ‘Talmudism' and ‘hodgepodge', while simultaneously promoting the Leninist doctrine of tactical ‘elasticity' to secure their own argumentative leeway. The government depicted communism as an infection to be removed by amputation – a metaphor the KPD reappropriated and used to present itself as integral to West-German democracy and the guarantor of German unification. Rather than being superficial rhetoric, these interlinked metaphorical arguments captured the gist of the ideological disagreement. The metaphors can be understood properly only by reading them together and considering the underlying argumentative functions that are identifiable by analyzing the explicit proposition each side put forth. The metaphors transcended mere legal argumentation and exemplify the trial’s inherent political nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The information behind the Dutch governmental telex message security 1945–1960 was stored in private hidden archives, our national General Intelligence and Security Service and the National Archive. Therefore, it became unknow information. The article describes the reasons behind the need for a national developed secure cryptosystem. But also, the obstacles and politics behind the developing and the producing of the OTP-systems at the national PTT for the Ministry of Foreign affairs and the Royal Dutch Navy. It also reveals the politics to transfer the subject cryptography to the national IT industry: Philips, which became the start of the commercial crypto industry in the Netherlands in 1957. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to descriptions of Japan as a country that shied away from involvement in international political affairs during the Cold War, this article shows that since the 1960s, Japan has actively engaged in diplomacy to resolve conflicts in Southeast Asia. What motivated these efforts? What role did Japan play? What are the characteristics of Japan's diplomacy? Drawing on declassified diplomatic documents, these questions are addressed by investigating Japan's peace brokering in four conflicts during the Cold War era. The findings deepen our understanding of Japan's contribution to conflict-resolution and its political role in Southeast Asia during the Cold War, which was much more active than claimed in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During World War II, tens of thousands of Latvians served in German-led military formations, primarily in the Waffen-SS Latvian Legion. After the war, around 25,000 former Legionnaires transitioned from prisoner of war camps run by the Western Allies to civilian life in a variety of Western countries. They created veterans' organisations — such as Daugavas Vanagi ('Hawks of the Daugava') — which also functioned as political advocacy groups and heritage organisations for the Latvian diaspora. These post-war organisations and platforms then allowed former Latvian Legionnaires to shape public memory of the war. In writings after 1945, a cohort of veterans crafted a narrative of the war that (1) presents their military service as representing a righteous cause defeated either by forms of betrayal or by the overwhelming might of the Soviet Union, (2) develops a cult of the fallen soldier, and (3) mystifies German war aims and the relationship of Latvian Legionnaires to them. Through analysis of memoirs and periodical publications by veterans along with forms of public commemoration, I argue that these materials and practices collectively constitute a 'Lost Cause' narrative, which, similar to the Lost Cause of the Confederacy — developed in the U.S. South after the American Civil War — became predominant among the Latvian diaspora before spreading to Latvia itself. This framework allows for productive comparisons with other European countries that experienced traumatic military defeats, representing a new approach to this controversial subject with potential application to similar cases in Ukraine and Estonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines two conflicting perspectives on home cooking in Cold War America. The 1959 American National Exhibition in Moscow featured a vocal exchange between Richard Nixon and his Soviet rival Nikita Khruschev, during a tour of a model American home. This "Kitchen Debate," positioned American food and cooking as part of an outpouring of consumerism, demonstrating capitalist superiority by providing for the conveniences and comforts of housewives. In contrast, humorist Peg Bracken's 1960 I Hate to Cook Book argued that American women could pursue a lifestyle and self-identity that didn't focus on daily meals or culinary panache. Although her recipes (relying on mixes and canned ingredients) were similar to other popular cookbook authors and relied on the same products showcased at the Moscow exhibition, Bracken differed from mainstream food writers and political ideologues, insisting that cooking was a tedious chore that should be side-stepped whenever possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how science and technology, especially nuclear energy and space travel, materialised as concrete things and were embedded into everyday life through exhibitions and three-dimensional experiences in Japan during the cold war. In the historical and geopolitical context of Japan in the late 1950s and 1960s, the United States (US)–Japan alliance required that American propaganda agencies such as the US Information Service (USIS) in Japan operate effectively. To this end, science and technology were embodied as specific materials by being reproduced and circulated as tactile objects through exhibitions and displayable models, which formed a desirable environment that involved not only aesthetically attractive designs but also the implicative meanings of the geopolitical dynamics of the time. In particular, the article scrutinises how several exhibitions displayed new materiality in the form of miniatures and models under a newly proposed and constructed techno-environment. It does so by analysing records of exhibitions, expositions, and three-dimensional models that were displayed in Japan in the late 1950s and 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using recently released documents, this paper considers the viewpoints of Britain, the US and the USSR vis-à-vis Cyprus in the crucial years between 1955 and 1959. Having explained the author’s historical and mental underpinning, the paper shows how crude Cold War geopolitical considerations dictated the approach of all three countries, whatever the moral arguments. The documents revealed in the article show that the British colluded secretly with Turkey, and were fully aware that the Turkish Cypriot leadership had planted a bomb at the Turkish consulate, in order to instigate anti-Greek rioting—a fact covered up at the time, and only recently proven by the eventual release of British documents. The paper demonstrates unequivocally how the whole 1959 arrangement was predicated on the Anglo-Saxons’ insistence on a NATO solution, and how critical the USSR was about an arrangement that was clearly dysfunctional. The paper concludes that external tensions, fear of Russia, and a continuing attempt to solve a problem by repeating the same errors still hold true today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the memory activism of three survivors of the Auschwitz resistance and explores the ways in which they linked fascism and genocide to economic exploitation. By doing so, our paper excavates a leftist-antifascist paradigm of postwar memory that waned with the advent of contemporary Holocaust culture. We analyse the memoirs of Oszkár Betlen, Bruno Baum, and Hermann Langbein, members of the international communist movement before, during, and after the Second World War. For these authors, calls to remember Auschwitz were inseparable from a struggle for social change in the present, and their memory practice was never restricted to writing. Therefore, our paper places their memoirs into the wider context of their political-organizational work, and shows that their efforts to commemorate Auschwitz responded to some pressing issues of their time, including the re-militarization and NATO-membership of the Federal Republic, reparations, amnesty and reintegration of former Nazis, and war crimes trials. Importantly, all these issues were intertwined with what they regarded as capitalist restoration and a looming resurgence of fascism. Our paper argues that the so-called economic case was central to their postwar campaigning because they believed that economic exploitation was central to fascism and had wide-ranging implications for postwar societies as well. Furthermore, we challenge the prevailing view on antifascism by demonstrating that for these authors the economic aspect of fascism did not eclipse the genocidal character of fascism and the specifically Jewish experience of it. In contrast to some Marxist historians, they did not see genocidal policies as merely derivative or secondary either. Rather, these leftist-antifascists commemorated Auschwitz in ways which regarded economic exploitation and genocide as interrelated and constitutive aspects of fascism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of the periodical press allows historians to further their understanding of the turn against the Soviet Union in the West after the Second World War, and delineate how anti-Bolshevism was constructed to repudiate wartime partnership between 1941 and 1945. Right-wing periodicals such as Truth were active proponents of opposition towards Communism in early Cold War Britain, articulating concerns about the perversion of democratic values and the threat to liberal societies. The nature of Truth 's anti-Bolshevism was reactionary but also reflective, highlighting unease on the Right around the postwar consensus, Labour's domestic programme of state intervention in the planning and management of economic activity, and the general eclipse in Britain's international standing. Truth 's attempts to conflate the Communist threat with Labour's democratic socialism also frame the paper as an embryonic staging point in a wider chronology of neo-liberal challenges to the postwar political order. Anti-Bolshevism was therefore multifaceted and could speak to many different constituencies and agendas beyond a commentary on the actual basis of Soviet rule, Communist subversion, and the polarization of postwar Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Direct Action Committee (DAC, 1958–62) and its parent, the Non-Violent Research Group (NVRG 1949–62) occupy a minor position in British postwar peace historiography where they are generally depicted as a well-meaning fringe group whose political naivety limited their impact. This perspective assumes that success means inaugurating a mass movement or forcing a policy change. It overlooks the group's objections to these strategies and underplays the research dimension of their activities. This article argues that while unilateral disarmament was the DAC's short-term priority, it was always connected to a larger goal of cultivating non-violence as a practical political philosophy and theory of social change. During the 1950s, the group developed an 'artful science' of activism which included a poetics of protest inspired by the Gandhian concept of satyagraha. Later, their fieldwork experiences further informed a prosaic theory of activism attentive to the everyday business of organizing as a vital space for building democratic capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opium cultivation in Turkey had a long history spanning centuries. It was used as food, oil, painkiller, and a raw material to produce heroin. In the late 1960s, opium production precipitated a crisis between the United States of America (USA) and Turkey in which the USA puts increasing pressure on Turkey to ban opium cultivation as a part of its fight against drug addiction. However, the opium crisis was more than just a crop crisis, because Turkey did not play a major role in illegal drug trafficking as a producer country due to the volume of its opium production. Rather, the crisis can be viewed as a diplomatic offensive to test Turkey's loyalty to the USA and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Turkey was economically and militarily dependent on the USA, but shaken by the rise of the left and anti-Americanism in the late 1960s, it tried to move away from its US-centric foreign policy after the Cyprus Crisis in 1964. Ultimately, the democratically elected Demirel and Ecevit governments failed the test of loyalty to the USA and NATO, while the Erim government, backed by the military, passed the test due to different political, economic and social concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1971 the Sri Lankan Prime Minister tabled the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace at the 26th United Nations General Assembly, marking the state's international debut at the global stage. This article analyses the trajectory of this highly significant initiative in the context of rapidly evolving political instabilities within Sri Lanka and across the Indian Ocean region. It argues that Sri Lanka's pursuit of peace during the 1970s and 1980s stemmed from multiple threats to its sovereignty combined with the state's desire to develop strategic allies and the material donations that flowed from those relations. The pursuit saw Sri Lanka align with India, the USA, the Soviet Union, and Britain at moments of political deterioration. These alignments enabled the Sri Lankan government to seek material supports to address breakdowns of political relations with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna in the south and Tamils in the north and east. The article argues that the Sri Lankan pursuit of peace irrevocably transformed Indian Ocean internationalisms and shows how a small state aligned to suit its political needs. The pursuit also linked Sri Lanka's Indian Ocean peace efforts to a liberal order in problematic ways and strengthened international backing for violence against its citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses competing visions of the decolonization of Ghana's economy during the first decade of the country's independence from Britain (1957–1966), and the agency and horizon of choice available to the Ghanaian decision-makers in charge of implementing these visions. It focuses on Ghana's construction industry, both as an important part of the national economy and as a condition for Ghana's broader social and economic development in the context of colonial-era path-dependencies and Cold War competition. By taking the vantage point of mid-level administrators and professionals, the paper shows how they negotiated British and Soviet technological offers of construction materials, machinery, and design. In response to Soviet claims about the adaptability of their construction resources to Ghana's local conditions, the practice of adaptation became for Ghanaian architects and administrators an opportunity to reflect on the needs, means, and objectives of Ghana's construction industry, and on broader visions of Ghana's economic and social development. Beyond the specific focus on the construction industry, this paper conceptualizes the centrality of adaptation in enforcing technological hegemony during the period of decolonization, and discusses African agency beyond the registers of extraction and resistance that have dominated scholarship on the global Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agricultural universities are integral to the history of modern India. The aspiration of the Indian state to be economically and socially modern is coincident with the origin of agricultural universities. This paper explores the making of agricultural universities from the Radhakrishnan Committee to the New Agricultural Strategy and shows their connections to the political and economic needs of the nation. Also, the Cold War imperatives encouraged American involvement in India's agricultural reforms. However, this paper argues that neither the Indian state nor the American experts determined the evolution of these institutes as per their developmental goals. Geopolitical events, like the Partition, the Union-state relationship and the history of marginalisation of agricultural scientists combined and produced varying dynamics. It is within these historical contexts that the paper has analysed the growth trajectory of agricultural institutions, with particular reference to the Punjab Agricultural University—the pivot of the agricultural modernisation programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of new surveillance practices is not solely a matter of technological and political developments. It is also intertwined with the production of scientific knowledge. This article traces how scientists in the 1960s developed some of the earliest computerized facial recognition techniques while covertly sponsored by a U.S. intelligence agency. The article situates their project within approaches from the technical field of pattern recognition. It demonstrates how the scientists especially amid unsteady patronage relationships reinforced a key assumption: that recognizing identity could be reduced to classifying specific features within a set of existing examples. As their ambitions grew over six years the scientists transformed human identity into a scientific object tailored to their recognition techniques. How this transformation occurred foregrounds the epistemic underpinnings of surveillance technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2021 marked the 70th anniversary of the United Nations Cemetery's (currently the United Nations Memorial Cemetery in Korea, UNMCK) establishment in 1951. The UNMCK is the only UN-designated cemetery for the fallen UN soldiers who underwent an arduous process of interment, exhumation, and re-interment during and after the Korean War (1950–1953). Despite abundant studies on the Korean War, little attention has been paid to the diverging historiography of the deceased military personnel and non-combatants concerning the UN graveyard and Operation Glory, a repatriation mission that changed the cemetery's geopolitical landscape. Through multi-archival research, this study re-examines the UNMCK's topology by shedding light on the incompatible sites of visible and invisible deaths in the context of Operation Glory. Thus, it contributes to the limited literature on military history and historiography by showing how bodily engagements were inextricably interwoven with the Korean War's heterotopic heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For much of the modern history of U.S.-Thai relations, the United States has tried to balance democracy and security, with the latter mostly taking precedence. During the Cold War, the United States sought to keep Thailand anti-communist by supporting various military governments. Democracy was an afterthought, though the United States purported to promote it. After the Cold War, other strategic concerns replaced the fear of communism, specifically the rise of China. By examining the Cold War period in comparison to the years 2014 to the present, we can see a pattern in U.S. foreign policy toward Thailand. This article draws on archival work in the United States and Thailand, along with recently published sources to focus on U.S. policy during the Cold War and the 2014 to the present. Drawing parallels between challenges the U.S. government faced during the Cold War and recent events, I argue that the United States has pursued an unbalanced policy between security and democracy and will continue to do so to protect its interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After World War II, Berlin was divided into the West, controlled by The United States, the UK, and France, and the East, controlled by the Soviet Union, resulting in a Cold War for decades. This bibliometric study analyzes the influence of the Cold War on pharmacological research in Berlin by evaluating publication patterns in Naunyn-Schmiedeberg's Archives of Pharmacology from 1947 to 1974 (n = 383). The publications highlight the political disparities in scientific output, exacerbated by the founding of the Free University of Berlin (FUB) as a countermeasure to Soviet repression, promoting academic freedom in West-Berlin. Researchers in West-Berlin published many more papers in Naunyn-Schmiedeberg's Archives of Pharmacology than researchers in East-Berlin and received much more citations. West-Berlin adopted English as a scientific language much more rapidly than East-Berlin. West-Berlin and East-Berlin focused on totally different research topics. This paper demonstrates how political freedom, financial support, and internationalization boosted research productivity in West-Berlin. In contrast, political suppression, financial scarcity, and restricted international ties hindered scientific development in East-Berlin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States and China are engaged in an intense security competition that can be described as a new Cold War. What is driving the downturn in US-China relations? Many analysts attribute the cause to decisions made by individual leaders. In contrast, this paper argues that the main cause of the US-China rivalry is structural rather than individual. The changing distribution of power between the two nations is generating structural pressures that push them into strategic competition. Fear of being overtaken by China has prompted Washington to move away from a policy of engagement to a policy of containment. Compared to the last one, this new Cold War will be more dangerous because of China's greater power potential, East Asia's maritime geography, and the fervor of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the political thought of Filipino statesman Claro M. Recto (1890–1960), with a focus on the idea of nationalism. Upon his return to Congress in 1952, Recto advocated for Filipino nationalism in response to the so-called "special relationship" between the Philippines and the United States in the post-independence period. He claimed that the Philippines, though granted independence in 1946, remained under the disparaging political and economic influence of the United States because of one-sided treaties. In Recto's mind, this "special relationship" was the main reason for the country's retrogression in attaining political and economic growth and development. Throughout his post-independence career in Congress, Recto was consistent in his posture of advocating Filipino nationalism. This article uncovers that Recto's nationalist crusade was anti-imperialist in principle against American neocolonialism thus only protective of the welfare of the Filipinos. This rereading of Recto's political thought hopes to add more nuance understanding about him, but it also deepens our understanding of the essence of nationalism in the postcolonial period in the Philippines and Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1977, the Canadian men's national hockey team returned to international competition, marking the end of a controversial boycott launched in 1970 by Canadian ice hockey officials in protest of the International Ice Hockey Federation's refusal to allow professionals to participate in international tournaments. However, Canada's much-heralded presence at the 1977 World Championships in Vienna, Austria, was memorable for mostly the wrong reasons. The hastily assembled team of professionals finished fourth, out of medal contention, and engaged in repeated acts of brutality against its opponents. The team's poor performance and unsportsmanlike conduct subsequently prompted Iona Campagnolo, the minister of state for Fitness and Amateur Sport, to commission a study on Canada's role in international hockey. Drawing from archival diplomatic communications, this article explores the changing political and economic dynamics that shaped the series of negotiations and compromises that culminated in Canada's return to international competition in 1977 and the fallout from its performance there. It argues that Canada's return to the International Ice Hockey Federation's World Championships in 1977 with a team of professionals marked a pivotal moment in the history of international hockey, further propelling the sport into a new era of commodification and accentuating the decline of the traditional amateur ideal—developments that consolidated the power of the National Hockey League in international hockey and over the Canadian men's national team. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, researchers of far-right radicalism have shown interest in the contribution of radical conservatives to the modern theory of international relations. This study focuses on the ideas of the German intellectual movement of the New Right in the FRG in relation to the challenges of world politics. The aim of the study is to analyze the evolution of the political language of the movement’s representatives according to two stages: the Cold War phase of the second half of the 20th century; and the modern stage of development from 2013 to the present. The methodological basis of the paper is the analysis of political texts within the framework of the Cambridge School of the History of Ideas. This method allows us to identify the political problems and opponents of the New Right, to reproduce the political contexts in which the theorists acted, and to identify the cultural resources of the ideologues’ political language. The findings of the study illustrate that the main challenge of the New Right throughout its existence is to ensure national security and increase the political power of the Federal Republic of Germany. The fulfillment of this goal required the development of a foreign policy concept that would ensure the dominance of the FRG in Continental Europe. Despite the fact that the intellectual sources of the ideology of the New Right were not directly related to the theory of international relations, the theses of the theorists are closest to the school of political realism. At the same time, the pro-European ideological positions of the New Right appear to be constrained and, as a consequence, irrelevant among right-wing populists of Europe and the United States. This conclusion allows us to reject the assertion that the goal of the New Right is to revolutionize the existing system of international relations.

Societal Impact Statement Multiple cropping, the cultivation of several crops on the same land in a year, occupied an important part of Taiwan's agricultural research from 1950 to 1970. This research originated in the context of Taiwan's land reform and diversification programs and their connections to the government's political ambition to maximize food production. The study of how multiple cropping was politicized and depoliticized by different actors helps to expand the narratives of the Green Revolution in Asia, analyze their legacies, and highlight Taiwan's role in the international exchange of visions of agricultural development during the Cold War. Summary Scholars have recently expanded the history of the Green Revolution to move beyond the narrative of North–South technological diffusion. This article enriches the scholarship with the case of multiple cropping in Taiwan and its connection to Cold War geopolitics. Rice productivity in postwar Taiwan was boosted through a land reform launched by the Sino‐American Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction (JCRR) in the 1950s. Backed by American aid and staffed by scientists from the Republic of China (ROC) government, the JCRR envisioned to turn tenant farmers into landowners so as to encourage labor input and adoption of seeds and fertilizers. By 1960, the JCRR presented its reform as a “bloodless social revolution” and extended its focus to multiple cropping through a diversification program. The JCRR further created the Asian Vegetable Research and Development Center (AVRDC) in 1971 to spread Taiwan's breeding and cropping techniques. The ROC's diplomatic isolation in the 1970s, however, prompted the center to reinterpret Taiwan's success in multiple cropping from a political achievement to a technological triumph, thus reinforcing the technology‐driven narrative used by the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI). Through Taiwan's influences on IRRI's rice breeding and multiple cropping research, this paper illustrates that the history of the Green Revolution requires more complex narratives. In addition, with Taiwan's political and economic transition since the 1980s, farmers began to reclaim their voice and influence agricultural policies. The case thus highlights the need of democratic participation in agricultural research, a concern that remains relevant today.

The factors contributing to the strategic significance of a port can be comprehended by assessing its military, political, and economic capabilities. Accordingly, this study aims to determine and examine the strategic significance of Iskenderun port and its benefits to the Turkish Navy. To systematically comprehend and impartially assess the benefits and strategic significance of the port, other naval powers in the region are also examined. Based on an analysis of historical documents and secondary sources, argued this study that the Iskenderun port has the potential to act as a deterrent and give the Turkish Navy a psychological advantage in terms of controlling the sea and intervening in events in the Eastern Mediterranean. The Iskenderun Bay’s’ geographical advantages pose significant challenges for potential threats against the Turkish Navy and hinder the intelligence collecting efforts of hostile groups. It is important to emphasizes that Iskenderun port will allow for the ability to intervene in incidents using a reduced military presence inwith the context of force projection.

This paper reconstructs the stages and personalities that contributed, in Italy during the 1980s, to the birth and activity of the Archivio Disarmo, a documentation and information center on peace and security. The originality of this experience consists in a form of “pacifism of reason”, based on scientific research and the dissemination and communication of the results of the studies carried out to the citizenry through various symbolic public initiatives. In this sense, the Archivio Disarmo has contributed to influencing the mindset and raising public opinion, spreading a culture of peace in the age of the end of the Cold War.

In addition to the massive arms race, the Cold War was psychological in winning over and attracting foreign individuals, groups, and governments. This study analyzes the very important role of cultural diplomacy in the Cold War, a period marked by intense geopolitical tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union. Taking into account the catastrophic consequences of a possible direct military conflict between the two superpowers, cultural diplomacy and the concept of projecting soft power to achieve national interests was of crucial importance. Focusing on the interplay between the two superpowers, this study analyzes the mechanisms and influence of cultural diplomacy on international relations during the Cold War. Moreover, it analyzes the approach of the United States and the Soviet Union to this concept and provides insight into the key strategic differences in the use of cultural diplomacy in foreign policy of the period.

AbstractThis article discusses the shift in Turkey’s nuclear alliance with the United States from client to junior partner. Ankara sought to bring the Turkish economy and military forces in line with those of its patron to signal its loyalty. But power asymmetries made it so that Washington became Ankara’s lifeline. From the 1950s until the mid-1960s, American policymakers applied a top-down style of alliance management, making important decisions without consulting Ankara. But the mid-1960s marked a turning point in the nature of this relationship, as Turkey became better able to stand on its own feet. Rather than relying on unilateral measures, the Americans had to consult and coordinate with Ankara. Also, Turkey could reject key American proposals involving nuclear weapons, such as the creation of a Multilateral Force for NATO, and even create some ambiguity about its nuclear intentions to signal its loss of faith in the American security guarantee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on apartheid South Africa’s nuclear sector and the regime’s attempts to cooperate with overseas energy companies to provide financial investments and crucial technologies. It highlights the connectedness of the South Africans in the global nuclear marketplace and their ability to secure technical support from Western states during the Cold War between 1953 and 1976. The article analyses the parallel negotiations with French and German firms to engage with the regime in sharing of sensitive knowledge and bargaining lucrative contracts. Using newly discovered archival records it is shown that French-German competition was at a boiling point at least twice in the 1970s. Moreover, the regime in Pretoria managed to garner enough support in the nuclear field to further the growth of its domestic industry, ultimately being capable of enriching uranium and obtaining a turnkey nuclear power reactor. The white minority government in Pretoria however failed to position itself as an important uranium supplier on a global scale, because of sanctions targeting domestic racial apartheid policies and a more robust international non-proliferation regime towards the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the key social forces and interests that underpin an emerging multipolar world? Existing research oscillates between the retreat of the liberal international order and the rise of the rest, which remains trapped in a form of geopolitical fetishism. These explanations tell us little about the kinds of forces that are driving a more fragmented and disordered global order. In this article, we suggest going beyond this by fleshing out the underlying social class relations that this new emerging order is based on. At the core of it is the emergence of a new business class—fraction of capital—that in turn sustains what we call competing regulatory geographies. The latter are internalized within state institutions and policies and have reconsolidated a combination of state and market-led industrial policy. Empirically, we also show how these dynamics unfold in key non-core states. In highlighting this particularly potent dynamic of the contemporary global order, this article calls for policy-makers to better recognize the internal contestation within states that shapes and is shaped by combined capitalist development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States and their security forces often assume future insurgency will be versions of Mao Zedong’s “people’s war,” and counterinsurgency remains backward looking without a theoretical foundation to situate it within broader global security environment and armed-conflict trends. Next-gen insurgency will be networked, swarming, global, and focused on narrative-centric conflict and integrated cost imposition, and social media and the virtual world will be its central battlespaces. No nation has fully grasped that the “people’s war” reflected the military, economic, political, informational, technological, and social conditions of its time. Through an examination of insurgency’s nature, character, patterns, and trends and a thought experiment about next-gen insurgency, states and their security and intelligence services can think about what insurgency will be (rather than what it has been) and prepare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains how the Contra War was shaped by interaction between revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries both before and after Nicaragua’s 1979 revolution. In successfully overthrowing the Somoza government, the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) built a multilayered revolutionary coalition out of the fractured Nicaraguan politics created by the Cold War developmental state. In response to the FSLN’s successful solidarity politics, the US government, from the beginning of the revolution, through the Contra War in the 1980s, applied a diverse set of tactics that drew inspiration from the successes of Nicaragua’s revolutionary practice in order to undermine the revolution. This adaptive response helped radicalise Nicaragua’s revolution, widened support for the Contra War, despite adverse US and global public opinion, and made possible the unravelling of the Iran-Contra Affair. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Societal Impact Statement: Multiple cropping, the cultivation of several crops on the same land in a year, occupied an important part of Taiwan's agricultural research from 1950 to 1970. This research originated in the context of Taiwan's land reform and diversification programs and their connections to the government's political ambition to maximize food production. The study of how multiple cropping was politicized and depoliticized by different actors helps to expand the narratives of the Green Revolution in Asia, analyze their legacies, and highlight Taiwan's role in the international exchange of visions of agricultural development during the Cold War. Summary: Scholars have recently expanded the history of the Green Revolution to move beyond the narrative of North–South technological diffusion. This article enriches the scholarship with the case of multiple cropping in Taiwan and its connection to Cold War geopolitics.Rice productivity in postwar Taiwan was boosted through a land reform launched by the Sino‐American Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction (JCRR) in the 1950s. Backed by American aid and staffed by scientists from the Republic of China (ROC) government, the JCRR envisioned to turn tenant farmers into landowners so as to encourage labor input and adoption of seeds and fertilizers.By 1960, the JCRR presented its reform as a "bloodless social revolution" and extended its focus to multiple cropping through a diversification program. The JCRR further created the Asian Vegetable Research and Development Center (AVRDC) in 1971 to spread Taiwan's breeding and cropping techniques. The ROC's diplomatic isolation in the 1970s, however, prompted the center to reinterpret Taiwan's success in multiple cropping from a political achievement to a technological triumph, thus reinforcing the technology‐driven narrative used by the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI).Through Taiwan's influences on IRRI's rice breeding and multiple cropping research, this paper illustrates that the history of the Green Revolution requires more complex narratives. In addition, with Taiwan's political and economic transition since the 1980s, farmers began to reclaim their voice and influence agricultural policies. The case thus highlights the need of democratic participation in agricultural research, a concern that remains relevant today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores change and continuity in the institutional objectives and actions of the British Geological Survey across independent South Asian countries, namely India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Ceylon/Sri Lanka, and Burma/Myanmar. By focusing on this geographical space from the 1960s, the article tells a political tale of adjustment, in which the colonial background of the British presence in the region was overlain by the Cold War foreground of international competition. The Geological Survey had the required pedigree to prolong the British presence in important technical arenas of these emerging nation-states, albeit within the redefined parameters of development, overlapping interests, and competing benefits. The article sketches the Survey's history of exchange and collaboration across South Asian countries (except Bhutan), as its projects adapted to national preferences and global pressures. It traces how and why its proposals prioritised certain interactions over others and tracks the ways-and-means through which it pursued geological and attendant commercial aims. The article also attempts to situate these interplays within regional and ideological frames, within which politically conscious technocrats sought capital and influence to reorient earth science objectives so that these could simultaneously accrue national products and generate neo-colonial prestige. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]