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One of the exceptionally interesting examples of a living biblical tradition, maintained by Christian, Muslim and Jewish pilgrims for over sixteen hundred years, is the history of St. Samuel monastery on the Mount of Joy. The shrine was founded in the Byzantine period, but its heyday falls on the period of the Crusades. It was from here, after the murderous journey, that the troops of the First Crusade saw Jerusalem for the first time. The knights were followed by more and more pilgrims. On the hill, called Mons Gaudii, the Premonstratensians built their monastery, which in time became a real pilgrimage center. Based on the preserved traces, the author reconstructs the Christian chapters of the history of Nabi Samuel. He recalls people, events and traditions related to it, and also the accounts of pilgrims coming here.Christians left the Mons Gaudii probably at the end of the 12th century. Worship of the prophet Samuel were taken over by Muslims and Jews. For the latter the Tomb of Prophet Samuel became one of the most important places of pilgrimage, in some periods even more important than Jerusalem itself. There were numerous disputes and conflicts about holding control over this place, there were even bloody battles. In 1967 this place was taken by the Israeli army. Over time, a national park was created in the area around the mosque, in the mosque itself was established a place of prayer for Jews, and a synagogue in the tomb crypt. A slightly forgotten sanctuary began to warm up emotions anew.

Sacral beliefs took one of the most important spheres in the life of ancient societies. The evidence of such beliefs can be recognized in stone constructions used for various ritual activities and differentiated by architectonic features depending on their functionality. Some of such constructions were found on the territory of the Oka region (Buryat Republic). One part of them has a four-angled, circular, or ring-shaped form and a diameter up to 2 m; the other had circular burial mound-like or flat configuration with a diameter of 3–6 m. The first excavations of the large stone mounds of the circular form were carried out in 1870 P.A. Rovinskiy near the Oka guard fort (archeological site Oka, locality 1 and 2). The researcher characterized excavated constructions as cenotaphs or sacrificial places. In 2020 A.V. Kharinskiy excavated other two large stone mounds at the Shasnur-3 archeological site. Based on materials from excavations reinforced with ethnographical data, we can regard circular mounds with the 3–6 m diameter in the Mountain Oka region as cenotaphs. One of the small ring-shaped stone settings was investigated by V.I. Tashak at the Zun Nomto-Gol-1 archeological site. Taking into consideration the ethnographical data, the setting from Nomto-Gol-1 as other stone settings with a diameter up to 2 m can be characterized as ancient sacrificial places devoted to the spirits — hosts of the local landscapes. Key words: ancient ritual objects, burial grounds, Eastern Sayan, Oka plateau, Сакральные представления занимали одно из важнейших мест в жизни древних сообществ. Свидетельствами подобных представлений могут являться каменные конструкции, использовавшиеся для различных обрядовых действий и имевшие в зависимости от своего функционального назначения ряд конструктивных отличий. Несколько подобных сооружений были выявлены на территории Окинского района Республики Бурятия. Часть из них имеет четырехугольную, круглую или кольцевую форму и диаметр до 2 м, другие — круглую курганообразную или плоскую форму диаметром 3–6 м. Первые раскопки крупных каменных кладок круглой формы были предприняты в 1870 г. П.А. Ровинским возле Окинского караула (археологический объект Ока, пункты 1 и 2). Исследователь охарактеризовал раскопанные им конструкции как кенотафы или жертвенные места. Еще две крупные каменные кладки раскопаны А.В. Харинским в 2020 г. на археологическом объекте Шаснур-3. Основываясь на материалах раскопок и используя этнографические данные, круглые каменные кладки Горной Оки диаметром 3–6 м можно рассматривать как кенотафы. Одна из малых кольцевых кладок исследована В.И. Ташаком на археологическом объекте Зун Номто-Гол-1. Ее, как и другие кладки диаметром до 2 м, учитывая данные этнографии, можно характеризовать как древние жертвенники, посвященные духам — хозяевам местности.

International audience; The discovery of a circular monument during the rescue excavation of the Hôtel-Dieu in Narbonne, in 1996, allowed archaeologists to reassess the question of monumental funerary architecture in the capital of Narbonnaise Gaul. The foundations identified as those of a mausoleum were uncovered in the Southern Cemetery, near the via Domitia. The building is interpreted as a funerary monument in spite of the lack of certified rites. However, the location of the remains is in keeping with all the well-known criteria for this type of monument. Moreover, its architectural structure shows rare evidence of an original elevation. Thus, this discovery in Narbonne provides new data on circular mausoleums, which are still rare in Roman Gaul.; La découverte d’un monument circulaire lors de la fouille préventive de l’Hôtel-Dieu à Narbonne, en 1996, permet aux archéologues de rouvrir le dossier de l’architecture funéraire monumentale dans la capitale de la Gaule Narbonnaise. Les fondations identifiées comme étant celles d’un mausolée ont été mises au jour au sein de la nécropole Sud, à proximité immédiate de la voie Domitienne. Si la destination funéraire de l’édifice relève de l’interprétation en l’absence de rites attestés, sa localisation même répond à tous les critères d’implantation déjà bien connus pour ce type de monument. Par ailleurs, son parti pris architectural en fait l’un des rares témoins d’une élévation originale. La découverte de Narbonne constitue donc une opportunité pour alimenter le dossier des mausolées circulaires encore peu identifiés en Gaule romaine.

The article is devoted to the publication of materials of objects №50–51 of the Nizhnyaya Sooru complex in Central Altai excavated by the Altai detachment of the South Siberian archaeological expedition of Kemerovo State University under the direction of A.S. Vasyutin in 1981. A detailed description of the research results is presented, including a description of the features of the location of these objects, as well as the identified ground and internal grave structures. It has been established that the design features of the excavated objects make it possible to connect them with the population of the Afanasyevskaya archaeological culture of the Eneolithic period. The most significant feature is the annular enclosure of vertically placed slabs, which is a distinctive characteristic of the traditions of that community. A distinctive feature of the complexes is the absence of burials, which allows them to be interpreted, observing the norms of funeral rituals, as a kind of cenotaphs. The obtained materials demonstrate the prospect of further excavations at the Nizhnyaya Sooru burial ground, taking into account the presence of similar unexplored objects on this site, as well as the location of the settlement complex of the Afanasyevskaya culture nearby., Статья посвящена введению в научный оборот материалов объектов №50–51 комплекса Нижняя Соору в Центральном Алтае, раскопанных Алтайским отрядом Южносибирской археологической экспедиции Кемеровского государственного университета под руководством А.С. Васютина в 1981 г. Представлена подробная характеристика результатов исследований, включающая описание особенностей расположения этих сооружений, а также выявленных наземных и внутримогильных конструкций. Установлено, что конструктивные особенности раскопанных объектов позволяют уверенно связывать их с населением афанасьевской археологической культуры периода энеолита. Наиболее показательным признаком является кольцевая ограда из вертикально поставленных плит, являющаяся отличительной характеристикой традиций носителей обозначенной общности. Отличительной особенностью комплексов является отсутствие захоронений, что позволяет предварительно их интерпретировать, учитывая общее соблюдение норм погребальной обрядности, в качестве своего рода кенотафов. Полученные материалы демонстрируют перспективность дальнейших раскопок на могильнике Нижняя Соору, с учетом наличия на данном памятнике схожих неисследованных объектов, а также расположения рядом поселенческого комплекса афанасьевской культуры.

Among the many problems in the archeology of Djarkutan, there is one seemingly particular issue, which, however, is of exceptional importance in understanding the spiritual culture of Proto-Bactrian civilization. This is a question about cenotaphs, or false burials, their place and role in the ritual-cult practice of the ancient agricultural society of Southern Uzbekistan. The use of cenotaphs as specific objects of archaeological research allows us to clarify many aspects of socio-ideological and ritual-symbolic transformations in the culture of complex societies. Meanwhile, the question of the place and significance of cenotaphs in the funerary practice of Sapalli culture of Bronze Age is still a poorly explored topic In a number of works devoted to complex societies of Bronze Age of Central Asia, cenotaphs are usually mentioned in passing or in the most general views. However the ritual meaning of cenotaph burials goes far beyond the burial practice and has social and ideological sense. Cenotaph rituals was diverse and historically changed both in time and in space. In this article, I will try to consider some cultural specifications and historical positions of cenotaphs in social and ritual-cult functions on example funeral objects of Sapalli culture. I attempt to show that cenotaph ritual is a means of transmitting vital issues of society and social challenges. My proposal is being developed comprehension of cenotaphs as specific symbolic practice and as a mode of regulating social relations, reflecting experiences of integration inside the cultural system. The formation of rituals and other symbolic actions is determined, first of all, by the formation of a new system of social-normative values in proto-state civilizations.

Sanin-Restrepo’s theory of encryption is taken here as an instance of a practice of critique by allegory; thus the productivity of the theory can be developed and demonstrated by working through the allegorical meanings of encryption, one interpretation of which can choose to focus on the crypt. This allegorical meaning is distinct from symbolic meaning, using Benjamin’s distinction. We focus on the body and the structure, working through the instances of the visibility of the site and the presence or absence of the body. The question of visibility is significant since encryption deals with the hidden: is a crypt, then, a hiding place? We find four combinations: the concealed presence of a body, in a crypt; the publicised presence of a body, in a mausoleum; the publicised absence of a body, in a cenotaph; the concealed absence of a body, in a sepulchre. This four-way combination allows consideration of Agamben, Deleuze, Negri, and a critical Hegelianism that revisits Feuerbach, Stirner and Marx on alienatio, mapping the four metaphors in turn onto these four theoretical positions. This study of the theoretical implications of studying different modes of commemorating the corpse thus exemplifies the re-thinking possible by way of critique by allegory. La teoría de la encriptación de Sanin-Restrepo se toma aquí como una instancia de una práctica de crítica por alegoría; así, la productividad de la teoría puede desarrollarse y demostrarse trabajando a través de los significados alegóricos de la encriptación, una interpretación que puede centrarse en la cripta. Utilizando la distinción de Benjamin entendemos que este significado alegórico es distinto del significado simbólico. Nos centramos en el cuerpo y la estructura, trabajando a través de las instancias de la visibilidad del sitio y la presencia o ausencia del cuerpo. La cuestión de la visibilidad es importante, ya que la encriptación se ocupa de lo oculto: ¿es una cripta, entonces, un escondite? Encontramos cuatro combinaciones: la presencia oculta de un cuerpo, en una cripta; la presencia pública y publicitada de un cuerpo, en un mausoleo; la ausencia publicitada de un cuerpo, en un cenotafio; La ausencia oculta de un cuerpo, en un sepulcro. Esta combinación de cuatro vías permite considerar a Agamben, Deleuze, Negri y un hegelianismo crítico que revisita Feuerbach, Stirner y Marx sobre la alienación, mapeando las cuatro metáforas en estas cuatro posiciones teóricas. Este estudio de las implicaciones teóricas de estudiar diferentes modos de conmemorar el cadáver ejemplifica así el replanteamiento posible a modo de crítica por alegoría.

Технологический анализ керамики из могильника Уранбаш в Оренбургской области выявил, наряду с массовой и устойчивой традицией составления формовочных масс по рецепту: глина шамот органика, рецепт глина шамот шлак (отходы бронзолитейного производства) органика. Данный состав является смешанным, поскольку шамот ишлак выполняют одну иту же технологическую функцию увеличение огнестойкости изделий. Исходя из выявленных А.А. Бобринским закономерностей функционирования и развития систем гончарной технологии, такие случаи принято объяснять процессами смешения разных культурных групп населения. Однако введение шлаков в состав привычной формовочной массы пока сложно объяснить только такими процессами смешения. Керамика со шлаками зафиксирована на памятниках, которые либо располагаются вблизи древних рудников, либо связаны с бронзолитейным производством. На могильнике Уранбаш такая посуда ставилась впогребения взрослых (мужчин), подростков ивкенотафы, могилы которых с данной керамикой имеют особую локализацию. Обращение кданным этнографии, мифологии ифольклора позволило автору предположить, что указанная посуда является особым знаком, маркером принадлежности покойных к особому клану горняков литейщиков, наделенным вобществе высоким социальным исакральным статусом, асамо введение шлаков вкерамику имеет ритуальное значение. Следовательно, вряде случаев образование новых, смешанных по формальным признакам навыков выполнения отдельных операций вгончарном производстве может быть объяснено не только смешением разных носителей гончарных традиций, но исакральным характером многих сторон жизни традиционного общества., Technological analysis of pottery from Uranbash cemetery in Orenburg region has demonstrated that, alongside with the mass and stable tradition of pottery paste composition of clay grog organic material, there was another recipe: clay grog slag of bronze foundry production organic material. It was a mixed formula because the grog and the slag performed the same technological function: they increase a fire resistance of pottery. On the assumption of regularities A.A. Bobrinsky discovered in functioning of pottery technology system such cases are usually explained by processes of different cultural groups mixing. However, so far it is difficult to explain adding of slag in pottery paste only by this way. Pottery with slag is fixed at the monuments that are located nearby ancient mines or are related to bronze foundry. In Uranbash cemetery such pots were placed in adult males graves and adolescent males as well as in cenotaphs. Graves with such pottery have a peculiar localization. Resorting to ethnographic and folklore data as well as to data of mythology the author gained a chance to suggest that this pottery is a peculiar mark that indicated belonging of the deads to a particular clan of miners and casters. Members of this group enjoyed the high sacral and social position. The very introduction of slag into pottery had sacral significance. Consequently, in a number of cases formation of new skills mixed in their formal characteristics can be explained not only by mixing of different pottery traditions but also by the sacral character of many aspects of the social life.

This paper critically evaluates how archaeologists define ‘grave goods’ in relation to the full spectrum of depositional contexts available to people in the past, including hoards, rivers and other ‘special’ deposits. Developing the argument that variations in artefact deposition over time and space can only be understood if different ‘types’ of find location are considered together holistically, we contend that it is also vital to look at the points where traditionally defined contexts of deposition become blurred into one another. In this paper, we investigate one particular such category – body-less object deposits at funerary sites – in later prehistoric Britain. This category of evidence has never previously been analysed collectively, let alone over the extended time period considered here. On the basis of a substantial body of evidence collected as part of a nationwide survey, we demonstrate that body-less object deposits were a significant component of funerary sites during later prehistory. Consequently, we go on to question whether human remains were actually always a necessary element of funerary deposits for prehistoric people, suggesting that the absence of human bone could be a positive attribute rather than simply a negative outcome of taphonomic processes. We also argue that modern, fixed depositional categories sometimes serve to mask a full understanding of the complex realities of past practice and ask whether it might be productive in some instances to move beyond interpretively confining terms such as ‘grave’, ‘hoard’ and ‘cenotaph’. Our research demonstrates that is it not only interesting in itself to scrutinize archaeological evidence that does not easily fit into traditional narratives, but that the process of doing so also sheds new light on the validity of our present-day categories, enabling deeper insights into how people in the past ordered their material and conceptual worlds. Whilst our main focus is later prehistoric Britain, the issues we consider are potentially relevant across all periods and regions.

This thesis, through a combination of autobiographical reflections and a consideration of the work of Roland Barthes, offers a new approach to thinking about the British culture of “Remembrance.” Remembrance is here defined as a range of practices, including, in particular, the selling and wearing of the Remembrance Poppy, the Tomb of the Unknown Warrior, the Two Minute Silence held on both Armistice Day and Remembrance Sunday, and the ceremonies held at the Cenotaph on Whitehall. The thesis explores how Remembrance is presented as an uncomplicated and unchanging phenomenon, and considers how this is simply not the case and what follows from this realisation. The thesis employs throughout a method that might be termed “creative-critical” or “post- critical,” which means that it seeks to move beyond the conventional form of the essay or thesis in the hope of finding – and presenting – new insights on a familiar subject. This occurs most obviously in the way in which the thesis has been written, which is close to what is called a “stream-of-consciousness.” Furthermore, the thesis draws heavily from the entire oeuvre of Roland Barthes, whose work has never before been used to analyse Remembrance so thoroughly. The references to Barthes – which are peppered throughout the text – are offered without quotation marks (to signal just how embedded Barthes’s thoughts are with mine), but are instead coloured in blue (as a way of distinguishing his words from my own). The thesis takes the form of four chapters, each of which is based on one of the seasons, beginning with autumn. The thesis plays on the different images and metaphors of each season in order to offer four different (but related) engagements with the question of Remembrance.

Ziel dieser Arbeit ist eine Auseinandersetzung mit der Beziehung von Projektion und Spielraum, dem Raum als Fläche einer Filmprojektion und der Fläche der Projektion im Raum. Eingenommen wird hier die Perspektive, die sich mit dem Inneren eines Orts der Projektion auseinandersetzt, jene der Projizierenden. Es wird mit der Projektion analogen Films auf konvexe, transparente Flächen gearbeitet. Das Modell einer durchsichtigen Blase verändert seine Eigenschaften durch die Bespielung von Licht aus dem Raum, es reflektiert. Das Projizieren auf die Konvexe ist von innen und außen wahrnehmbar, der Spiegeleffekt verbirgt und zeigt sogleich den Vorgang, der im inneren des Modells stattfindet. Es wird eine Abweichung vom Rahmen der konventionellen Filmprojektion des Kinos erarbeitet, bei der technische Prozesse und Personen meist durch eine undurchsichtige, räumliche Trennung verborgen sind. Gezeigt wird der Prozess einer Filmprojektion und der durch sie belebte Raum, eine Interpretation der Perspektive der Projizierenden., The aim of this work is an exploration of the relation between projections and space by reflecting upon the space as a surface of projection and the surface of the projection in space. In order to understand the space of projection, the perspective of the projectionist is taken here, which is the perspective behind the projector in the interior space of a projection. This concept is elaborated by projecting analog film on convex, transparent surfaces, intending to change its properties by achieving an effect of mirroring. The projection onto the convex surface is viewable from inside and outside while the mirroring effect conceals and also shows the process which is taking place inside of the model. This is a transformation of conventional cinema, which by an opaque spatial separation hides technical processes of projecting film on screen, instead it shows the process of screening as an interpretation of the perspective of the projectionist.

This thesis studies the famous boat graves in Valsgärde, Sweden and Sutton Hoo, England. Its purpose is to understand the affects these graves had on the people who surrounded and visited them. Affect describes the first reaction when a person experience somthing new. The other focus of this thesis is the boat graves that seemingly lack buried people, and why the bodies in the graves are missing. There are some fragments of both humans and animals in the Valsgärde graves. In Sutton Hoo there are small amounts of remains from humans or animals, the osteologists have not been able to ascertain which of the two. There are some theories that the burials have been open for everyone to see, the question is then why and if this is the case, how did people react to this phenomenon, that is the boat-graves affects. The thesis concludes that the now missing bodies may have been exposed in the open for a long time, before they were buried. The soil´s acidity at Sutton Hoo is at pH 3,8 at the lowest, which has an impact on how well bodies are preserved in the ground. Both the soil and the exposing of the bodies might have done an equal amount of damage to the bodies.

Se presenta una nueva restitución fotogramétrica del sepulcro conocido como Torre de los Escipiones situado junto a la Vía Augusta, 6 km al noreste de Tárraco. La restitución ya publicada del carmen funerario sobre tabula ansata nos permite definir el sepulcro como un cenotafio y gracias a su aparato decorativo en piedra local resulta posible datarlo en torno al cambio de Era. No obstante, la decoración escogida para el frontal con dos imágenes de Atis resulta excepcional para esa cronología. El hallazgo en Mataró de una placa funeraria del primer duoviro quinquenal del municipio iluronense, L. Marcio Optato, miembro del orden ecuestre muerto en Frigia, nos proporciona una evidencia fundamental ya que Marcio es mencionado como edil en Tárraco antes de asumir el resto de su cursus honorum. Eso situaría en Tárraco a su familia, obligada igualmente a recordar su memoria con otro monumentum y explicaría de forma magnífica la decoración escogida de los Atis, la divinidad funeraria propia de Frigia y de toda el Asia Menor. This paper present a new photogrammetric reconstruction of the burial feature known as the Tower of the Scipios raised adjacent to the Via Augusta 6 km northeast of Tarraco. The previous published restitution of the funerary carmen on a tabula ansata identifies the tomb as a cenotaph. Moreover, its decorative elements made of local stone date the feature to the turn of the era. However, the two images of Atis decorating its frontal are exceptional in this timeframe. The discovery in Mataró of a funerary plaque of the first five-year duumviri of the Iluronense municipality of L. Marcio Optato, a member of the equestrian order who met his death in Phrygia, offers fundamental evidence as Marcio is cited as an aedile in Tarraco before assuming his remaining cursus honorum. The artefact would place his family in Tarraco where they were obliged to pay tribute to his memory by raising another monumentum. This also clearly explains the choice of the representation of Attis, the funerary deity of Phrygia and all of Asia Minor.

The article considers military cenotaphs with spears of approximately one chronological horizon (Sintashta, Petrovsky, Pokrovsky, Abashevskie). The appeal to this period is due to the fact that the biggest changes occur here in the beginning of the 2ndmillennium BC, when the chariot aristocracy entered the historical arena. The greatest interest is paid to cenotaphs with spears. It is suggested that cenotaphs with spears should not be unambiguously associated with the death of people. Perhaps they were huge hiding places, not in the understanding of modern man, but from the point of view of the ancient people who created them not to make information inaccessible, but to preserve information in the most understandable form for contemporaries and in the most significant places. Such hiding places were supposed to ensure the rights of the tribe to the territory and thereby exclude the claims of possible rivals. This assumption is supported by the desire of the ancient population to mark on the area the burial mounds with cenotaphs. Besides, these cenotaphs in a special way organized the space of the ritual complex itself. In addition, all the cenotaphs with spears were large pits with strong wooden ceiling, which sometimes had a rather complex design. Based on the information of ancient sources, the author comes to the conclusion that the finds of copies in the cenotaphs can also be interpreted as demonstrating the rights to occupied territory., Рассматриваются воинские кенотафы с копьями примерно одного хронологического горизонта (синташтинские, петровские, Покровские, абашевские). Обращение к этому периоду обусловленотем, что наиболее крупные изменения происходят в начале II тыс. до н.э., когда на историческуюарену вышла колесничная аристократия. Наибольший интерес представляют кенотафы с копьями.Высказано предположение о том, что кенотафы с копьями не следует однозначно связывать со смертью людей. Возможно, они представляли собой огромные тайники, но не в понимании современногочеловека, а с точки зрения древних людей, которые их создавали не для того, чтобы сделать информацию недоступной, а стремились сохранить сведения в наиболее понятной для современниковформе и в самых значимых местах. Такие тайники должны были обеспечить права племени на территорию и тем самым исключить притязания возможных соперников. В пользу этого предположениясвидетельствует стремление древнего населения выделить на местности рассматриваемые курганыс кенотафами. Кроме того, эти кенотафы особым образом организовывали пространство самогоритуального комплекса. К тому же все кенотафы с копьями представляли собой ямы крупных размеров с мощным деревянным перекрытием, которое иногда имело достаточно сложную конструкцию.Опираясь на сведения античных источников, автор приходит к выводу, что находки копий в кенотафах также можно интерпретировать как демонстрацию прав на занятую территорию.

Au début du xxe siècle furent découvertes, dans plusieurs régions du sud et du centre du Mali, des structures composées d’un cercle de pierres latéritiques entourant un tertre surmontant une chambre souterraine creusée dans la latérite. Elles furent considérées successivement comme des « habitats troglodytes », des mines d’extraction du minerai de fer, des silos à grains, avant d’être attribuées par les archéologues, en 1961, à des hypogées servant de lieux de sépultures multiples. Depuis cette date, ces structures sont entrées dans le vocabulaire archéologique en Afrique de l’Ouest sous le nom générique de « tumulus pierriers ». Dès lors, toute structure ayant la même apparence extérieure a été considérée comme un tumulus. Cependant les recherches menées depuis 1979, tant par des archéologues que par des historiens, des sociolinguistes ou des spécialistes de la tradition orale, semblent indiquer qu’il s’agirait, en fait, de monuments très divers : habitats pour brigands, tumulus, hypogées recouverts d’un amas de terre ou de pierres, monuments rituels ou autres. La faible quantité de datations ne permet pas encore aujourd’hui de situer chaque type de structure dans un cadre chronologique. En attendant de ­collecter de nouvelles données, il convient donc de parler simplement de « cercles pierriers » puisqu’il est encore impossible de déterminer leur nature avant la fouille. Les futures recherches devront avoir comme impératif premier d’identifier des indices fonctionnels distinctifs en surface lors de prospections. Early in the 20th century, in southern and central Mali several varieties of subterranean chambers were dis­covered. These were normally dug into lateritic bedrock, surrounded with blocks of laterite and surmounted with circular earthen mounds. These structures were variously interpreted as the “dwellings of troglodytes”, as mines for the extraction of iron ore, or as silos for the storage of grain before being identified as hypogea by archaeological research in 1961, when it was found that they could contain multiple inhumations. Since then they have entered into the West African archaeological vocabulary under the generic name of ‘stone tumuli’. Thus, all structures having a similar external appearance were automatically considered as burial chambers. However, research undertaken since 1979, by archaeologists, oral historians and socio-linguists have shown that these are in fact a diverse set of monuments with varied purposes. Historically they served as refuges for brigands, hypogea covered with a mass of earth or stones, or foci of ritual, amongst other uses. The small number of radiometric dates obtained for such structures thus far does not allow us to firmly situate them chronologically. Until such time as new data can be collected, it is best to simply term them ‘stone circles’ because their nature simply cannot be assumed prior to excavation. Future research might, however, allow us to categorize certain distinctive elements visible from the surface.

This thesis is a study of military memorials and commemoration with a focus on Anglo-American practice. The main question is: How has history defined military memorials and commemoration and how have they changed since the 19th century. In an effort to resolve this, the work examines both historic and contemporary forms of memorials and commemoration and establishes that remembrance in sites of collective memory has been influenced by politics, conflicts and religion. Much has been written since the Great War about remembrance and memorialization; however, there is no common lexicon throughout the literature. In order to better explain and understand this complex subject, the work includes an up-to-date literature review and for the first time, terminologies are properly explained and defined. Particular attention is placed on recognizing important military legacies, being familiar with spiritual influences and identifying classic and new signs of remembrance. The thesis contends that commemoration is composed of three key principles – recognition, respect and reflection – that are intractably linked to the fabric of memorials. It also argues that it is time for the study of memorials to come of age and proposes Memorialogy as an interdisciplinary field of study of memorials and associated commemorative practices. Moreover, a more modern, adaptive, General Classification System is presented as a means of identifying and re-defining memorials according to certain groups, types and forms. Lastly, this thesis examines how peacekeeping and peace support operations are being memorialized and how the American tragic events of 11 September 2001 and the war in Afghanistan have forever changed the nature of memorials and commemoration within Canada and elsewhere. This work goes beyond what has been studied and written about over the last century and provides a deeper level of analysis and a fresh approach to understanding the field of Memorialogy.

In Chile, Many aedicule called Animitas, often small but sometimes monumental, stand out in towns and along roads, often incongruous position with regard of the Rationalist logic that now prevail in the management of the territories. They commemorate tragic, natural or violent deaths occurred in public spaces. Built without permission, without secular or religious status, they did hold no less a major role in perception and popular practices of space, that they come to sanctify in various forms, without antagonizing the daily life. The few attempts to destroy them or move them have failed or proved authentic trauma, because the Animitas contribute to the ownership of the premises and the establishment of a relationship with the invisible sought by a large part of the population. Therefore, it is entitled to wonder about how town planning can treat such a phenomenon. Can integrate these unforeseen aedicule and related practices, to obtain easements or guidelines? Can, in a secular State and a right based on reason, contravening the functionality to create a socio-spiritually approach? Research has consisted firstly to be widely sampled the Animitas of Chile, then to focus specifically on those of Valparaiso, which were the subject of a comprehensive census. This material has allowed to build typologies that were confronted with the contents of interviews from manufacturers of Animitas and practitioners. What led to the conditions of their building, their elevation in some articles and their evolution. This part of the work highlighted the recycling of certain beliefs and pre-Hispanic practices; It also helped to outline categories were fired a few assumptions about the stability of the phenomenon and the need to take into account in the management of contemporary cities and the Chilean territory., De nombreux édicules appelés Animitas, souvent modestes mais parfois monumentaux, se remarquent au Chili, dans les villes et le long des routes, souvent en position incongrue eu égard aux logiques rationalistes qui prévalent désormais dans la gestion des territoires. Ils commémorent des décès tragiques, naturels ou violents, intervenus sur l’espace public. Élevés sans autorisation, dépourvus de statut laïc ou religieux, ils n’en tiennent pas moins un rôle majeur dans la perception et les pratiques populaires de l’espace, qu’ils viennent sacraliser sous diverses formes, sans contrarier la vie quotidienne. Les rares tentatives pour les détruire ou les déplacer ont échoué ou se sont avérées d’authentiques traumatismes, tant les Animitas contribuent à l’appropriation des lieux et à l’instauration d’une relation avec l’invisible recherchée par une grande partie de la population. Dès lors, on est fondé à s’interroger sur la manière dont l’urbanisme peut traiter un tel phénomène. Peut-il intégrer ces édicules imprévus et les pratiques afférentes, en tirer des servitudes ou des directives ? Peut-il, dans un état laïc et dans un droit fondé sur la raison, contrevenir à la fonctionnalité pour instaurer une approche socio-spirituelle ? La recherche a d’abord consisté à inventorier largement les Animitas du Chili, puis à s’attarder spécialement sur celles de Valparaiso, qui ont fait l’objet d’un recensement exhaustif. Ce matériau a permis de construire des typologies qui ont été confrontées au contenu d’entretiens réalisés auprès de constructeurs d’Animitas et de pratiquants. Ce qui a conduit à préciser les conditions de leur édification, de leur élévation à certains statuts et de leur évolution. Cette partie du travail a mis en évidence le recyclage de certaines croyances et pratiques pré-hispaniques ; elle a également permis d’esquisser des catégories d’où ont été tirées quelques hypothèses sur la stabilité du phénomène et la nécessité de le prendre en considération dans la gestion des villes contemporaines et du territoire chiliens.

For centuries crystallized in the adamantine drawings preserved in the National Library of France, the perfect sphere of the Cenotaph, designed by Louis E. Boullèe in honor of Isaac Newton in about 1780, and the Temple of the Earth of Jean-Jacques Lequeu are cited by historians and critics of architecture as the utopian dream of bending the stone and the force of gravity towards the pure form of a complete sphere. The historical formal equivalence between the architectural dome vault and the sky, assume in our case a deeper meaning. From the words of Boullèe, it is crystal clear the intention of celebrating the greatness of Newton, subtracting his burial from the darkness by placing it in the largest ever builted sky, a majestic stone dome, reversing the natural order of day and night by creating with daylight, in the interior space, the image of the constellations seen in the starry skies. First in the history of planetary science, Lequeu and Boullèe???s stone architecture carried out the plan by drilling the outer surface of the dome to let the sunlight in, directly piercing the darkness and simulating in the inside space the intense stellar glow. The geometric study conducted on the holes in both architectures, made along the stone surface of the spheres, reveals a studied convergence of solar rays, in the Cenotaph, towards the eye of the privileged observer, the one able to stand on the slender platform above Newton???s tomb, thereby creating the sensation of a Ganzfeld , which sets Newton???s Cenotaph in the field of art installations rather than scientific ones. The Lequeu???s Temple instead is designed with a perfect convergence of those rays towards the centre of the sphere, as the most part of modern planetarian, but it is also more visual than scientific in character. 3D virtual models, and simple conical projections, have allowed us to draw the star maps referred to Boullèe and Lequeu???s architectures which, however, show deep differences compared with the contemporary ones. Using the free software Stellarium we have created a good simulation of the visible sky, at the latitude of Paris, in January 4 (Isaac Newton???s birthday), exactly in the year of the Cenotaph project and we can affirm that a good coincidence, between that image and the internal perspective of the virtual model recreated from the point of view, do really exist.