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The 2024 general election brought about a significant change in the parliamentary balance of power. There has already been much attention devoted to the issues that dominated the national campaign. Using original leaflet data from the OpenElections project, this study extends the focus to explore the issues emphasised in local electoral communications put forward by parties and candidates in their constituency campaigns. The article reveals that the top issues featured in election leaflets were health, the economy and the environment. There is also evidence of considerable variation across parties in terms of the issues emphasised, as well as in the focus of the discussion within issue areas and the keywords they tended to prioritise. These findings suggest that, while political elites recognise the need to engage with the key issues of the campaign, how they engage with an issue depends on many factors, including their own record and/or the perceived shortcomings of their opponent(s). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutionalised party systems are said to foster stronger party allegiances and fewer switches. However, this expectation is called into question when we observe the case of South Africa. Despite being characterised by a highly institutionalised dominant party system as well as party-centred electoral and candidate selection rules, South Africa has experienced frequent episodes of floor-crossing over time. This article advances an analytical framework that links elites’ vote-seeking and office-seeking incentives to party switching and party system functioning. It posits that as elites strive for (re)selection and (re-)election, they will depart from smaller to larger parties, and this ultimately reinforces the party system of the day. Utilising an original dataset of 5,230 candidates to the National Assembly and the provincial legislatures of South Africa between 1999 and 2019, the study charts the overall rate of party switching and tests hypotheses postulating the effect of party size and candidates’ electoral marginality on the likelihood of switching parties. The analyses reveal that candidates from smaller parties and those who failed to be (re-)elected by the narrowest margin are more likely to switch parties in the next election. Additionally, most candidates who switched parties tended to move to parties that fared better than their original party in the next election; and they switched from parties that either did worse or stayed the same. But we did not find a strong correlation linking party performance to switches. The study highlights the role of intra-party competition in patterns of elite migration and reveals the importance of linking elite behaviour to party system functioning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a qualitative exploratory research study of confidence and the emergence of women as candidates for state and local elected office. Our study consists of over 30 hours of interviews with 20 women candidates running for state and local office where we explore the sources of confidence that motivate women to run for office. Our interviews with women candidates suggest confidence is tied to egalitarian families and robust network support, strong educational credentials and background, as well as a multitude of professional and community leadership experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Candidate reactions represent a pressing contemporary subject, with heightened expectations for favorable treatment from companies during recruitment. Negative encounters adversely affect employer branding and candidate attraction. Thus, meticulously cultivating the candidate experience is imperative. This research examines the responses of candidates to various hiring methods in Morocco. A total of 244 job seekers rated the favorability and fairness of selection methods, including interviews, resumes, work-sample tests, biographical information blanks, written ability tests, personal references, personality tests, honesty tests, graphology, and personal contacts. Moroccan job seekers completed an online questionnaire, and data were analyzed using IBM SPSS. The snowball sampling method was employed, with participants initially identified on LinkedIn. Our primary objective is to assess the prevalence of the ten selection procedures used in Morocco and examine candidates' favorability towards these approaches. Within-subjects analysis of variance (ANOVA) evaluated differences in candidates' responses to the selection methods. Applicants expressed the most positive responses towards résumés, work-sample tests, interviews, and personality tests, while graphology, references, and biographical information were the least favorable. Regarding procedural justice, applicants rated frequency of use, predictive validity, opportunity to perform, employer's rights, and face validity most positively, while interpersonal warmth and invasion of privacy were least valued. However, this study faced several limitations. The cross-sectional design hindered robust causal inferences, and reliance on single-item measures for procedural fairness and organizational outcomes limited our findings' depth. Generalizing results to the broader Moroccan population requires caution due to potential regional and sectoral variations. While snowball sampling increased the sample size, it precluded response rate calculation. Practical implications and future research perspectives are also highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the rising number of LGBTIQ+ politicians across the world has been matched by an increase in academic attention on which factors foster or hinder their careers. Here, we provide a comprehensive analytical review of the relevant literature, with the goal of illustrating both its synergies and imbalances. We show that most of the existing evidence specifically concerns LGBTIQ+ politicians' electoral performance. Moreover, this knowledge has largely been produced in very similar contexts politically and socioculturally. Finally, we highlight the potential of investigating a number of additional factors that may impact LGBTIQ+ political careers, such as intersectional dynamics that may have a differentiated impact within this population. Future works could expand the scope of this literature by considering these elements and focussing more on the direct experience of LGBTIQ+ politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Recerca is the property of Universitat Jaume I and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Candidate reactions represent a pressing contemporary subject, with heightened expectations for favorable treatment from companies during recruitment. Negative encounters adversely affect employer branding and candidate attraction. Thus, meticulously cultivating the candidate experience is imperative. This research examines the responses of candidates to various hiring methods in Morocco. A total of 244 job seekers rated the favorability and fairness of selection methods, including interviews, resumes, work-sample tests, biographical information blanks, written ability tests, personal references, personality tests, honesty tests, graphology, and personal contacts. Moroccan job seekers completed an online questionnaire, and data were analyzed using IBM SPSS. The snowball sampling method was employed, with participants initially identified on LinkedIn. Our primary objective is to assess the prevalence of the ten selection procedures used in Morocco and examine candidates' favorability towards these approaches. Within-subjects analysis of variance (ANOVA) evaluated differences in candidates' responses to the selection methods. Applicants expressed the most positive responses towards résumés, work-sample tests, interviews, and personality tests, while graphology, references, and biographical information were the least favorable. Regarding procedural justice, applicants rated frequency of use, predictive validity, opportunity to perform, employer's rights, and face validity most positively, while interpersonal warmth and invasion of privacy were least valued. However, this study faced several limitations. The cross-sectional design hindered robust causal inferences, and reliance on single-item measures for procedural fairness and organizational outcomes limited our findings' depth. Generalizing results to the broader Moroccan population requires caution due to potential regional and sectoral variations. While snowball sampling increased the sample size, it precluded response rate calculation. Practical implications and future research perspectives are also highlighted.

The article's subject is models and methods for ranking candidates for an IT project team with uncertainty regarding competencies and requirements. The aim is to improve the quality of the IT project team by creating and applying models and a method for formalizing the task of multi-criteria ranking of candidates for the team, taking into account the uncertainty of the initial information. Tasks: to analyze the relevance of the task of creating models and methods for ranking candidates for the IT project team under conditions of uncertainty; to develop a method for multi-criteria ranking of candidates for the IT project team in a fuzzy formulation; and to solve an example of the task of multi-criteria ranking of applicants for further formation of the IT project team. The methods used are the analytic hierarchy process, the line method, and the fuzzy arithmetic method. The following results have been obtained. A method of multi-criteria ranking of candidates for an IT project team has been developed, which differs from existing methods by using fuzzy numbers to set the preferences of candidates and assess the generalized competence of each candidate based on comparisons with the reference competence, which improves the ability to evaluate candidates. This method can be used in the first stage of creating an IT project team when candidates for the team are ranked. The task of selecting candidates for further formation of the IT project team has been solved. Conclusions. The scientific novelty of the method of multi-criteria ranking of candidates for the project team is that, unlike existing methods, it uses fuzzy ideas about the preferences of candidates when assessing the generalised competence of each candidate based on comparisons with the reference competence, which allows to improve the ability to evaluate candidates. This article considers an example of using the proposed method to solve the problem of selecting candidates to further solve the problem of forming an IT project team under fuzzy evaluation.

Objective/context: This article analyzes the presidential primary elections in Chile from 2013 to 2021. As established by law, unlike in other Latin American countries, these elections are voluntary, simultaneous, and binding. Methodology: Presidential primary elections are studied in three dimensions: first, the institutions that regulate them; second, the electoral participation; and third, the results. For the analysis of the institutions, Law 20640 is explained. For electoral participation and the results of the primary elections, the statistical method is used, including a descriptive and inferential data analysis; the latter, mainly with multiple linear regression models and graphs of predicted values. Conclusions: Electoral participation in primaries significantly predicts participation in the general election and is strongly determined by the levels of poverty and rurality of the communes. Regarding the results, the Chilean experience shows that ideologically extreme candidates do not always triumph and that in some occasions—such as the 2021 elections—the relationship between the outcome of the primary elections and the candidates’ electoral performance in the first round is far from robust. Originality: This work studies three electoral cycles of presidential primaries in Chile and combines an analysis of the institutions that regulate the process with the application of statistical models to explain turnout and electoral results.

Objective/context: This article analyzes the presidential primary elections in Chile from 2013 to 2021. As established by law, unlike in other Latin American countries, these elections are voluntary, simultaneous, and binding. Methodology: Presidential primary elections are studied in three dimensions: first, the institutions that regulate them; second, the electoral participation; and third, the results. For the analysis of the institutions, Law 20640 is explained. For electoral participation and the results of the primary elections, the statistical method is used, including a descriptive and inferential data analysis; the latter, mainly with multiple linear regression models and graphs of predicted values. Conclusions: Electoral participation in primaries significantly predicts participation in the general election and is strongly determined by the levels of poverty and rurality of the communes. Regarding the results, the Chilean experience shows that ideologically extreme candidates do not always triumph and that in some occasions--such as the 2021 elections--the relationship between the outcome of the primary elections and the candidates' electoral performance in the first round is far from robust. Originality: This work studies three electoral cycles of presidential primaries in Chile and combines an analysis of the institutions that regulate the process with the application of statistical models to explain turnout and electoral results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article's subject is models and methods for ranking candidates for an IT project team with uncertainty regarding competencies and requirements. The aim is to improve the quality of the IT project team by creating and applying models and a method for formalizing the task of multi-criteria ranking of candidates for the team, taking into account the uncertainty of the initial information. Tasks: to analyze the relevance of the task of creating models and methods for ranking candidates for the IT project team under conditions of uncertainty; to develop a method for multi-criteria ranking of candidates for the IT project team in a fuzzy formulation; and to solve an example of the task of multi-criteria ranking of applicants for further formation of the IT project team. The methods used are the analytic hierarchy process, the line method, and the fuzzy arithmetic method. The following results have been obtained. A method of multi-criteria ranking of candidates for an IT project team has been developed, which differs from existing methods by using fuzzy numbers to set the preferences of candidates and assess the generalized competence of each candidate based on comparisons with the reference competence, which improves the ability to evaluate candidates. This method can be used in the first stage of creating an IT project team when candidates for the team are ranked. The task of selecting candidates for further formation of the IT project team has been solved. Conclusions. The scientific novelty of the method of multi-criteria ranking of candidates for the project team is that, unlike existing methods, it uses fuzzy ideas about the preferences of candidates when assessing the generalised competence of each candidate based on comparisons with the reference competence, which allows to improve the ability to evaluate candidates. This article considers an example of using the proposed method to solve the problem of selecting candidates to further solve the problem of forming an IT project team under fuzzy evaluation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has identified an alarming gap in migrants' descriptive representation across Western European countries with long-standing immigration while showing that not all migrant groups are equally (un)successful in gaining elected office. However, little is known about migrants' political presence in Southern European countries, which have experienced increased immigration in recent decades. We address this research gap for Spain by focusing on the municipal level where minorities' inclusion remains of utmost importance. Conceptually, the article tackles the question of how the interplay between migrants' demographic concentration and specific party features shapes the outcomes of minority descriptive representation. Empirically, we bring novel evidence from an original survey with local party organizations across municipalities returning high shares of Romanian, Moroccan, Latin American, and EU14 migrants. We first demonstrate that, despite being particularly sizeable, all groups remain under-represented in Spanish local politics, although with important differences. At comparable levels of demographic concentration, EU14 and Latin American migrants are almost three times more likely than Romanian migrants and up to seven times more likely than Moroccan migrants to be fielded as candidates. EU14 candidates are also more successful in securing office. Second, our findings confirm that party features shape the contours of minority inclusion: Spanish left-wing and new parties present more diverse local candidacies and place minority office-seekers in safer electoral list positions than right-wing and established parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Manifestations of sickle cell disease (SCD) begin early in childhood and cause morbidity and decreased life expectancy. Hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (HSCT) is curative but associated with risk of mortality attributable to the transplant. This risk should be counterbalanced with SCD morbidity and mortality. A severity score using a Bayesian network model was previously validated to predict the risk of death in adult individuals with SCD. The objective of this study is to calculate the severity scores of participants in a multicenter cohort of Brazilians with SCD, using a previously published Bayesian network-derived score, associated with risk of death and then compare the severity scores between participants with and without an indication for HSCT as defined by the Brazilian Ministry of Health (MoH) criteria. This is an observational, retrospective study. We analyzed 2063 individuals with sickle cell anemia from the Recipient Epidemiology and Donor Evaluation Study-III Brazil SCD cohort and applied a Bayesian network-derived score to compare candidates and non-candidates for HSCT according to the Brazilian MoH transplant criteria. Classical statistical methods were used to analyze data and make comparisons. We compared severity scores between cohort members with (n = 431) and without (n = 1632) HSCT indications according to Brazilian MoH. Scores were not different in adult participants with ≥1 HSCT indication when compared to those with no indication (mean 0.342 versus 0.292; median 0.194 versus 0.183, P = .354) and receiver operating characteristic curves did not demonstrate an obvious threshold to differentiate participants with or without HSCT indications. Severity score may predict risk of death but does not differentiate HSCT candidates. Current indications should be evaluated to ensure that patients with more severe disease who might benefit from HSCT are appropriately identified.

Purpose: Accurate methods to determine dermal pharmacokinetics are important to increase the rate of clinical success in topical drug development. We investigated in an in vivo pig model whether the unbound drug concentration in the interstitial fluid as determined by dermal open flow microperfusion (dOFM) is a more reliable measure of dermal exposure compared to dermal biopsies for seven prescription or investigational drugs. In addition, we verified standard dOFM measurement using a recirculation approach and compared dosing frequencies (QD versus BID) and dose strengths (high versus low drug concentrations). Methods: Domestic pigs were topically administered seven different drugs twice daily in two studies. On day 7, drug exposures in the dermis were assessed in two ways: (1) dOFM provided the total and unbound drug concentrations in dermal interstitial fluid, and (2) clean punch biopsies after heat separation provided the total concentrations in the upper and lower dermis. Results: dOFM showed sufficient intra-study precision to distinguish interstitial fluid concentrations between different drugs, dose frequencies and dose strengths, and had good reproducibility between studies. Biopsy concentrations showed much higher and more variable values. Standard dOFM measurements were consistent with values obtained with the recirculation approach. Conclusions: dOFM pig model is a robust and reproducible method to directly determine topical drug concentration in dermal interstitial fluid. Dermal biopsies were a less reliable measure of dermal exposure due to possible contributions from drug bound to tissue and drug associated with skin appendages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little research has focused on how legislative candidates' personal electoral support develops over time and why. This study examines the vote trajectories of individual candidates and how they vary according to candidates' personal vote-earning attributes. Longitudinal data on over 1700 candidates who between 1999 and 2019 participated in two or more parliamentary elections in the Finnish open-list proportional representation system are analysed. The findings show that the average legislative candidate's personal support increases more rapidly in the beginning of his or her electoral career and then slows down gradually over time. However, there is large heterogeneity in vote trajectories depending on candidates' socio-demographic characteristics and personal vote-earning attributes. Some candidates enjoy instant success (local councillors and celebrity candidates), while others do not win more votes initially but manage to build loyal personal followings in their district and receive positive returns from repeated candidacy (young, women, and locally rooted candidates). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the electoral personalization of politics has stressed a trend towards a greater role of top prominent political figures (party leaders and ministers). This trend was described as centralized electoral personalization. Yet, this trend is merely one side of a more complex story. No leader attracts all voters' support, and other candidates manage to stand out despite lower resources and visibility. Using a unique dataset of 47,239 actual ballot papers cast for the 2018 Belgian local elections, we show that candidate-level, list-level and district-level factors result in distinct preference voting behaviour. While these factors lead to unmistakable forms of (de-)centralized personalized forms of elections, we furthermore, show that intermediary situations distinctively emerge. A significant number of 'subtop' candidates stand out among candidates, by attracting support from voters who do not support the mere leader of the list. This 'oligarchized personalization' would deserve greater attention in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of KUL Journal of Legal Studies / Studia Prawnicze KUL is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lubin / Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Why have the people running for Congress become more ideologically extreme over time, causing Congress to polarize? In this paper, we study how the pool of state legislators shapes the ideological distribution of congressional candidates. We geographically match state legislators to the US House districts that they could plausibly seek to represent. Although the national pool of state legislators has polarized over time, we find no evidence that they have polarized more where opportunities to win House seats are higher, or that more-extreme state legislators have become more likely to run for Congress relative to other state legislators in the same congressional districts. We conclude that the nationwide polarization of state legislators is particularly important in explaining the polarization of congressional candidates. The results emphasize the need to understand ideological selection into running for lower-level political offices in order to understand congressional polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Descriptive representation is shaped by more than the number of seats group members win—it is also informed by how group members hold on to seats long after election day. Drawing from the literatures on women of color, women, and minorities in politics, this study argues that the relationship between incumbents and descriptive representation is different among groups that hold distinctive political positioning and power. To uncover those differences, the article introduces a new measure called descriptive maintenance, which accounts for a group's ability to retain descriptive representation in a seat across unique group members and elections. This multidimensional approach expands current conceptualizations by treating incumbency and descriptive representation as interrelated, group-level, phenomena. This framework is tested using nearly 60,000 observations of state elections data in an analysis focused on a group of state legislative incumbents that has rarely been explicitly examined, and yet outnumbers all others: white men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has identified an alarming gap in migrants’ descriptive representation across Western European countries with long-standing immigration while showing that not all migrant groups are equally (un)successful in gaining elected office. However, little is known about migrants’ political presence in Southern European countries, which have experienced increased immigration in recent decades. We address this research gap for Spain by focusing on the municipal level where minorities’ inclusion remains of utmost importance. Conceptually, the article tackles the question of how the interplay between migrants’ demographic concentration and specific party features shapes the outcomes of minority descriptive representation. Empirically, we bring novel evidence from an original survey with local party organizations across municipalities returning high shares of Romanian, Moroccan, Latin American, and EU14 migrants. We first demonstrate that, despite being particularly sizeable, all groups remain under-represented in Spanish local politics, although with important differences. At comparable levels of demographic concentration, EU14 and Latin American migrants are almost three times more likely than Romanian migrants and up to seven times more likely than Moroccan migrants to be fielded as candidates. EU14 candidates are also more successful in securing office. Second, our findings confirm that party features shape the contours of minority inclusion: Spanish left-wing and new parties present more diverse local candidacies and place minority office-seekers in safer electoral list positions than right-wing and established parties.

Candidates for admission to engineering are graduates of mathematical physics. In the past few years, the number of students in mathematical physics has decreased sharply, which has reduced the number and quality of volunteers studying engineering in universities. This can have negative effects on the scientific and economic development of the country. In this study, first the Delphi method was used to identify factors that contribute to the decline of candidates studying engineering, based on the background of research and interviews. The second step was to prioritize these factors using the combined Dimatel approach and the network analysis process. The results of the study showed that the factors of education, future job opportunities, ability and interests of the person, family and parental opinion, and social and cultural, respectively, have the greatest interaction and communication with other factors. The results of the study of the criteria of factors also showed that the criteria for the existence of a greater perception of difficulty in studying and working in engineering disciplines, studying family members in other disciplines, the position and social status of studying in engineering disciplines are the most important among all the criteria that affect the reduction of candidates in engineering disciplines.

Technology has helped make it easier for people to connect without meeting in person. Social media makes it easier for humans to interact without the need to meet in person. Information that is spread via social media can also apply quickly. This study aims to determine prospective candidates' popularity through social media as a campaign stage for the 2019 General Election. The research method used is descriptive, with a qualitative approach. This study's data sources are primary and secondary. Data collection techniques used are observation, documentation, and literature study. The data analysis technique used is a qualitative descriptive analysis model. The research findings show that social media helps prospective candidates use it as a campaign tool. In addition, social media, as prospective candidates, use a platform to increase their popularity by sharing activity posts featuring promotions or career paths from prospective candidates through their social media. This influence has a good impact on society. Young people, in particular, seem to be drawn to politics via social media.

The registration for the 2024 presidential candidates began at the end of 2023, but the euphoria of the 2024 presidential candidates began to be felt since the beginning of 2022. Several survey institutions issued public opinions regarding several 2024 presidential candidates. Public opinion about the 2024 presidential candidates cannot only be obtained through direct interviews. Public opinion acquisition can also be done through social media such as Twitter. Therefore this research has the aim of studying communication networks and determining actors who hold influence in the #Prabowo and #anies baswedan network on Twitter social media. This study uses the Social Network Analysis (SNA) research method or social network analysis with the theory of Computer Mediated Communication. The results of this study show that #Prabowo's information spreads quickly and easily on Twitter. Based on data collected from 2,500 actors, there are a total of 682 interactions between actors in the #Prabowo network. The results of #anies baswedan show that this communication network has a relationship typetwo mode and the network is direct and has the direction of the main actor, namely #anies baswedan with valuedegree centrality 766 and the relationship between actors in this communication network is very close.

One of the most significant phenomena in contemporary politics is personalization. Several studies have shown that voters are more influenced by the characteristics of leaders and/or candidates than in the past. This analysis examines the paths of personalization taken by candidates in the single-member districts during the 2022 Italian General Election, contributing to the existing knowledge on decentralized personalization in the behavioural arena. Using an original dataset on candidates from the four main coalitions participating in the 2022 General Election (centre-right, centre-left, M5S, and Azione-Italia Viva), the study aims to assess how political professionalization, localness, and affiliation with radical/extremist parties influence the share of personal votes. Consistent with the literature, the research confirms that local candidates tend to receive a higher share of personal votes, while candidates from radical or extremist parties tend to receive less. The study also finds that political professionalization is associated with a decreased share of personal votes, adding complexity to the decentralization of personalization and the transformation of Italian parliamentary representation.

Our contribution sheds light on the dramaturgies of evaluation that precede candidate selection in academic organizations. The dramaturgies unfold across committee meetings, reviews, and reports that funnel the pool of candidates into a shortlist of prospective members. Because they are prolonged and not all stages involve copresence, the continuity and consistency of evaluative processes is a central dramaturgical problem. It highlights the constitutive role of written documents for the continuity and consistency of organizational evaluation processes. We marshal evidence from a comparative study on academic candidacy in two organizational settings: grantmakers, who select candidates for funding, and universities, who select candidates for professorships. Drawing on archived records produced in the context of research grant applications and professorial recruitments between 1950 and 2000, we distinguish two regimes of textual agency throughout the processes of evaluation: documents structure the process of candidate selection throughout dramaturgical stages, and they act as relays that transfer assessments of human actors across dramaturgical stages and time. In addition, by focusing on organizational access and showing how organizations make people before even hiring them, we draw attention to the emergence of a highly scripted dramatic figure in academic life: the candidate.

Choosing a candidate can be difficult in open‐list proportional representation systems, with many candidates on display. Under such circumstances, candidates' personal vote‐earning attributes (PVEAs) become useful for voters since PVEAs function as information shortcuts (heuristics) that reduce the cognitive costs of casting a ballot. However, recent research has demonstrated that more cognitively demanding information, namely candidates' ideological positions, also matters for candidates' electoral success. Yet, much is unknown about the circumstances under which ideology comes into play. In this study, we demonstrate that the availability of easily applied heuristics (operationalized via the level of recognizable candidates on party lists) conditions the effect of candidates' ideological positioning on intra‐party success. Our analyses show that ideology matters most when the share of recognizable candidates with typical PVEAs on the list is limited. The effect of ideological distance from the party gradually disappears as the share of recognizable candidates on the list increases. The results suggest that when the supply of candidates with PVEAs is limited, voters use ideological cues as the base for their voting decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Candidates for admission to engineering are graduates of mathematical physics. In the past few years, the number of students in mathematical physics has decreased sharply, which has reduced the number and quality of volunteers studying engineering in universities. This can have negative effects on the scientific and economic development of the country. In this study, first the Delphi method was used to identify factors that contribute to the decline of candidates studying engineering, based on the background of research and interviews. The second step was to prioritize these factors using the combined Dimatel approach and the network analysis process. The results of the study showed that the factors of education, future job opportunities, ability and interests of the person, family and parental opinion, and social and cultural, respectively, have the greatest interaction and communication with other factors. The results of the study of the criteria of factors also showed that the criteria for the existence of a greater perception of difficulty in studying and working in engineering disciplines, studying family members in other disciplines, the position and social status of studying in engineering disciplines are the most important among all the criteria that affect the reduction of candidates in engineering disciplines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We explore gender differences in politicians' re-contesting choices following electoral outcomes. • In French local elections, women are less likely to persist in competition when they lose compared to male runners-up. • They are equally or more prone than male winners to re-contest when they win. • Evidence suggests that results are driven by behavioral explanations such as crossgender differences in attitudes toward competition. This paper studies differences across genders in the re-contesting decisions of politicians following electoral wins or defeats. Using close races in mixed-gender French local elections, we show that women are less likely to persist in competition when they lose compared to male runners-up, but are equally or more prone than male winners to re-contest when they win. Differences in observable characteristics or in the expected electoral returns of running again cannot fully account for these gender gaps in persistence. In contrast, evidence suggests that results are driven by behavioural explanations such as cross-gender differences in candidates' attitudes toward competition, or by political parties behaving differently toward female and male candidates for a given electoral outcome. Additionally, we provide evidence that a woman's victory encourages former female challengers to re-contest but does not trigger the entry of new female candidates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As elsewhere across the globe, for the past two decades doctoral education in the UK has been in the throes of change. This article seeks to describe and analyse developments in 1) the national framework for doctoral education, 2) institutional structures, 3) doctoral programmes, 4) doctoral candidacy, 5) doctoral supervision and 6) doctoral examination. Multiple sources of evidence, including official documentation and the results of investigations of the public-facing websites of the 150 institutions providing doctoral programmes, are used. The conclusion shows that these changes have been far-reaching, particularly for supervisors, and a call is made for greater recognition of their contributions to doctoral education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The aim of this study was to determine the prevalence of HBsAg carriage in candidates for gendarmerie recruitment. Methods: This was a prospective cross-sectional study conducted from April 7, 2010 to September 12, 2010 at the Abidjan military hospital. It involved candidates for the national gendarmerie competitive examination who agreed to take part in the study. The parameters studied were socio-demographic characteristics, factors of exposure to the hepatitis B virus and the presence of HBs antigen in the blood. Data were analyzed using EPI INFO software. Proportions were compared using the chi-square test or the chi-square test with Yates correction, or Fischer's exact test when the conditions for applying chi-square were not met. The difference was statistically significant if p ≤ 0.05.Results: During the study period, we included 891 male candidates, whose average age was 22.5 years (18-26 years). The prevalence carriage of HBsAg in the candidates was 15.6%. The prevalence carriage of HBsAg was highest in candidates aged 18 years (24%), in married candidates (33.3%) and in those who had more than three sexual partners 6 months prior to the survey (19.4%).The prevalence carriage of HBsAg was also higher in candidates who had never used condoms (20.6%), in those who were transfused (27%). Conclusion: The prevalence of HBsAg carriage is high in candidates for gendarmerie recruitment. A policy of vaccination against HBV must be implemented to reduce HBsAg carriage in the army and in the ivorian population. Keywords: candidates, gendarmerie, HBsAg, Ivory Coast, prevalence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do working class candidates perform in primary elections? Working class candidates rarely emerge, but existing evidence suggests workers perform as well as white-collar candidates once on the ballot. However, this evidence comes from studies of general elections. It is unknown whether these findings extend to other types of elections like primaries, where candidates compete without the political and financial backing of a party. We collect and analyze novel data describing the occupational background of all candidates who competed in U.S. House primaries between 2008 and 2016. The results show that working class candidates received an average vote share 24 percentage points lower than nonworkers and are 31 percentage points less likely to win their primaries. Controlling for other candidate, contest, and district characteristics helps to attenuate the performance gap. We find mixed evidence that fundraising and prior officeholding experience moderates workers' performance, but weak or no evidence that voter bias, party affiliation, or primary type do so. The study suggests that workers struggle to compete in primaries and calls for further research explaining what prevents workers from winning public office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

POLLS CAN PROVIDE AN ANTICIPATION OF ELECTION RESULTS, PROVIDING POLITICAL PARTIES AND CANDIDATES USEFUL INFORMATION FOR THEIR CAMPAIGN STRATEGIES. THESE RESULTS MAY INFLUENCE DECISIONS REGARDING THE ALLOCATION OF RESOURCES AND THE FOCUS ON CERTAIN ASPECTS OF THE POLICY PLATFORM. SURVEY RESULTS CAN INFLUENCE PUBLIC OPINION BY CREATING OR REINFORCING PERCEPTIONS OF WINNERS OR LOSERS. THEY CAN AFFECT THE DECISION OF VOTERS, CAUSING THEM TO CHANGE OR CONSOLIDATE THEIR CHOICES DEPENDING ON THE RESULTS PRESENTED. THE SURVEY PRESENTED IN THIS ARTICLE PROVIDES INFORMATION ON THE POPULARITY OF THE CANDIDATES, THE PREFERENCES OF THE ELECTORATE, AND CHANGES IN OPINION THROUGHOUT THE CAMPAIGN. THIS DESCRIBED SURVEY IS MAINLY INTENDED TO ESTIMATE WHAT THE POPULATION'S PREFERENCES ARE REGARDING THE PROFILE OF THE FUTURE PRESIDENT, WHAT ARE THE QUALITIES NECESSARY FOR THIS AND WHAT ARE THE OPTIONS REGARDING THE TYPE OF PRESIDENT (INDEPENDENT OR REPRESENTATIVE OF A PARTY OR PARTY GROUPS). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Romanian Army needs a sufficient number of young individuals, strongly motivated for a military career, deeply committed to national values, and possessing an attitudinal profile that aligns with the performance standards required by established missions. This is because the profession of a soldier is robust and offers a future full of opportunities to those who choose it, and the military institution has the capacity to strengthen its position in the professional and educational offerings market. One of the essential missions of the Romanian Army is to identify the target audience compatible with the military institution in terms of aptitude and motivation, individuals who have a favorable attitude towards it or demonstrate interest or affinity for the military domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous work on candidate campaign finance in list proportional representation systems has focused on differential electoral returns of spending for incumbent and challenger candidates. This article asks whether incumbents and challengers in these systems fund election campaigns from different sources. We hypothesize that incumbents receive more: (a) contributions from individual and corporate donors; and (b) financial support from party organizations, as party elites strategically deploy resources to constrain intra-party competition. The analysis is based on a dataset on campaign funding sources of candidates for two legislative elections in Colombia (2014 and 2018). The results confirm that party organizations transfer more financial resources to incumbents than to challengers. Contrary to expectations, parties do not specifically support the electorally most vulnerable incumbents. We also find that challengers receive higher levels of non-corporate private donations than incumbents. These findings provide insights into individual campaigns and demonstrate how parties coordinate intra-party competition through campaign funding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Televised election debates are considered as the most important single campaign event. While a large body of research has analyzed their content, processing, impact, and media coverage, it has not yet been examined under which conditions candidates agree to debate. This is remarkable, as debates are a matter of course in only a few countries, and candidates are always renegotiating their participation with the television networks. Using a dataset covering all German federal and state elections between 1994 and 2022 (N = 108), we demonstrate that the broadcasting of televised debates is more likely if (1) there was a debate in the last election, (2) the fragmentation of the party system is low, and (3) the race is close. Furthermore, the likelihood for debates increases over time; also, the introduction of debates on the national level has stimulated the broadcast of debates in state elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A survey of 711 candidates for local offices in the United States, conducted in December 2021, reveals that many were concerned before they began their campaigns about the impact of politics on their work and family, the time demands of campaigning, their ability to raise funds, and their knowledge of the process, among other obstacles. Many candidates who had anticipated each concern found it less onerous than they had expected. Those who were parents, those with full-time jobs, and those who had experienced poverty as children were especially likely to have difficulty meeting work and family obligations while campaigning. Being liberal, being young, having less education, and experiencing poverty in childhood were all associated with concerns about being qualified to run. The study offers additional details about which backgrounds and experiences are associated with specific challenges in local campaigns. The results may inform efforts to recruit and support underrepresented candidates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Election to office is shaped by a series of decisions made by prospective candidates, parties, and voters. These choices determine who emerges and is ultimately selected to run, and each decision point either expands or limits the possibilities for more diverse representation. Studies of women candidates have established an important theoretical and empirical basis for understanding legislative recruitment. This study asks how these patterns differ when race and intersectionality are integrated into the analyses. Focusing on more than 800 political aspirants in Canada, I show that although white and racialized women aspire to political office at roughly the same rates, their experiences diverge at the point of party selection. White men remain the preferred candidates, and parties' efforts to diversify politics have mostly benefited white women. I argue that a greater emphasis on the electoral trajectories of racialized women and men is needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]