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En 1829 inició el primer exilio federal centroamericano con dirección a México. Se trató de un contingente de burócratas, militares, eclesiásticos y comerciantes que encabezaron el proyecto político centralista en el istmo. Salieron a causa de su derrota en la primera guerra federal (1826-1829). Este artículo analiza cómo ese éxodo político entrañó varias caras del fracaso político de dicho grupo. Se aborda su infructuosa campaña militar para retomar el poder en 1832, las vicisitudes adversas para medrar en la política y los negocios en México, así como el destino de sus principales líderes durante el exilio.

El presente artículo estudia la formulación de la intolerancia religiosa en las constituciones centralistas de las Siete Leyes (1835-1837) y las Bases Orgánicas (1843). Muestra que entre ambas existen variaciones relevantes: por un lado, corrobora la existencia no de un centralismo sino de centralismos mexicanos, y por el otro sugiere un cierto cambio de sensibilidad ante los debates públicos sobre la exclusividad católica. Pondera las vinculaciones entre federalismo y tolerancia y ejemplifica una vertebración práctica y teórica advertible pero desigual. Mediante actas y pronunciamientos, folletos ocasionales y discursos cívicos, documentos oficiales y publicaciones periódicas apunta que la controversia sobre la tolerancia no sólo es constatable a lo largo del periodo centralista, sino que es parte de articulaciones más amplias atentas a los contextos locales y a los requerimientos prácticos para ofrecer alternativas a los problemas nacionales.

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Mediante la recuperación del artículo de prensa Puno y la hegemonía cultural del Titikaka de Gamaliel Churata, se busca reconstruir un episodio histórico acerca de la tensión política entre Lima y el sur peruano en la década de 1960. A esto se suman varios artículos de prensa de otros autores que tratan el tema desde diferentes ópticas. El presente estudio propone la vigencia de aquellos hechos que, a pesar de haber sucedido hace medio siglo, expresan una cruenta actualidad, además de exponer el pensamiento de Gamaliel Churata no estudiados por aquellos años.

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Este artículo analiza la inclusión del Chocó en la Liga Costeña, una iniciativa regional liderada principalmente por empresarios y políticos del Caribe colombiano entre 1918 y 1920. En términos metodológicos, se hace uso de los recientes enfoques sobre los estudios regionales, particularmente de aquellos que insisten en la necesidad de concebir las regiones como espacios forjados por la circulación de personas e ideas. Se concluye que la inclusión del territorio chocoano en la Liga Costeña, por un lado, obedeció a conexiones históricas tejidas por habitantes de ambos espacios, y por otro, fue producto de la necesidad de articular una respuesta común frente a los efectos que el proceso de centralización del Estado colombiano tuvo en Chocó y la costa Caribe a comienzos del siglo XX.

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La ejecución del proceso descentralizador en Ecuador ha tenido falencias y ha experimentado limitaciones de diferente naturaleza. La complejidad de reordenar políticamente un territorio, de redistribuir recursos, funciones, atribuciones entre niveles subnacionales, de cambiar paradigmas ideológicos, diluir coyunturas políticas desestabilizadoras y reformular toda una estrategia que durante décadas estuvo afianzada en un esquema concentrador, ha sido un reto para administradores y administrados, un camino aún por recorrer en términos de planificación e implementación de políticas públicas incluyentes y democráticas. La creación de la región autónoma es un proceso pendiente de consolidar dentro del contexto del reordenamiento territorial nacional, un indicador negativo que muestra la deficiencia de un sistema de planificación interinstitucional que no ha formulado planes graduales de articulación de los territorios provinciales.

Dr. Anton Korošec (1872-1940), as every other excellent politician, was followed by contradictory assessments in his political and statesmanship activity. On the one hand, there was mass support and utmost emotional allegiance to him as the longterm leader of the catholic Slovenian People's Party (SLS) and the first man of the catholic movement. On the other hand, there was distinctive refusal by the members of the liberal and Marxism camp. In the framework of the traditional catholic-liberal opposition, the most declinatory ideological and political view of Korošec was formed on the liberal side. With the May Declaration of 1917 and the declaration movement in 1917-1918, Korošec became the undisputed Slovenian national leader. His primacy was not questionable for the liberals and they cooperated with him in the national emancipation fight. The conciliatory relationship between the liberals and Korošec lasted through all national emancipation efforts and through the overturn period to the new political momentum in December 1918, when the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Kingdom od SHS, from 1929 Kingdom of Yugoslavia) was established. In this time, the liberals labelled Korošec as the leader of the Slovenian nation, a man with their utmost confidence and the personification of the Yugoslav freedom, autonomy and independence. The same as in the Austrian era, Slovenes were engaged in ideological fights also in the Kingdom of SHS (from 1919 the Kingdom of Yugoslavia). Already in the first years after the creation of the Yugoslav state, the catholic and liberal sides encountered irreconcilable differences. The liberals reproached Korošec with being the leader of the conservative political clergy, who, as the minister of traffic did not yield to social requests of the railway workers and forced them to strike. The strike flamed and ended in April 1920 in blood on Zaloška cesta in Ljubljana. After his first ministerial positions, the liberals accused him of hindering the farmers economic progress, aiding to the tax load of Slovenia and signing the ratification of the Rapallo Treaty. He was supposed to be accountable also for the defeat of the Yugoslav (Slovene) side at the plebiscite in Carinthia in 1920. The central political problem of the first nationally integral and centrally founded Yugoslav state almost to the end was the question of its internal regulation. This was the cause of debates between advocates for the Yugoslav national integralism and state unitarism on the one side and national pluralism and autonomy-federalist state programme on the other side. In the 1920s, the majority of the Slovenian liberal politics supported Yugoslav unitarism, in the 1930s all of them. Korošec and the SLS were advocates for the existence of different Yugoslav national individualities and the autonomy-federalist Yugoslav state. The liberals or, in the most part of the 1920s, their leading party, the Yugoslav Democratic Party (Slovene part of the all-state Democratic Party, in 1924 renamed to the Independent Democratic Party), connected the fight for Yugoslav unitarism with the ideological political fight against Korošec and SLS. They declared that their efforts for Slovenian autonomy is a cover for the fight for total power of political Catholicism and its ideological image in Slovenia. SLS, with its autonomy course, had the majority Slovenian support and Korošec was the leading Slovene politician. In February 1928, Korošec became the minister for internal affairs. At this time, the first of the two strongest attacks of the liberal politics on Korošec in the Kingdom of SHS/Yugoslavia, occurred. After the fatal shots of the great Serbian deputy Puniša Račić on the Croatian deputies at the National Assembly in June 1928, which caused the death of the Croatian national leader Stjepan Radić, the liberal side attacked Korošec because he did not resign and with that exculpate SLS from being responsible for the crime. On June 6, 1928, the leading liberal political newspaper Jutro published an accusatory caricature, which pictured Korošec dressed in a bloodstained priest's robe, with a police hat and a bloodstained rubber truncheon in his right hand raised above the image of the Christ. SLS reacted harshly to the inappropriate caricature and in the summer of 1928 led a strong fight against liberal press. When Korošec became the president of the Yugoslav government in July 1928, the liberal side took a fervent declinatory stance. They stated that his position was only due to a tactical move of the hegemonic great Serbian politics to put a Slovenian catholic priest (and not a Serb) as the head of the government, which leads a strong battle with Croats. "This is the whole ideal of hegemonists. And for this, Korošec was bad enough, or good enough ..." Until September 1930, Korošec remained in the Yugoslav political top; even after his government resigned in December 1928 and after January 1929 when the king, Alexander I Karađorđević, proclaimed his dictatorship. In 1933, due to the opposition federalist Ljubljana Punctuations of SLS or the so-called Korošec Punctuations, there was a second attack of the liberals on Korošec. In accordance with their Yugoslav unity views, they reproached Korošec of making unacceptable demands, for the state union with the Serbs and Croats can only be a unitarian and an undivided Yugoslav whole. The punctuations present the destruction of Yugoslavia, the sin of Korošec on the nation and a crime. In 1935 there was a change in the political power between the catholic and liberal side. Between 1931 and 1935, the liberals were in power, later again the Catholics. In the second half of the 1930s, Korošec was again the strongest Slovenian politician and was among the key decision makers in the Yugoslav state. This reflected also in the stance, which the weakening liberal camp took. The liberal politics stepped aside and only reported on his political actions and did not comment on them. When Korošec suddenly died on December 14, 1940, liberals payed respects to their long term adversary. Not because of their weakening political position, but because they were aware of his historical political importance. Even though they were his most ardent opponents, they were aware of the extensiveness of his influence and actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La economía fue una de las esferas más afectadas por el contexto de desacuerdos y conflictos que se vivieron alrededor de la construcción de un estado nación en la Colombia del siglo XIX. Este es el escenario donde se recrea el impacto fiscal de la Regeneración sobre las economías regionales colombianas, más específicamente sobre Cartagena de Indias. El ascenso político del cartagenero Rafael Wenceslao Núñez Moledo quien fue el ideólogo del movimiento de la Regeneración fueron plasmadas en el Estado colombiano entre 1882 y 1899, permitiendo una reorganización de la economía nacional, la escenifica en la constitución de 1886 y llevando al país a la guerra de los mil días iniciada en 1899. En ese sentido, se sustenta la hipótesis de que, si bien es cierto, el proyecto regenerador bajo su política centralista impulsó políticas que afectaron significativamente los ingresos fiscales de los entes territoriales, puede considerarse que en este período, Cartagena de Indias fue escenario de avances importantes en infraestructura, educación, vías de comunicación, transporte, entre otros, y que además de los efectos económicos, también se presentaron efectos sociales y políticos paralelos que tuvieron un alto grado de participación en las mejoras del bienestar de la población.

This paper analyses the position taken by the Balearic Communists on the national and linguistic debate from its origins to the beginning of the post-Franco Transition. The importance of the evolution experienced in the final phase of Franco's dictatorship, when the identification of the regime with Spanish centralism led the political left to approach the stance of the peripheral nationalisms, is underlined

The metropolitan centralism exercised from Santiago to other Chilean cities is reflected in different scales of power. The housing policies implemented since the early twentieth century detail the progress and the contradictions for the urban orientation of middle cities whose morphology complicated the capital's decisions. The case of Valdivia recognizes these two issues. On one hand, political management that proposed to be applied unilaterally throughout the territory, and on the other the exceptional nature of the generation of a housing solution with a local perspective; both in terms of a material nature and access placing attention on natural as well as human events in its urban configuration. The purpose of this article its to organize the development of these policies in Valdivia, starting from primary sources that contain the foundations of the four essential structures of the past century: Consejo Superior de Habitaciones Obreras, Caja de Habitación Popular, Corporación de la Vivienda, and the beginnings of the Servicio de Vivienda y Urbanización. These organizations represent the spirit of the legislation and its effects, but also the focus of metropolitan power, which, until today continues to be one of the main sources of tension for the Chilean State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La configuracion del Estado genera una fuerte tension dentro del marco de las competencias entre el centro y los territorios. Lo anterior contrapone los principios de la unidad nacional y la autonomia de los territorios estableciendo limites mutuos entre ambos conceptos en la distribucion de recursos y competencias entre los niveles de gobierno.

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El artículo repasa la historia chilena contrastando la hegemonía presidencialista centralista con las principales pugnas que incitan en la última década a un proceso de descentralización. Tras el fracaso del federalismo en el siglo xix y la nula implementación de la asamblea provincial de la Constitución de 1925 se profundizó el autoritarismo portaliano, que ha marcado por casi dos siglos la historia institucional chilena y que se revela en el aislamiento de la demanda regionalista hasta la actualidad, en la resistencia de las dos coaliciones mayoritarias a descentralizar, en el conflicto mapuche y en la demanda por gobiernos metropolitanos en comunas con una fuerte urbanización, así como en el doble discurso de la élite que “programa” descentralizar pero que evita la democratización regional sustantiva. A partir del análisis de actores y agendas, sumado a una descripción de la mentalidad dominante centralista asumida por la derecha y la izquierda, se concluye que hay una transformación parcial de dicha hegemonía presicrática lo que reduce el actual proceso de descentralización en curso en Chile a un modelo dual incremental de baja intensidad.

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This article analyzes the development of the Chiloé plan between 2007 and 2009, in order to identify the existence of constituent elements of territorial governance in highly centralized contexts such as the Chilean case. The hypothesis that is maintained is that territorial agendas in cases of political centralism are activated and made visible as a result of conflicts but fail to transform themselves into permanent processes of territorial governance and management. The responses of the State are delivered under the same logic of operation of the centralized government, do not modify its institutional design and end up becoming more strategies to legitimize the government of the day, to advance in decentralization or empower local territories with territorial focus. The methodology used was interview with key actors and review of documentary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En este artículo se aborda el estudio del periódico El Salvadoreño, atendiendo particularmente al uso que sus editores hicieron de algunos de los conceptos que fueron sustanciales en el ejercicio discursivo de los nuevos Estados hispanoamericanos, tales como revolución, aristocracia, pueblo, ciudadano y patriotismo, en el contexto de la primera guerra federal centroamericana (1826-1829). Destaca que uno de los objetivos del periódico era el de formar una opinión pública nacional favorable a los intereses salvadoreños en la citada contienda. Asimismo, se trata del rescate de un texto periódico poco conocido cuyo valor testimonial resulta relevante para el conocimiento de Centroamérica en aquellos años, en particular de El Salvador.

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Este artículo expone los principales rasgos del mercado de la radio y la televisión de señal abierta en el Perú, y hace hincapié en los niveles de concentración de la inversión publicitaria, el control de las frecuencias y el marco regulatorio hecho a la medida de los grupos mediáticos más poderosos del país. También analiza las posibilidades de sostenibilidad económica, crecimiento y modernización de buena parte de los medios locales y regionales en un contexto mundial caracterizado por acelerados cambios tecnológicos y transformaciones en los hábitos y estilos de consumo de las audiencias. Asimismo, describe algunas fortalezas y estrategias desplegadas por las radios y televisoras locales, comerciales y con objetivos de desarrollo social (educativas y comunitarias), orientadas a posibilitar su permanencia en el mercado y sentar las bases para el complejo tránsito hacia la digitalización de la producción y distribución de contenidos multimedia.

En este trabajo se analizan los orígenes del federalismo en Colombia, así como su fracaso durante la etapa de la llamada "República Boba". El modelo político norteamericano impactó extraordinariamente a las élites oligárquicas de Hispanoamérica en vísperas de la independencia y, tan pronto pudieron, lo aplicaron sin ningún análisis previo sobre su viabilidad. El resultado fue un sonoro fracaso y la multiplicación de conflictos entre élites regionales, que favorecieron la reconquista temporal española de sus colonias.

A partir de la pregunta sobre el modelo de banca en Colombia se revisan dos momentos paradigmáticos en su consolidación: el modelo de banca libre que operó hacia finales del siglo XIX, y el modelo de banca intervenida. Para lo cual se muestra cómo el marco institucional desde el derecho se ha explicado recurriendo a la revisión dogmática tradicional que escinde el estudio de lo público de lo privado en un período en que la formación de la estructura institucional se encontraba sometida al vaivén de las tensiones entre los discursos del poder y su reparto. Para lograr el objetivo se hace un recorrido histórico al proceso de formación de los modelos de banca con el fin de identificar problemas que ofrecen sus categorías.

The article rescues the reactivation of the regionalist autonomist tradition of a part of the Chilean left that has pushed for a process of decentralization in the most centralist State of South America and of the OECD. It is concluded that this irruption managed to permeate the final report of the Commission for Decentralization in 2014, but whose main initiatives were blocked by the Party of Order, made up of dominant groups on the right and the old Concertación in alliance with economic groups. However, they had the merit of having put the demand on the agenda, unveiled the portalian nature of the metropolitan left, pushed the election of regional governor and achieved that regional regionalist movements join the socio-political student movements in Favoring a broad political block of transformation that includes the perspective of substantive and popular decentralization as one of the axes of a socialist proposal for Chile. Such a shed was present in the origin of the Chilean left that was later subsumed by the Bonapartist social-democratic visions that only seek to strengthen the central state. In the current government, both leftists debated and differed in the Presidential Advisory Commission for Decentralization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El presente texto tiene como objetivo explorar y mostrar los complejos acuerdos y debates que se presentaron en el escenario político alrededor de la Constitución de 1853, con el fin de establecer los acuerdos que se dieron en su construcción y consolidación. Para ello, se hace uso de fuentes primarias y secundarias que probarán tres hipótesis fundamentales: (i) en el orden territorial, la Constitución de 1853 es el comienzo de la consolidación de un sistema federal en Colombia, el cual busca unificar, dar independencia y dinamizar políticamente a las provincias de la época; (ii) Institucionalmente, se pretendía consolidar un Estado que respetase la voluntad de las mayorías y restarle poderes al presidente; finalmente, (iii) la Constitución brindaba libertades individuales de prensa, voto universal y libertad de cultos.

This article presents the continuities from the past -structural asymmetries and hyper-presidentialism- as well as the innovations of the new democratic Argentina. This mixture of continuity and innovation has contributed to the development of particular forms of intergovernmental relations which we call cross control mechanisms and interference between the federal and provincial levels. This mixture also contributes to the shining of subnational actors in national arenas and of the provincial party identities. These elements are what primarily determine the way the democratic political game in Argentina has been structured, since the transition.

Este artículo analiza el origen y desarrollo de los restauradores decimonónicos en el ámbito institucional español, a partir del estudio de caso de las ciudades de Madrid y Barcelona, como principales exponentes del desarrollo de la restauración española. Por un lado, la constitución de Madrid como capital política condicionó su mayor relevancia cultural, siendo pionera en la configuración del perfil profesional. Además, el centralismo madrileño justificó el protagonismo de la Real Academia de San Fernando como principal órgano de control de las restauraciones y del patrimonio. Por otro lado, Barcelona se erigió en el epicentro de la primera Revolución Industrial en España, hecho que repercutió en la incorporación de nuevos avances científicos en la disciplina de la restauración. Además, el desarrollo del nacionalismo catalán, como respuesta al centralismo castellano, le revistió de unas particularidades propias. En este texto se presentan los rasgos en la gestación de dos modelos diferenciados del restaurador institucional.