Search

China's economic and political development under the third term of Xi Jinping's leadership presents both opportunities and challenges, viewed by India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi. While there are potential rooms for cooperation and diplomatic engagement between India and China, there are also significant disagreements related to border disputes, trade imbalances, and geopolitical tensions. Navigating these dynamics requires careful diplomacy, strategic arrangements, and a balance of interests among the leaders in both countries. However, the conflict between India and China is potentially and geopolitically inevitable because of several key factors inherent in the international system. Since both are rising powers, seeking to assert their influence and interests either regionally or globally; moreover, both states have strong nationalist sentiments that can be mobilized by ambitious leaders to justify assertive policies and provocative tongues, making it difficult to compromise on unresolved problems and easier to ignite a destructive blaze. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The assertion of (territorial) nationalism by Nepal has serious implications for its bilateral relationship with India. Once dominant, the singular narrative of the upper-caste Hindu Parbatiya nationalism is increasingly encountering competing narratives emerging from the marginalised Janajatis and the Madhesis of Nepal. Accordingly, several nationality sentiments that were sidelined earlier have now become salient. While the India factor in these competing perspectives of nationalist discourses in Nepal appears to be subtle (but important), the growing territorial dimensions to it invariably locates India in a prominent position. This article investigates the implications of the changing dynamics of Nepal's nationalism on its bilateral relationship with India. Looking at the internal dynamics of nationalism discourses in Nepal, the article offers a critical analysis of the territorial disputes between India and Nepal, and its implications on nationalism in Nepal and on the bilateral relationships between India and Nepal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zgodovinski Casopis is the property of Zveza Zgodovinskih Drustev Slovenije and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article traces the border disputes between Assam and her neighbouring states in North East India, and observes that it is purely a legacy of colonial rule in the region. Tribal territories in North East India were demarcated in the province of Assam one after another and foot hills were declared as reserved forests which are now the border dispute zone. Nagaland, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh began to face border dispute with Assam after their separation from Assam. The present border dispute between Assam and Mizoram is in the 509 square miles reserved forest area which Mizoram claims it as its area since pre-colonial era but Assam also made similar claims to it. Mizoram advocates solution of the problem on the basis of the notification of 1875 but Assam advocates for solution of the problem as per notification of 1933. There is no clear-cut mention of inter-state boundary to be claimed as constitutional boundary. Hence, amicable solution of the border dispute may possibly be achieved only through political dialogue between the two states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian and Soviet governments believed the border to be a social and political construct. They often described and considered it as a foreign policy issue and a point of military vulnerability. In the course of 70 years of Sino-Russian relations since 1949, the border turned from a porous imperial fringe to a line of defense, a zone of economic growth, and a zone of economic anxiety. Throughout this evolution process, the Russian central government failed to grant agency to the local authorities and indigenous communities. The article argues that the current Russian federal government entrusts the local government with two conflicting goals in the borderlands: building strong cross-border ties and maintaining a "strong vertical of power" with top-down management and absolute supremacy of national security matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of national defense predominantly refers to the protection of the sovereignty of an independent state. This article addresses such aspect country's power as the inviolability of borders. The report aims to consider the problem of the settlement of border disputes between Indonesia and Malaysia. In this case, the dimensions of national defense are not only determined by the presence of military forces but also by non-military forces such as aspects of economic growth and infrastructure in the borderlands. The methodological basis of the research constitutes a qualitative method, triangulation technique, and purposive techniques (interviews and focus group discussions). The authors draw conclusions that institutions to handle problems at the border already exist, but there are still some obstacles at the technical level; for example, centers and regions have problems with their coordination. Furthermore, today when solving border issues, it is also necessary to pay attention to economic well-being and the threat of transnational crime, if the last is considered from a non-traditional security perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The Transcaucasian states waged war with each other and desperately wanted to find some disinterested party to resolve their territorial disputes in 1918–1921. The territory was first occupied by the countries of the Triple Alliance, then by the Entente countries, and each of them contributed to the formation or resolution of territorial disputes. Methods and materials. Based on the historical-systemic and historical-genetic approaches, the author determines which territorial changes were proposed in the region by representatives of the United States and why. The documents collected in the State Archive of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Archive of Political Documents of the Office of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and the National Archive of Armenia were involved for analysis. Analysis. The influence of the United States on the solution of territorial issues was determined by the general approach to the territory as passing into a mandate state. During the discussion of this issue, the understanding of the American representatives about the borders of this zone expanded first from Armenia in a general sense to Transcaucasia, and then narrowed to the borders of Turkish Armenia, which brought them back to the issue of the borders of the Republic of Armenia. At the same time, representatives working in the region proposed a plan for interstate disengagement, different from the British plan, and tried to introduce a governor-general in the disputed territory. Results. The remoteness from the region, the presence of a single channel of information about it through the Armenian Diaspora in the United States affected the narrow perception of the situation in the region by American representatives. The issue of the adoption of a mandate over Armenia or Transcaucasia and Armenia somehow got connected with the issue of costs for its effective implementation. The failed attempt to create an American governor-general in the disputed territories recorded a lack of understanding of the situation in the region and the possibilities of its control and provoked more conflicts between Armenians and Azerbaijani.

Copyright of Studia z Dziejów Panstwa i Prawa Polskiego is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines Baltic German research expeditions to the north-western Caucasus, including Abkhazia, in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, and analyses the results of these trips. Although some of these researchers, such as Peter Simon Pallas and Heinrich Klaproth, came from Germany, most of the researchers were from the Baltic provinces of the Russian tsarist state: Johann Anton Güldenstädt, Otto Moritz Ludwig von Engelhardt, Johann Jacob Friedrich Wilhelm Parrot, and Theodor von Tornau. The main focus of the article is on the descriptions of the north-western region of Abkhazia, where the historical region Dzhigetia or Small Abkhazia is located, and which was inhabited by the Dzhiget ethnic group until the 1860s. Using data from Baltic German authors, especially Theodor von Tornau, an attempt is made to answer the question of whether or not Dzhigetians belonged to the Abkhazians. The article provides an overview of the historical location and fate of Dzhigets in the 19th century. In general, the descriptions of the peoples of the Caucasus provided by the authors of the late 18th and early 19th centuries are superficial and do not follow a uniform classification. Therefore, their interpretation offers different possibilities today. The examples of recent interpretations given in the article convince us that Russian and Abkhaz authors have interpreted earlier authors differently. The most comprehensive accounts of Dzhigetia come from Theodor von Tornau, and it can be argued that the Dzhigetians were an Abkhaz ethnic group. The question of the affiliation of Dzhigets is important in today’s border disputes between Abkhazia and Russia. In the last decade, Russia has made territorial claims to Abkhazia in the region of historic Dzhigetia. It is also declared among the Russian scientific community that Dzhigetia is not historically-ethnically within the borders of Abkhazia. However, Tornau’s data refute these statements of Russian authors. The ethnicity of the peoples of the border areas would probably not solve today’s border problems, but would give to the parties of the dispute symbolic capital and moral support to defend their positions.

Copyright of Al Malweah for Archaeological & Historical Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A fundamental concern of social science scholarship on borders is the need to understand their dynamics, geopolitics, and impacts as social processes. This study aims to understand the politics of re-determination of municipal borders, and provides an account of why the new municipal re-determination contributed to disputes. A mixed-methods approach, combining interviews, documents and observations was undertaken, and the data collected underwent qualitative analysis. Attempts by the Municipal Demarcation Board to re-determine borders led to violent demarcation protests. Lack of consultation, ethnicity/language differentiation, and limited socio-economic opportunities following the re-determination of borders were the main issues that intensified the dispute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines what modernismo can reveal about lo andino. In so doing, I argue that trans-Andean is a more expansive term that accounts for the temporal, spatial, and cultural instability of what constitutes the contours and boundaries of the Andes. I underscore some of the recent work related to literary and cultural studies that has specifically theorized the Andean to offer some considerations as to why trans-Andean may be a more capacious concept for engaging with studies on the Andes, if the emphasis is to truly decentralize a nationalist perspective and offer a comparative analysis. To situtate literary production produced in the Andes in relation to modernismo, the article provides an overview and also suggests how studies on modernismo might benefit from engaging with adjacent fields such as New Modernist Studies. I then turn my attention to short stories that appear in the collection Los hijos del sol (1912) by Abraham Valdelomar and Las cosechas (1913) [1960], a novel by Miguel Ángel Corral, as case studies that elicit a rethinking of modernismos in its plural sense and from a distinct trans-Andean vantage point, one that oscillates from national to regional concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In February 2018, the European Union (EU) announced the Strategy for the Western Balkans’ European integration that introduced a new momentum in the conditionality policy, which has the potential to decisively impact the pace and success of enlargement process. That addition to the conditionality policy concerns requirement to settle any open border issues prior to accession to the EU. Thus, this paper is assessing how border disputes could impact the integration processes of countries of the region in the light of the new conditionality. In addition, it will discuss one particular open border dispute in the Western Balkans involving the most advanced candidate country in the accession process (Montenegro) and the youngest member country (Croatia) over the Prevlaka peninsula.

This study focuses on the border disputes, especially the Chinese, Indian, Azerbaijani and Armenian conflicts. The study sheds light on knowing the borders' functions and trends as well as the reasons for those disputes and the positions and justifications of the parties that are intervened to support one of these parties. The study reaches to the conclusion that there is a difference in the reasons and motives for raising those disputes and the tools used by each party to resolve the border dispute. It shows, as well, the difference in the motives for the intervention of the supporting parties, one against the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Maetagused is the property of Estonian Literary Museum, Department of Folkloristics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For centuries Podlasie had been one of Poland's most forested regions. Even its name was sometimes interpreted as a land "under forests". Apart from the Białowieża Forest in the District of Kamenets, incorporated in 1566 into the new Province of Brest-Litowsk, the most forested area was the region around Bielsk. In addition to ducal (royal) forests, there were also private forests belonging to large noble families, residing mainly in the western part of the region. The aim of the present article is to take a closer look at forests belonging to the nobility as well as the fact that their estates neighboured on forested royal estates throughout the sixteenth century. The colonisation of these worn-torn lands, begun in the late fourteenth century, occurred largely in forest areas, which had to be cleared to make way for villages and arable land. As settlement developed, numerous border disputes arose. They were particularly frequent in the first half of the sixteenth century, until the land reform carried out at the time. After conflicts, sometimes long-standing, over borders were resolved, there began divisions of forests within groups of villages with the same name / origins of their owners. The disputes also involved heirs to the same village. In order to put an end to them the institution of inhibitio was called upon from the 1650s onwards. As a result of this sorting out of ownership issues, the nobility, especially in the first two interregnum periods, turned to royal forest domains, causing damage in trees and animals. Poaching was hard to control given the limited number of forest guards. As a comparison of court records from Brańsk from 1561 and 1591 has demonstrated, forest cases were part of the everyday reality for petty nobility in the Podlasie region in the sixteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the study is to newly reflect on the issue which has not been fully analysed within Moravian and Slovak historiography. Testimonies of the witnesses involved in border disputes over exact delineation of the borderline between Moravia and the Kingdom of Hungary in 16th – 18th centuries represent highly valuable material which has a potential of versatile interpretation. We focus on testimonies from a particular area of Vršatec, Lednica, Trenčín and Brumov manors using historical – anthropological approach. Despite the fact that we regard the witnesses as capable of providing credible information, the sources are critically analysed and compared to older publications on the topic. The study reflects on the problematic of specific border signs such as stone circles and their reflection in the testimonies, furthermore the most important aspects of the process of near-border agricultural colonization are described and examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers de Sciences Politiques de l'UL is the property of Cahiers de Science Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article “The controversy around the current Serbian borders: a real challenge in the country's way to European Union membership” provides an overview of border and territorial disputes between the Republic of Serbia and its neighbours in the Western Balkans. These problems have not been solved more than a quarter of a century. In the new EU strategy from February 2018 'A credible enlargement perspective for and enhanced EU engagement with the Western Balkans', it is said that Serbia and Montenegro can become members of the EU in 2025. This is possible in case that countries meet the conditions for membership and overcome their border disputes with their neighbours. A special place is given to the reasons for many unsettled border issues between post Yugoslav states. The focus is on the complex relations between Serbia and Kosovo, which should sit at the negotiating table and resolve the many controversial issues between them. One of the most important is the regulation of borders and the recognition of Kosovo's independence from Serbia. The idea of "correction" of the border between the two countries was commented, as well as the modern hostile relations between the countries. It is concluded that now an agreement between Serbia and the former Serbian province seems less likely than ever and explains why. The article sheds light on the complex border problems between Serbia and Croatia about the border of the Danube River, as well as the outstanding border issues between Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The conclusions are that Serbia will not be able to fulfill all the conditions for EU membership and the process of European integration of the country will be delayed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts with a review of the literature on border disputes; It deals with our way of apprehending border disputes in their different forms, from the perspectives of our past and current understanding of what war is. The thesis presented here is that the recent systematic approach to what war is, leads to a more precise definition of border disputes; and in particular territorial disputes as the leading cause of war in modern history.

In February 2018, the European Union (EU) announced the Strategy for the Western Balkans' European integration that introduced a new momentum in the conditionality policy, which has the potential to decisively impact the pace and success of enlargement process. That addition to the conditionality policy concerns requirement to settle any open border issues prior to accession to the EU. Thus, this paper is assessing how border disputes could impact the integration processes of countries of the region in the light of the new conditionality. In addition, it will discuss one particular open border dispute in the Western Balkans involving the most advanced candidate country in the accession process (Montenegro) and the youngest member country (Croatia) over the Prevlaka peninsula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Trebizond conference is usually considered as the failed peace meeting of the Transcaucasian Sejm and the Ottoman Empire delegates. Researching the documents in the National Armenian Archive we could compare the declarations of the conference delegates with the unofficial negotiations by the delegates of the Transcaucasian Sejm. The Ottoman Empire delegation using the military forces as well as the diplomatic experience could introduce their head as the conference chairman and determine the frames of the negotiations. Obviously the Turkish delegation insisted on two issues: the date of the Transcaucasian Republic recognition, and their borders. Both issues contradicted the terms of the Brest Treaty. The Ottoman Empire obtained the new Caucasian state to recognize the treaty previously signed without its participation. The Caucasian delegates considered the Brest Treaty as a betrayal and refused to adopt it, but being not recognized as a state they felt no legal base to continue their policy. Consequently, they had to follow the diplomatic rules provided by Ottoman Empire delegation and to discuss the border line. But in the course of the border negotiations they could not reach the inner unity, and the interests of delegates were disintegrated. This discussion later became the base for disintegration of the Transcaucasian Republic. As a result, the Turkish policy forced the Transcaucasian delegates to recognize: 1) the Brest Treaty; 2) the contradictory national interests within the Transcaucasian Republic. The latest fact disintegrated their military forces in the front of the Turkish army.

Relations between India and China, two of the oldest living civilizations had been warm, friendly and cooperative for centuries. Both nations had established greater linkages through cultural exchanges and trade throughout history. Ancient trade and religious pilgrimages had been flourishing through the ancient silk route for centuries. After independence, the civilizational relationship gains new momentum and the spirit of 'Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai'guided a new era of the Asian century. However, the brotherhood spirit started deteriorating after the Tibetan Uprising of1959, leading to a trust deficit and subsequent border disputes. In 1962, both the neighbours engage a brief war and stand to juxtapose in many regional and global issues. Over the years, Chinese has emerged as a major international player and India's China policy has undergone a dynamic change to balance the Chinese threat. In this background, the current paper is intended to highlight the dynamics of India's China policy and analyse the changing relationship between India and China over theyears. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as a regional organization is gaining importance as the Asian region is integrating with converging interests of two major powers, China and Russia in the contemporary setting. These two major powers can create diplomatic readiness in the regional environment for both the countries and can play a constructive role in the conflict resolution between Pakistan and India. The organization is a result of the successful mechanism for dispute resolution among the primary members that gives its mandate and forming history, an operational example for both hostile countries in aspects such as lowering border tensions and confidence building. This can be achieved through its various bilateral channels which would increase contact forums, leading to track one as well as track two diplomacy and dialogue between both countries with the support of other SCO members. The prospects of border dispute resolution are high as SCO has played a positive role in reducing tensions, settling border disputes, maintaining stability and developing cooperation between member states in the past. Efforts for lowering of tensions and regional harmony in South Asia, facilitated by SCO, would truly make this century the 'Asian Century'. The article is an attempt to highlight the role of SCO in resolving conflict between India and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What determines the success of a peaceful settlement attempt of a border dispute? In order to fully understand why decision makers choose to put an end to an ongoing conflict, it is necessary to consider the social trust levels of the general populations in both states. International conflict settlement requires public support at the domestic level. If a state’s general population perceives the potential dangers of a settlement as too severe, the conclusion of a peace agreement will be difficult. We argue that high levels of social trust allow citizens (1) to favor more conciliatory foreign policies and (2) to be more optimistic about the future behavior of other states. In democratic settings, these public attitudes serve as powerful constraints for decision makers. As a result, high aggregate levels of social trust should be directly related to concession-granting behavior by democracies as well as effective dispute settlement among jointly democratic dyads. We test these expectations with a new aggregate-level measure of social trust and find mixed support for our hypotheses: While trust does not influence the behavior of challenger states, it does have strong effects on democratic target states and jointly democratic dyads. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Contributions to Contemporary History / Prispevki za Novejšo Zgodovino is the property of Prispevki za Novejso Zgodovino and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Many researchers have focused on the role colonialism has played in causing interstate border disputes in Africa. Besides the colonial issue, this paper seeks to investigate what other factors fuel interstate border disputes in Africa and determine how effectively the disputes can be resolved. In recent decades, Africa has been tormented by and is still experiencing numerous interstate border disputes which have serious implications for the disputing states. Some of the disputes are resolved, but violations of human rights and instability still occur in these regions. By analysing the content of some relevant documents and with the use of interviews, this paper reveals that most disputing African states rely heavily on foreign intervention (especially by their erstwhile colonial masters) in the resolution of their disputes. It is argued that African leaders need to be more committed and exhibit better leadership in resolving their border disputes, and that they should always seek the expertise of African forums such as the African Union (AU) before calling for foreign intervention. It is suggested that African leaders and the AU understand the problems of Africans better than anyone else, and they are also the ones mostly greatly affected by these disputes. Thus, there needs to be more of a focus on addressing the root causes of disputes in order to avoid them resurfacing, rather than seeking to merely halt them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under which circumstances do two democracies involved in a dispute decide to pursue binding conflict management? I argue that the existing literature is incomplete. In order to fully understand why democratic decision makers choose arbitration or adjudication over alternative strategies, it is necessary to consider the social trust levels of the general populations in both states. During arbitration and adjudication, states give up sovereignty in a crucial domain of foreign policy. This loss of control should be less problematic for high-trusting societies than their low-trusting counterparts. If citizens are generally optimistic about the behavior of strangers, they are more likely to place their country’s interests under the control of others. Furthermore, since the general population poses smaller constraints on decision makers in nondemocratic settings, I expect the effect of trust to be strongest in democratic dyads. An empirical analysis with a new data set of social trust provides support for this hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geographic maps and cartographic representations have become the new battle arenas where countries contest claims regarding territorial ownership, the exact location of borders and the names of disputed places. This paper analyzes the role of traditional and digital maps in asserting national identity and reinforcing claims of ownership by examining the case of Dokdo Island (South Korean name) or Takeshima Islands (Japanese name). According to the research findings, both countries understand that maps from earlier imperialistic periods have no legal value in proving their claims of sovereignty. Nevertheless, both make extensive use of historical maps as perceptual and propaganda weapons in order to gain a moral advantage in presenting their territorial claims as well as to shape the collective national consciousness.

This study analyzes the border disputes of Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, respectively. Both settled and unsettled disputes are encompassed. The study outlines the settlements reached and the remaining unsettled disputes. Furthermore, the broader trends in managing the border disputes are analyzed and remaining challenges, both in implementing agreements and in managing the unsettled disputes, are addressed. So are the implications for regional conflict management. The study displays that both Laos and Vietnam have made considerable progress in both managing and settling their existing border disputes, whereas Cambodia has thus far been less successful. --- Dieser Beitrag analysiert Grenzstreitigkeiten Kambodschas, Laos und Vietnams. Gelöste und ungelöste Konflikte, als auch weitere Trends im Management von Grenzstreitigkeiten werden dabei betrachtet. Herausforderungen in der Umsetzung von Vereinbarungen sowie in der Schlichtung noch ungelöster Dispute und deren Implikationen auf das regionale Konfliktmanagement werden adressiert. Die Studie zeigt auf, dass Laos und Vietnam beträchtliche Fortschritte im Management und in der Lösung ihrer Grenzstreitigkeiten gemacht machen, während Kambodscha bis dato weniger erfolgreich war.

Border disputes, conflicts, and war have long existed and have evidenced impacts on financial markets. However, the extant literature needs to be revisited in light of existing contributions and underlying gaps to provide further insights into future research agendas. We conducted a bibliometric analysis of 215 articles published in high-quality journals to show the publication and citation trends in the war literature concentrated on financial markets. Concomitantly, while highlighting the most influential articles, contemporary themes, and the intellectual structure of the war literature on financial markets, we show the top contributing journals with the most prolific authors and their affiliated countries. Extant literature sheds light on how border disputes, conflicts, and war, while impacting macroeconomic variables, have impacted returns, volatility, and stability of the global financial markets. We provide eight clusters defining the concentration of the available literature and six broader areas directing future research. • We provide a systemic literature review of border conflict effects on financial markets. • We identify major players and authors, highlight crucial journals and show how the area has evolved. • The extant literature is concentrated around eight clusters. • We provide six broader areas directing future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Impact of Indo-China border disputes on Indian stock market is examined. • Different sectoral indices react differently to different categories of events. • Higher risk and volatility lead to higher returns during post-event period. • The findings provide implications for policymakers, investors, and researchers in emerging markets. We show heterogeneous impacts of two sorts of events using a sample of six events arising from the Indian border disputes in 2020. The NIFTY's sectoral indices reacted heterogeneously to both events. While a few sectors evidenced positive and negative abnormal returns, others were unaffected by the events. The cross-section of the abnormal returns reveals that higher risk and volatility lead to higher returns during the post-event window. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses border dispute between Croatia and Slovenia along the lower reaches of the Dragonja River, acute since the two countries gained independence in 1991. It is the most hotly contested border dispute point between the two countries except for the maritime border in Bay of Piran. The area with small villages of Mlini-Škrile, Bužini and Škodelin is known in the literature as the “area along the Dragonja River”, "the area of double records" or "the case of four villages". The paper begins by describing reasons for the southern border of the Municipality of Piran from geographic and economic aspects. It focuses on changes of borders from the legal aspect between and after World War Two. Situation on site is described for the last 60 years, based on a field research. The paper concludes by outlining the principle of international law “uti possidetis” and its possible implications for the area in question.

This paper examines the differential impact of Chinese citizens’ use of traditional media and Internet sources on their political views about the country’s territorial dispute with Japan over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. Chinese citizens can utilize a variety of conduits of information that allow varying degrees of government control over the way foreign affairs and other controversies are presented. Those who rely on mainstream, state-controlled television, radio, and printed media for information on the disputes, and those who turn to less-prescriptive sources on the Internet, can be expected to have distinctive political attitudes. We use original 2013 Chinese survey data to explore patterns of media consumption and citizens’ attention levels towards the Sino-Japanese island dispute, and views regarding the government’s performance in handling the issue and appropriate policy responses. Those who derive their information from traditional media tend to view the government’s performance more positively, and are more likely both to favour compromise and to oppose the use of military force. By comparison, information from Internet sources, which is more user selfselective, sustains a wider range of attitudes about the Sino-Japanese island dispute and the appropriate policies for dealing with it, including both militaristic and moderate stances. All told, we find that Chinese citizens bring distinctive predispositions to their consumption of media information on this issue, but our results also clearly reflect an ongoing, pervasive influence for China’s state-run traditional media. These findings have important implications for considering the resilience of authoritarian systems in the Internet era. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]