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Drawing from the rich cultural heritage and diverse historical contexts of Nepal, India, Sri Lanka, and Myanmar, we examine how teachers adapt traditional and modern pedagogical methods in response to linguistic and cultural diversity. Colonial legacies in Sri Lanka and Myanmar, along with Nepal's shifting sociopolitical climate, offer insights into the evolving identities of educators amidst systemic educational changes. The role of civil protests is analyzed as a catalyst for educational transformation, with particular emphasis on recent teacher demonstrations in Sri Lanka, underscoring the potential of disruptive movements to spur positive change. This analysis aligns Fullan's principles with South Asia's ongoing educational reforms, highlighting the resilience and adaptability of teachers in navigating cultural, historical, and political intersections.

The communication classroom has long explored various matters of speech. More recently, conversations about hate speech have emerged here. However, less attention has been paid to how hate is mobilized through communication. Thus, this course explores the communicative nature of hatred by interrogating its role in the formation of social identity and perpetuation of exclusionary discourses in our rhetorical landscape. Students engage in self-reflection by embracing theories of social identity, intergroup communication, and rhetoric to examine the concept of hatred while assignments improve students' comprehension of hate's communicative power, mobilizing potential, and constituting capacities. Course: This course is an upper-level undergraduate special topics course titled "The Mobilization of Hate." It can be situated in the recurring communication curriculum. Alternatively, content could be modified to serve as a themed version of other courses. Objectives: Students should be better equipped to: (1) recognize how intergroup formation centered on hate helps to constitute individuals' social identities; (2) comprehend how discourses of hate proliferate in public spaces; (3) understand various communicative processes that give rise to acts of hate; (4) articulate the individual, group-based, and rhetorical features of hate; and (5) recognize the personal, social, and rhetorical implications of the mobilization of hate.

Two movies about events in 1963 and 1972 are discussed. They are Rustin and Shirley. The movies concern the actions of Bayard Rustin in organizing the March on Washington for Peace and Jobs and the actions of Shirley Chisholm in organizing her campaign for the Presidency of the United States. The events took place more than half a century ago. They are important historically, but they are rarely referred to in relation to current issues. The participation of Rustin and Chisholm are almost forgotten by the general public. The appearance of the movies suggests the possibility of renewed interest in those events and those times. The significance of the events and the movies is explored, and their relevance to current issues is discussed.

University student activism is generally characterized by protests and demonstrations by students who are reacting to social, political, and economic challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic revolutionized university student activism, and closed the geographical space for protests and demonstrations. The pandemic locked students out of the university campus, thus, rendering the traditional strategies of mass protests and demonstrations impossible. The COVID-19-induced lockdowns made it difficult, if not impossible, to mobilise for on-campus demonstrations and protests. It seems the pandemic is the last nail in the coffin of on-campus student protests. This theoretical paper uses a collective behaviour framework to explain the evolution of student activism in Zimbabwe, from the traditional on-campus politics to virtual activism. It discusses the challenges associated with cybernetic activism. The paper argues that, despite challenges, Zimbabwean university student activists need to migrate to a new world of digital technology and online activism. In the migration to online activism, students activists face a plethora of challenges. On top of the already existing obstacles, activists face new operational challenges related to trying to mobilise a constituency that has relocated to cyberspace. Student activists utilize the existing digital infrastructure to advance their politics, in spite of a hostile state security system and harsh economic environment, and other operational challenges.

The study investigated the level of civic knowledge and attitude as antidotes of civic engagement of secondary institution students in Oyo State. It also examined their attitude towards civic engagement. The research design is descriptive of the survey type. Population comprised all 411,912 public schools in urban and rural areas in Oyo State. Sample was 600 public school students selected using multistage sampling procedure. The instrument used was titled 'Students' Civic Engagement Questionnaire' (SCEQ). The instrument was validated through face and content validity while reliability of the tool was established using Cronbach's alpha method and a coefficient of 0.72 was obtained. Data were analysed using descriptive statistics for the research questions raised. It was found that the level of secondary school students' civic knowledge and engagement was moderate, while their attitude towards civic engagement was negative. Based on the results it is suggested that students be enlightened to take part in civic obligations in order to develop positive attitudes towards civic engagement. Additionally, non-governmental organisations should intensify efforts in campaigning and promoting civic duties as this could increase the awareness of the citizens.

South African public higher education has been dogged by student protests since 2015. Many of these disruptions raise pertinent issues for the sector, as well as bring about valued awareness and change. Critical scholars have remarked that in every social or political movement, something of pronounced importance is being said -- usually emerging from representatives of groups that have been marginalised, subordinated or even muted. In this article, a "logosemantic" theoretical perspective (Visagie, 2006), which is also referred to as "key theory" (Visagie, 2006; Van Reenen, 2013) is utilised to determine some driving conceptualisations emerging in the "languaging strategies" (Stewart, Smith & Denton, 2012) of contemporary student movement culture in South Africa. Not discounting significant research that investigates the impact of the digital age on the communication, mobilisation and sustaining of social movements, this article takes a critical look at grounding concepts that may be identified in the discursive formations of the movements. These are taken to be neither new nor unique, either in essence or manifestation. However, the divisions and polarisations they expose, signal an urgent need for some communicative reform in the "imagined community" (Anderson, 2016) of the academy.

This study describes the concepts, historical precedents, language and fundamental experiences of artivism. It shows the research activities from two main universities (Complutense de Madrid in Spain and Nottingham Trent in UK) as well as other cultural institutions (Élan Interculturel from France and Artemiszio from Hungary), which have explored the educational potential of artivism as a new way of achieving social engagement using innovation and artistic creation. The paper defines precisely artivism as a new language which appears outside the museums and art academies, moving towards urban and social spaces. Artivism is a hybrid form of art and activism which has a semantic mechanism to use art as a means towards change and social transformation. The analysis collects some central experiences of the artivist phenomenon and applies semantic analysis, archiving artivist experiences, and using urban walks and situational research, analyses the educational and formative potential of artivists and their ability to break the classroom walls, and to remove the traditional roles of creator and receptor, student and professor, through workshop experiences. Finally, it reflects upon the usefulness of artivism as a new social language and an educational tool that breaks the traditional roles of social communication.

In this reflective essay, the author addresses fellow educators and their responsibility to students on issues surrounding the ongoing struggle for civil rights. She links the integration of Little Rock, Arkansas schools in 1957 with the 2018 student protest against gun violence following the Parkland, FL mass shooting. As a facilitator of diversity education and anti-bullying initiatives, her essay is grounded in her experiences with fighting for civil rights. She asserts the need for teachers and students to speak their minds in response to acts of oppression, with special attention to the school integration of Little Rock by pioneers like Elizabeth Eckford and the Little Rock Nine. The author addresses (1) their courage and resilience in persisting through violent opposition to their rights as U.S. citizens, and (2) the role of courageous allies in supporting their advocacy for their own rights and humanity. Speaking directly to teachers and school administrators, she makes points in both heartfelt and empirical ways to urge social activism against bias and bigotry and toward an equitable society. These remarks are based on her experiences at the 2018 JoLLE Winter Conference, being a diversity educator, and her role in helping Elizabeth Eckford reach a new generation of citizens with her autobiographical narrative "The Worst First Day." This reflection takes into account the legacies of (1) discrimination that continue to affect the U.S., and (2) resistance to oppression that desegregated the Little Rock (and other) school systems. This latter tradition continues today with demonstrations such as those initiated by today's youth to fight back against school violence, particularly that incurred on students through easily-available guns and weapons.

Early-career engineers leave the profession at high rates, and much remains unknown about why that is so. Consequently, there have been calls for more research to better understand newcomer engineers' experiences and attrition. The purpose of this article is therefore to examine the experiences of newcomer engineers from different universities and engineering firms around the US. The research questions addressed are as follows: (1) How do newcomer engineers characterize engineering work? and (2) What insights can their characterizations provide about newcomer attrition from engineering careers? A longitudinal study was conducted with recent civil engineering graduates in the US. Three sets of semistructured interviews were conducted in 2019 and 2020. Open coding methods were used to answer the first research question. Based on those emergent findings, the data was then analyzed through the lens of expectancy-value theory to answer the second research question. Misalignments between subjective task values created and/or reinforced in school were a prevalent source of dissatisfaction. There was a need for participants to engage in occupational identity work to reconcile the meanings of engineering and align their identities as engineers with workplace realities. Implications for future research and the engineering education system are discussed.

Today humanity is facing a sixth mass extinction: the first in 65 million years. The extinction underway is occurring at a rate faster than any previous mass extinction in Earth's history. Our current forms of extraction economics, overproduction, and consumption are not just unsustainable -- they are literally annihilationist towards our biosphere. They endanger the very fabric of life in our planet. Yet to imagine a redesign is nearly impossible for many who currently benefit from such systems. Where does the knowledge and critical consciousness for how to reimagine new systems of living reside? Two questions guide our research: (1) Can education play a role in redesigning such systems?; and (2) How do resistance movements and their associated forms of education help us reconsider the imaginaries of what is possible? Specifically, we explore the ways in which activist has evolved into a form of education, particularly through its engagement in non-formal education.

Contemporary critical scholarship on the university firmly places new discursive and curricular formations within a global context of neoliberal, neoimperial, and neocolonial processes. Recently, some focus has been given to last century's institutionalization of the interdisciplines (e.g. Ethnic Studies, Cultural Studies, Women's Studies) and how the invitation to become a part of the university has mapped onto repressive liberal fantasies of tolerance and inclusion. With this history in mind, this paper begins with the current wave of student protests and how the institutionalization of difference has structured university responses to new formations of critique. We argue that, though de-escalating the politics of knowledge production and legitimation, a new moral economy has emerged in which universities trade on 'good' students who adhere to prescribed performances of critique and villainize the student-activists who threaten the status quo as a means to manage current crises while retaining social legitimacy.

This article argues that it is necessary to fight for a radical and immediate restructuring of our educational systems. Young people are currently being prepared for a future that does not exist, and we are lying to them and to ourselves by pretending that we can address the climate and ecological emergency from within existing educational and political paradigms. The author's argument that direct action and civil disobedience are essential in achieving the change that is needed might sound extreme to some people. But the consequences of inaction are far more extreme. We are taught - constantly and not only in schools - that breaking the rules is wrong. But if following the rules means conforming with collective behaviours that are rapidly destroying the living planet and our chances of continued life on it, then we must quickly learn to constructively disobey. Radical change for a more humane educational system is needed for its own sake, but, in the current emergency, this need for change is not only necessary but also urgent.

Heggert and Flowers (2019) offer important insights into how social media provides students with important opportunities to engage in meaningful civic engagement and political activism. They argue that students are more politically active than some recent studies would have us believe because they are utilizing social media platforms, methods not accounted for by traditional measures. They further argue that if students are to alter the foundational causes of injustice, educators should adopt a critical pedagogical framework in teaching students to use social media as a means of becoming activists. I agree with the authors' main arguments but take issue with their suggestion that activism should be separated from notions of disobedience. On the contrary, I argue that activism that has as its fundamental goal to get at the roots of injustice must include civil disobedience. Educating for social justice, then, ought to include teaching students the history, theory, and techniques of civil disobedience. [This article is in response to "Justice Citizens, Active Citizenship, and Critical Pedagogy: Reinvigorating Citizenship Education" (EJ1216619).]

Over forty years ago, Howard Zinn identified the problem as not one of civil disobedience, but of civil "obedience". He confronted the problem of remaining obedient to laws and rules even "in the face of the face of poverty and starvation and stupidity, and war and cruelty." Framed in an early childhood context, this article explores the value of events of young children's classroom disobediences (civil and not), layered upon elements of Zinn's body of work that examines the role disobedience plays in the human potential to contribute to the common good. It is apparent that children find ways to function as "good"-as in kind, generous, contributing, skeptical, thoughtful, and courageous members of society even in the face of narrow, stingy, and mindless schooled notions of goodness as compliance to prevailing rules of order. In the spirit of the hopefulness that Zinn never abandoned-the lens on these children's moments of disobedience is directed away from a viewpoint that presumes the "good" child is the one who obeys. The snapshots of children in this article, viewed with a wide aperture, bring light to the possibilities inherent in these small acts of kindness, awareness, curiosity, justice--and disobedience. In his work, Zinn shone necessary light on pictures of history that showed the cruel reality of human behavior; but more profoundly, he offered "hope" through a concurrent human history of "compassion, sacrifice, courage [and] kindness." Zinn asked us to remember the times when people "behaved magnificently," and within this paper are descriptions of moments of disobedience in which children are behaving "magnificently"--moments that Howard Zinn would, perhaps, have celebrated.

As of late, it would seem that the commonly sought after concept of collaboration has lost its appeal and, arising in its aftermath, is a reconfigured front of conflict between the public and private spheres of American life. In this current attack on the public, the stage is ripe for disobedience in all its various forms and functions to stand up against what privatization advocates have so strategically constructed as COMMONSENSE. This COMMONSENSE has evolved into a seemingly natural state that has captured the allegiance of folks who full-heartedly agree, without substantiated expertise, that systems of commodification and privatization will serve as simple solutions to the failures of society. Without forgetting acts of protest in all its forms and fashions, this paper follows the lead of Howard Zinn and revisits the meaning of disobedience as both an intellectual and political project within a world that for many seems stuck at a moral and ethical impasse. Surely, immediate reactions to human indignity are wholly necessary, but this cannot distract an individual from dismantling the symbolic field that systemically sustains this indignity--that of global capitalism and its discontents.

In recent decades many people came to know Howard Zinn for his outspoken advocacy on a wide range of progressive causes, including civil rights, free speech, workers' rights, education reform, and opposition to U.S. imperialism. The author's own first encounter with Howard Zinn's special combination of scholarship and activism occurred several decades earlier, while he attended graduate school in the 1970s to study U.S. history. The first time the author read Zinn was in a short essay, entitled "Abolitionists, Freedom Riders and the Tactics of Agitation," in Martin Duberman's "The Antislavery Vanguard: New Essays on the Abolitionists" (1965). This essay guided the author to Zinn's "SNCC: The New Abolitionists" (Zinn 1964), one of his first monographs. In his essay Zinn attempted to stress the parallels between the early nineteenth century reformers who challenged not just slavery but the pervasive racial prejudice of their society and the recruits to the post World War II civil rights movement. In this article, the author talks about Howard Zinn and the socially conscious academic. He discusses how Zinn set an example to progressive academics not to retreat into their scholarship.

Few scholars have achieved the level of recognition and respect among the wider public as Howard Zinn. This should not come as a surprise, given the "unconventional" ways that Zinn embodied and enacted his scholarship. He often took his teaching and writing into those seemingly restricted spaces of popular protest, converting words into protagonist deeds. The title of this essay is a modification of one of Zinn's own, "Historian as Citizen," which was published in the Sunday book review section of the "New York Times," September 25, 1966. In it, Zinn reflected on his two lives, "as historian, as activist," that began when he assumed a professorship in 1956 at Spelman, the historically Black women's college located in the South. While there are many lessons to be had from Zinn's work and legacy, it was his focus on making history transformative that should inspire educators and cultural workers. In this article, the author talks about Howard Zinn's legacy as citizen and/or activist.

The year 2017 will mark the 75th anniversary when President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066 or EO 9066 on February 19, 1942. EO 9066 led to the mass incarceration of approximately 120,000 Japanese Americans into ten racially segregated concentration camps throughout the U.S. This article discusses the educational and literary value of Japanese American author John Okada's classic novel "No-No Boy" (1957) with a specific focus on implications for adolescent/young adult readers and teachers of English. Specifically, "No-No Boy," as a classic oppositional text, defies the master narrative that Japanese Americans blindly accepted their fate during World War II and were thus able to rapidly assimilate into an accepting and benevolent White-dominated society after the war. Instead, Okada offers a somber critique of the World War II incarceration including how life in detainment destroyed the Japanese American community and families. Implications are provided including highlighting multiple avenues for students and teachers to critically explore the connections between America's racially contested past and present around the themes of civil disobedience, disaffection, and racialized trauma.

Historical analyses of 1960s university campus activism have focused on activities related to the civil rights movement, Free Speech Movement, and opposition to the Vietnam War. This study supplements the historiography of civil disobedience and political activity on college campuses during that tumultuous era with an account of the initiation of the disability rights movement with the Rolling Quads, a group of disabled student activists at the University of California, Berkeley. This small group, with little political experience and limited connections to campus and community activists, organized to combat the paternalistic managerial practices of the university and the California Department of Rehabilitation. Drawing from the philosophy and strategies of the seething political culture of 1969 Berkeley, the Rolling Quads formed an activist cell that expanded within less than a decade into the most influential disability rights organization in the country.

Since the 1970s, catalogs of protest events have been at the heart of research on social movements. To measure how protest changes over time or varies across space, sociologists usually count the frequency of events, as either the dependent variable or a key independent variable. An alternative is to count the number of participants in protest. This article investigates demonstrations, strikes, and riots. Their size distributions manifest enormous variation. Most events are small, but a few large events contribute the majority of protesters. When events are aggregated by year or by city, the correlation between total participation and event frequency is low or modest. The choice of how to quantify protest is therefore vital; findings from one measure are unlikely to apply to another. The fact that the bulk of participation comes from large events has positive implications for the compilation of event catalogs. Rather than worrying about the underreporting of small events, concentrate on recording large ones accurately.

In this article, I examine how Mahatma Gandhi's philosophy of non-violent resistance (Satyagraha) can be applied to decolonize schooling and education practices in Ghana. Satyagraha consists of three fundamental elements: appeal to the oppressor, non-cooperation, and civil disobedience. Part of an anti-racist and anti-colonial discourse, Satyagraha is a strategy, epistemology, and methodology for creating spaces for inclusion of Ghanaian Indigenous knowledge and worldview in school curricula and pedagogy. This article is also informed by my lived experiences and observations as an Indigenous student from Ghana. I conclude the article with a discussion of the benefits and dangers inherent in such transformative work.

Introduction: We investigate the conditions under which posting software known as "DeCSS" on the Internet is ethical. DeCSS circumvents the access and copy control protection measures on commercial DVDs. Through our investigation, we point to limitations in current frameworks used to assess ethical computer based civil disobedience. Method: The paper draws on empirical findings of actual DeCSS posting to consider the limitations of current frameworks. Findings were generated from content analysis of Web sites that post DeCSS using search engine sampling with file name, language, and server location delimiters. Content analysis examined the number of Websites hosting DeCSS, the presence or absence of speech related to DeCSS and Free/Open Source software, and the arguments explaining DeCSS posting. Analysis: Drawing on theorizing from political philosophy and the existing frameworks, the paper compares characteristics of actual DeCSS posting to the existing frameworks. Results: The paper points out six areas that require further attention in ethical frameworks--determining motivation for posting, deciding whether some groups have more moral standing to post, assessing knowledge of the laws related to circumvention and posting, determining if protesters have taken related political actions, the legality of various formats of circumvention devices, and the physical geography of the participants.

Using the global discourse of human rights as a basis, the purpose of this article is to analyse how education for citizenship and human rights has been implemented in Spain in recent years. In addition, discourse analysis and the theory of social movements have been used to study the mobilisation that arose against this instruction, showing how the neoconservative Catholic sectors of Spanish society encouraged Catholics to engage in conscientious objection and civil disobedience in order to gradually achieve the removal of Education for Citizenship and Human Rights from Spanish curricula.

Issues of entrenched, systemic and institutionalized racism have long been matters of great concern in America. While progress was undeniably made for many black and minority Americans in education, employment, housing and other areas of social advancements since the '60s, deep and enduring remnants of racial injustice, police brutality and economic inequality remain in urban centers and rural pockets of the country. The author believes that America now stands with the eyes of the world upon it and that it is, in many ways, a moment of truth in which the country is again being tested to see how it will respond to yet another historic challenge to its system of government, the world's oldest, continuously active codified constitution, predicated on equality and the unalienable belief that all men are created equal.

This article offers a qualitative examination of one predominantly white university in the Midwest. Racist epithets and threats targeting African Americans were painted on buildings. While faculty and staff struggled to compose a collective written response, researched state law and the University's Code of Conduct around hate speech, and waited for words of encouragement from the administration, students collectively rallied to demonstrate their status as full members of the University, to reaffirm their humanity through tweets, Facebook PSAs, Snapchat videos, and with walk-outs and sit-ins. Employing Critical Race Theory, specifically counter-storytelling as an analytic tool, this case study uses interview data to historicize the racial violence and document students' civil disobedience, activism, and subsequent administrative actions in that moment.

This paper examines whether Hong Kong teachers and students perceived Liberal Studies and its ongoing curriculum review as politically driven during and after the Umbrella Movement, a large-scale civil disobedience campaign that took place in September 2014. The findings presented herein show that both groups disagreed with the claim that Liberal Studies was used as a political instrument to instigate students' participation in the protest movement. Moreover, they also reveal that teachers have maintained their neutrality towards controversial issues related to politics during Liberal Studies lessons. Whilst the participating teachers and students considered the government's proposed reform of Liberal Studies to be politically motivated, they held differing attitudes towards the addition of more China-related elements to the subject. On the basis of these results, this paper analyses the potential role of Liberal Studies in the democratisation of local society. It also provides an indication of the curriculum's dynamic nature, explanation of students' resistance to the review policy and suggestions for the subject's future development.

An email calling for support against racism during the late 2005 Cronulla riots left some wondering about the incapacity of critical intellectuals to consider the riots and revenge attacks which followed them in the same light--as an instance of inter-communal strife. The author of this article argues that the call for support against racism was about racism of a particular community that did not represent Australians as a whole. The key problem with this way of "doing" multiculturalism is that it provides no vantage-point from which disputes between members of "peripheral" groups and members of the core can be understood, except through the prism of cultural domination. (Contains 3 endnotes.)

In this essay, the author examines the art of rebellion in the context of the 2014 Venezuelan student uprising. Utilizing the lens of Latin American decolonial thought and examining the processes of developing popular power among youth, the author looks into the various ways that youth produce art to communicate and enforce the ideas and values that circumscribe their collective identities. It is necessary, the author argues, for educators to consider the historical, economic and political forces that shape youth's cultural production and to engage decolonial thought in art pedagogy.

Studies of the political attitudes and actions of students in the higher education institutions in Russia suggest that they are closely linked to the country's professional and social structure. It is the lack of opportunity for suitable employment and for meeting their expectations for a better future that helps shape attitudes and may lead to involvement in protest activities.

This chapter traces two decades of published research on learning outcomes related to campus activism and reports results from a speculative study considering civic outcomes from participation in campus political and war demonstrations.

Research data show that religion plays a role in the activization of extremist behavior among young people in Dagestan, but that it is a relatively small one. The usual kinds of expression of social protest over difficult material conditions and social injustice, along with manifestations of criminality, are finding religious justification in the consciousness of young people. (Contains 3 tables and 1 note.)

Fifty years ago, the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. wrote his "Letter from a Birmingham Jail." In exploring the story of the events behind the essay, and the Supreme Court case that resulted, "Walker v. Birmingham", 399 U.S. 307 (1967), educators will find a pedagogically powerful lens through which to review the seminal events of Birmingham in 1963 and consider the relationship between civil disobedience and the rule of law. Ultimately, "Walker v. Birmingham", a legal case grounded in the historical events of the 1960s civil rights movement, can be viewed, appropriately for social studies educators, as a case about the values and attributes, sometimes conflicting, of the "rule of law." It offers a way to enrich study of the 1963 Birmingham events and the civil rights movement. The case unsettles understanding of what forms of civil disobedience lie "within" or "outside" the rule of law, since such judgments are contingent on how we interpret, and apply, these principles and values.

In this essay, Alison Kotin, Stella Aguirre McGregor, DeAnna Pellecchia, Ingrid Schatz, and Shaw Pong Liu reflect on their experiences working with public high school students to create "Speak Out. Act Up. Move Forward.," a performative response to current and historical acts of civil disobedience. The authors--a group of instructors from the Urbano Project with specialties in contemporary dance, musical composition, and interactive digital media--discuss their collaboration with students to draw connections between nonviolent protest and the challenges, pressures, and choices teens are faced with in everyday life. Through the use of student voices and powerful images, this reflective piece illustrates the potential of contemporary art to empower youth with a platform to work collaboratively, engage in critical reflection, and provoke and intrigue their audiences in open-ended consideration of urban young people's lived experiences and views of the world.

In 2010, the political advocacy of undocumented immigrant students in support of the DREAM Act took a new and decisive direction when the public disclosure of undocumented status as political act was adopted. This new political strategy included the first case of civil disobedience practiced by a group of undocumented immigrant students now known as the DREAM Act 5. Letters written by four of the DREAM Act 5, press media articles and interviews, and information from student advocacy blogs were examined in this study. The students' political agency/subjectivity was the focus of the analysis as well as the function of the public disclosure of undocumented status in challenging the societal exclusion, invisibility, and dehumanization of undocumented immigrant students.

What is the relationship between Indigenous peoples and violent reactions to contemporary states? This research explores differing, culturally informed notions of attachment to land or place territory. Mechanistic ties and organic ties to land are linked to a key distinction between Indigenous peoples and non-Indigenous peoples. Utilizing the Minorities at Risk (MAR) data set, a subset relationship is explored addressing propensity for Indigenous peoples to rebel against state encroachment of their lands. The results of this research must be considered with the serious limitations of MAR in mind. Within the marginalized groups in the Americas, 28 have an attachment to a place territory. Of these 28 groups, 22 are Indigenous and of the 22 groups, 13 have exhibited some form of rebellious behavior between 1945 and 2003. The power of attachment to place territory, specifically the organic attachment most often displayed by Indigenous peoples of the Americas, is a strong tie surviving 500 years of European encroachment. The findings are indicative of an attachment that Indigenous peoples retain to their specific homelands. The findings suggest a plethora of future research questions. (Contains 8 tables, 3 figures, and 41 notes.)

Recent months have provided many campus law enforcement and security administrators with an added challenge in providing for the safety and welfare of their campus communities. The "Occupy Wall Street" (OWS) movement, which began on September 17, 2011 in New York City, was numerous protests against economic inequality, record rates of unemployment, social injustice, and corporate corruption. The protests quickly transcended from parks and public spaces across American cities and onto college and university campuses. Many of these OWS activities are reminiscent of the social and student movements in the 1960s with civil disobedience being at the forefront. However, since the 1960s and 1970s, community policing has not only emerged but has taken hold of how most law enforcement agencies in the United States operate and approach problems, to include demonstrations and protests. This article focuses on community-policing measures and various items that may be of use to campus law enforcement administrators.

While Muhammad Ali has been the subject of countless articles and books written by sports historians and journalists, rhetorical scholars have largely ignored him. This oversight is surprising given both the tradition of social movement scholarship within rhetorical studies and Ali's influential eloquence as a world renowned celebrity espousing nonviolence. Ali's rhetorical performances played a pivotal role in radicalizing the civil rights movement as it (d)evolved into twin forces: Black Power and anti-Vietnam war movements. Ali's rhetoric conjoins messages of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X, enabling critics to re-envision civil rights texts. Ali's enduring rhetoric provides a model for analyzing texts and social movements invoking the paradox of the violence in nonviolent civil disobedience. (Contains 111 notes.)