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Very little research has focused on types of cooperation between different civil society organizations at the domestic level. This article fills this gap by developing the distinction between organization‐based and society‐based cooperation. Examining Hong Kong's unique political system, the paper highlights both types. The Save Our Country Park Alliance (SOCP) exemplifies organization‐centric collaboration, requiring consensus among diverse NGOs, which can hinder decision‐making. Conversely, the Save Lantau Alliance (SLA) demonstrates society‐centric cooperation with flexible, quick mobilization through core active member organizations and collaboration with pro‐democratic groups. Despite the 2020 National Security Law forcing many liberal organizations to disband, the SLA persists in its efforts to preserve Lantau, though it faces increased challenges in an environment hostile to society‐based activism. This distinction enhances our understanding of civil society alliances in varying political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a lack of research examining how right-wing extremist groups justify their key claims online to reach a broader audience. This question is even more worrisome when considering a Canadian context, given Canada's state policies on multiculturalism and intolerance of hateful rhetoric. My research draws on the gaps within the literature of right-wing extremism, online spaces, and justification of discourse by conducting a content analysis of 300 Facebook and Twitter posts from the accounts of three Canadian right-wing extremist groups, ID Canada, Soldiers of Odin BC, and Yellow Vests Canada. This article proposes the use of French theorist Boltanski and Thévenot's sociology of critical capacity common worlds to help explain how right-wing extremist groups make arguments that are quite extreme to a broad audience of people on social media. Such claims include advocating for a homogenized Canadian identity and Canadian values, promoting a belief in social decay, and supporting authoritarianism. However, these claims are not overt; rather right-wing extremist groups discuss apolitical topics to mask controversial views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Ciência & Saúde Coletiva is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Pos-Graduacao em Saude Coletiva and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the critical shift in geographical knowledge production under the increasingly authoritarian political regime in Turkey, particularly in the aftermath of the unsuccessful 2016 coup attempt. In this context, semi-structured interviews were conducted with sixteen young geographers who experienced the authoritarian shift in the political regime during their graduate studies. The narratives of the interviewees indicate that the young geographers have undergone a critical transformation with two significant aspects: firstly, they reject the traditional style of geographical knowledge production and instead embrace approaches integrated with social theory, drawing from the extensive portfolio of contemporary geography. Secondly, they approach socio-spatial phenomena in a libertarian and critical manner, distinct from the lenses of the authoritarian system. However, due to their legitimate concerns, they often refrain from presenting such research on academic platforms. In this regard, under an authoritarian regime, the critical transformation consists of two dimensions: the arena where geographical products are shared, and the underground, where geographical ‘black boxes’ are held and kept hidden from public view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the exponential growth of the number of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in China during the recent decades? Moving beyond the extant literature that focuses on the strategic relationship between NGOs and the local state, this article argues that the growth can be also attributed to the central state which has focused on the promotion of different types of NGOs throughout time. The proactive role of the central state has become more conspicuous under the Xi Jinping administration where the party‐state plays a more active role in maneuvering the growth of a service‐oriented third sector. This adaptive strategy has led to the counterintuitive phenomenon of an increase in institutional space for NGOs in authoritarian China, especially the social service‐oriented NGOs in recent years. This article draws from theories of institutional change to explain the process through which the central state has expanded institutional space for NGOs throughout time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Memoria de la Educación is the property of Historia y Memoria de la Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ñawi: Arte, Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Escuela Superior Politecnica del Litoral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El artículo estudia la recepción y la interpretación de Maquiavelo en el mundo atlántico de habla hispana (España e Hispanoamérica) entre 1914 y 1950, focalizándose en las consideraciones que desplegaron acerca del pensamiento del autor florentino destacados profesores argentinos y españoles de Derecho Político y de Filosofía del Derecho, entre ellos: Mariano de Vedia y Mitre, Faustino Legón, Tomás Casares, Adolfo Posada, Luis Legaz y Lacambra y Francisco Javier Conde. A través de este análisis, el artículo aborda dos problemas: la recepción académica y universitaria de Maquiavelo, y las características del pensamiento político liberal y antiliberal durante el período seleccionado.

Compreender as emaranhadas relações entre o neoliberalismo e a subjetividade humana se constituiu o principal escopo deste estudo. Outrossim, a partir disso, buscou-se, também, apreender sistematicamente as tessituras associativas do estatuto do Supereu com a lógica de funcionamento neoliberal, de modo a estabelecer nexos de ligação junto ao fenômeno psíquico da autoridade e do autoritarismo. Esta pesquisa se propôs diante de uma perspectiva baseada, fundamentalmente, no método de investigação psicanalítico, cujo parâmetro se sustenta na premissa da análise interpretativa de fenômenos subjetivos e sociais. Assim, é possível pensar que no contemporâneo há modos de subjetivação que se encontram esvaziados pelo que, outrora, era regulada pela função paterna, pelo Nome-do-Pai. Este fato corrobora a efetivação de um funcionamento social traçado pelo chamado Imperativo de Gozo, que se traduz na assídua demanda por felicidade, o que foi denominado, por alguns autores, por hedonismo exacerbado. Há, no entanto, um resto que é produto dessa manifestação comunitária: o desamparo. Similarmente, há uma proposição paradigmática que estabelece um modo de defesa estrutural que traduz a especificidade do período contemporâneo, chamado de desmentido da privação. Este conceito erige a concepção da imagem não-introjetada da função paterna, o que engloba a sua queda estatutária; resulta, assim, uma constituição psíquica fundada na radicalidade rigorosa do Supereu, por meio da sua imperiosa deliberação: goza! Por fim, a contemporaneidade é engendrada, diante de um ponto de vista, como um hiato marcado pela negação do regimento da Lei fundante. E sobre isso, a partir da queda do estatuto da alteridade, o neoliberalismo se constitui como gerenciador das políticas do sofrimento subjetivo do mundo contemporâneo, do mal-estar humano. Assim, a articulação entre o Real, o Simbólico e o Imaginário, pode ser pensada de maneiras distintas do que havia sido expresso em períodos anteriores.

Este artigo busca compreender o legado autoritário brasileiro e sua relação com os recentes episódios de censura às artes. Para tal, o estudo realiza um levantamento das produções culturais censuradas e/ou alvo de ataques de grupos conservadores no período entre junho de 2017 e março de 2020. Foram consideradas as produções que se enquadraram em três critérios: foram alvo de ação conservadora de julgamento ou criminalização da arte; tiveram repercussão nacional na mídia mainstream; envolveram reação e/ou mobilização em defesa das manifestações artísticas. Argumentamos que o atual cenário de ruptura democrática aflorou o passado autoritário do país, o que contribuiu por desencadear diversos episódios de censura. Partimos dos conceitos de autoritarismo, censura e liberdade de expressão aliados à análise de conteúdo para empreender tal reflexão.

Guatemala's 2023 was defined by the year's most stunning and tumultuous election in all Latin America. After his shocking second-place finish in the first round, little-known anti-corruption candidate Bernardo Arévalo of the young Movimiento Semilla party won the presidency. Following years of increasing democratic decline and a vicious lawfare campaign against regime opponents, the 2023 election, which was meant to further bolster authoritarianism, became a democratic breakthrough. This article takes stock of the 2023 electoral cycle, analyzing the social, political, and international factors favorable for authoritarian consolidation alongside the surprising dynamics of democratic resilience. Guatemala's recent anti-democratic slide was spurred not by executive aggrandizement but by prosecutorial and judicial entities on a political mission and intent on using legal instruments to criminalize dissent. However, through a combination of divisions in the ruling coalition, momentum from prior anti-corruption mobilization, and robust international backing, actors from below, namely indigenous communities and the broad-based opposition movement cultivated by Semilla, saved Guatemalan democracy. In so doing, they carved a path toward political renewal that few could have imagined a year earlier, though its promises remain fragile and uncertain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This first article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue examines the Narendra Modi regime in India. Often acerbic political rhetoric is attached to official policies of the regime, creating fear and hopelessness within sections of the population. In this study, five sets of political activities of the government are evaluated. First, cultural authoritarianism became apparent with complicity toward "cow vigilantism," slapping sedition charges against those showing political dissent, banning the history books of selected progressives, and stereotyping sections of the left and liberals as antinationals. Second, the demonetization policy was implemented without adequately following the economic protocols of the state. Third, the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Bill indicates the thwarting of democratic and federalist ideas. Fourth, the Citizenship Amendment Act and the National Register of Citizens exercise in Assam demonstrate the communal‐fascist worldview of the regime in profiling population groups. Finally, the sloppy handling of the COVID‐19 pandemic and the new Information Technology rules show the government's callous approach toward science and privacy. By analyzing such political activities, the article points out that majoritarian religious nationalism, coupled with authoritarianism, has been the ideological expression of the Modi regime, coexisting with both state surveillance and electoral democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the extent of involvement of religious political leaders and their apparent, rather reluctant, acceptance by the Pakistani public seen in recent times. The study also analyzes the role of religious leaders in giving way to right‐wing extremism or Islamic militarism and how this challenges the writ of the state. I hope to shed light on the state‐religious scholars' nexus, forging a lasting impression in the minds of the public of their coexistence. Religious leaders have been seen to support or gain currency at the time of autocratic rulers, which is evident in the history of the martial law regimes of General Zia ul Haq and General Pervez Musharraf. This study also examines the compromise of weak democratic parties in the intervening period between the two dictatorships as well as the recent rise of political as well as religious extremism. I examine the coexistence of the state‐religious scholars' nexus where religious sentiments, often leading to extremist views, are being played for political gains by the religious political leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the implementation of progressive national policies and the adherence to numerous international conventions aimed at eradicating gender‐based violence and violence against women, incidents of violence against women in post‐war Sri Lanka are on the rise. This research delves into the intersection of post‐war populist politics supported by religious extremists and the resulting violence perpetrated against women, as well as its repercussions on women's well‐being. We are interested in locating the specific mechanisms through which religious extremism, authoritarian populism, and violence against women are connected. Our findings indicate that post‐war populist politics, backed by Buddhist religious extremists and the post‐war Sinhalese‐Buddhist hegemonic state's re‐building project, have generated dialectical relationships with Sri Lanka's minorities—Tamils and Muslims. These relationships are partially enacted through different forms of gender violence. This has consequences for all women. As successive confrontations deepen, the deterioration of these relationships exacerbates the likelihood of violence and reinforces a culture of impunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Maldives commenced its transition to democracy after its first multiparty elections in 2008. This was challenging due to the Maldives being a Muslim nation, its authoritarian legacy of monarchical rule before independence, and by dictatorship after independence. This article analyzes the postindependence rule periods of Ibrahim Nasir and Maumoom Abdul Gayoom, which were akin to one‐man dictatorships. The third autocratic president postindependence, Abdulla Yameen, was an electoral authoritarian as he implemented authoritarian measures in a multi‐party context. I assess if religion provided political legitimacy to these authoritarian leaders or if religion was exploited by leaders to gain political support and civic spaces. Theories of authoritarianism, religious populism, electoral authoritarianism, as well as concepts of the ulema‐state alliance and the rentier state are utilized. In addition to their authoritarian legacy, democratic presidents like Mohamed Nasheed and Mohamed Solih had grappled with politicians' manipulation of religion through political Islam, Islamic nationalism, and fundamentalism to derail democracy by equating it to Westernization. These events resonate with Samuel Huntington's description of the conflict between the West and Islam as a clash of civilizations. Crimes against liberal thinkers by Islamic extremists are an added challenge. There is a real danger of another authoritarian reversal in the Maldives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious sentiments have become a potent tool for political elites, altering national identities and citizenship criteria. This manipulation, driven by majoritarian ideologies, has marginalized religious minorities, leading to discrimination, violence, and legal persecution against them. Hindu, Islamic, and Buddhist nationalisms seem to collectively erode secular democracy in South Asia. Moreover, right‐wing populist leaders, notably Modi in India and the Rajapaksas in Sri Lanka, have merged religious nationalism with authoritarian political orientations posing a challenge to democratic foundations and impacting significantly on the dynamics of state and societal relations. This is the context in which this World Affairs 2024 special issue delves into the relationship(s) between religion, politics, and authoritarianism in the South Asian region. It examines the evolving "religion‐politics" nexus or "complex" to explicate the relationship between religion and authoritarianism, particularly with respect to authoritarian governments mobilizing religion as a readily available resource for popular political mobilization, legitimization, and power consolidation. India's BJP employs Hindutva ideology to marginalize minorities, Bangladesh's regime uses Islam for political legitimacy, and Sri Lanka's Sinhala‐Buddhist nationalism fosters exclusionary policies. By fostering social and cultural polarization, this fusion of authoritarianism with religious nationalism poses a serious challenge to the secular state. The articles in this special issue explore these themes comprehensively, delving into the ideological foundations of political decisions and their consequences for marginalized communities. By shedding light on this multifaceted interplay, the collection offers valuable insights into South Asia's sociopolitical landscape, serving as a vital resource for scholars, policy makers, and global observers seeking to understand the region's complex dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, the relationships between religion and politics, particularly between religion and the state, have been widely discussed, yet relationships between authoritarian rulers and religion have not received their due attention. This fourth article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue addresses this lacuna and argues against the conventional wisdom that these two entities are always hostile to each other. The study contends that authoritarian rulers have used three strategies vis‐à‐vis religion as an ideology and religious actors as a political force. Autocrats have adopted repression and cooptation strategies to deal with religious actors and utilized religion as a tool of legitimation. The article offers a case study of Bangladesh which has witnessed the growing salience of religion in politics since 1976, although its 1972 constitution pledged secularism as a state principle. The article examines the strategies used during three phases of military and civilian authoritarianism—1976–1981, 1982–1990, and since 2011—and discusses the relationship between the authoritarian rulers and religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This third article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue examines the intricate interplay between secularism, religious sentiment, and authoritarian politics in postindependence Bangladesh. Despite being founded on secular principles in 1971, the notion of Bangladesh as a strictly secular state is challenged. This article contends that while secularism was enshrined as a foundational state principle, its imposition occurred top‐down, diverging from prevailing societal ethos. The immediacy of the public backlash following its inclusion compelled ruling elites to adopt religion‐sensitive policies. I assert that the widespread religiosity among the populace steered subsequent political decisions. Notably, the shift from secularism to state‐sponsored Islam, the elevation of Islamic figures to cabinet roles, the recognition of Qawmi madrassa credentials, and the proliferation of Islamic rhetoric ensued. Analyzing a blend of archival data and field interviews, the article argues that the current authoritarian regime, emerging from an unconsolidated democratic framework, strategically exploits Islam as a political tool for legitimacy. By tapping into the prevailing Islamic sentiment, the regime aims to solidify its hold on power and navigate the complex political landscape of contemporary Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Journal of Economic Developement (LAJED) is the property of Universidad Catolica Boliviana San Pablo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Direito Processual Penal is the property of Instituto Brasileiro de Direito Processual Penal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article problematizes the intensification of censorship movements in Brazil in relation to literary education for children and youth, particularly in schools and on the recent processes of offering and choosing works by the PNLD (National Book and Teaching Material Program), considering the rise of transnational alt rights and their regressive agendas in the field of culture, education and rights (lawfare). The manuscript, of a cartographic theoreticalmethodological nature, exemplifies and analyzes some of the motivations for the censorship, through critical studies of childhood, as well as on alt right-wing politics and their social/cultural impacts. The work highlights the increasing weakening of the human right of children, adolescents and young people to democratic education, information and free participation in cultural and artistic life, as recommended by the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Unicef, 1989) and the Statute of Child and Adolescent (Brazil, 1990), while highlighting some counter-hegemonic fronts of action, centralizing the role and mediations of literary reading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Tempo e Argumento is the property of Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Tempo e Argumento is the property of Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Informacion Comercial Espanola Revista de Economia is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article seeks to understand the Brazilian authoritarian legacy and its relationship with the recent episodes of censorship of the art and cultural production. The research produced a survey of cultural productions censored and/or attacked target by conservative groups in Brazil between June 2017 and March 2020. Cases that fit three criteria were analyzed: target of conservative action judgment or criminalization of art, productions with national repercussions in the mainstream media, and productions that involved reaction or mobilization in defense of art and freedom of speech. We argue that the current scenario of democratic rupture encouraged the country’s authoritarian movements, which contributed to trigger several episodes of censorship. We start from the concepts of authoritarianism, censorship and freedom of expression combined with content analysis to develop such thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Resenha do livro Pensar o neoliberalismo, organizado por CASTELO BRANCO, Felipe; YAZBEK, André Constantino

Impulsionado pela sugestiva denominação de ‘atmosfera kafkiana’ que a crítica literária dá à situação de prisão de Graciliano Ramos em Memórias do cárcere (1953), o presente artigo propõe o cotejo da dimensão paradoxal da obra de Kafka, e sua possível relação com situações políticas e jurídicas marcadas pelo absurdo ou pela exceção, com o romance de Ramos. Nesse desiderato, a princípio, poremos em diálogo a obra de Kafka e a de alguns filósofos, a fim de relacionar questões da obra do tcheco com as noções de banalidade do mal, cara a Hannah Arendt, e de estado de exceção, em Giorgio Agamben. Esses pontos nos permitirão atar as duas problemáticas do artigo, em prol de estabelecer em que consiste a dimensão de totalitarismo/autoritarismo e de irresolução constante na obra do escritor tcheco, mas também a dimensão kafkiana na obra de Graciliano Ramos.

Este artigo parte do argumento de que a implantação de comissões da verdade no Brasil foi o estopim para uma virada conservadora que tomaria proporções inimagináveis na ocasião da criação de tais comissões. Sessenta anos após o golpe de 1964, partindo de uma análise historiográfica, sociológica e comunicacional, o texto discute o impacto e o legado das comissões da verdade no Brasil, assim como a ascensão de uma perspectiva autoritária após a divulgação dos relatórios finais das principais comissões. Pretende-se avaliar o papel desempenhado pelas comissões de forma articulada com a Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV), compreender tal virada conservadora a partir das políticas de direitos humanos e articular essas reflexões ao debate acadêmico acerca da memória, da censura e da liberdade de expressão no Brasil.

El artículo aborda, a partir de una revisión historiográfica combinada con un análisis de textos e intervenciones publicadas por intelectuales y políticos del período, juicios y diagnósticos sobre la política argentina que abordaron la democracia y la participación política popular desde una inquietud o un problema común, la preservación del orden político y de la autoridad y, desde una premisa también compartida, según la cual el orden y la autoridad no podían consolidarse con formas políticas plenamente antidemocráticas. El análisis identifica referencias doctrinarias y pone en diálogo argumentos liberales y antiliberales a fin de establecer convergencias y contrastes entre ambos.

Es irrealista pensar que la política es un campo capaz de generar soluciones definitivas en términos teóricos, respuestas “finales” en formas de políticas públicas y vinculantes ante cualquier demanda popular. Las sociedades evolucionan, los Estados constitucionales de derecho también. Muchos parecen estar de acuerdo en que la democracia debe pensarse como una forma política que tiene que lidiar con una fuente inagotable de reivindicaciones. El proceso democrático formal iniciado en 1983 en Argentina contiene elementos que la pondrán en tela de juicio o en crisis, pero que quizás sean esos mismos elementos los que dan mayor legitimidad a ese sistema. En otras palabras, lo que parece controlarla es lo que la mantiene viva profundamente. La construcción democrática parece ser una fórmula de contingencia de un sistema político que nunca termina de cerrarse en sí mismo, a ser el equivalente teórico exacto de la forma democrática, porque la democracia misma se convierte en la llave que la reabre una y otra vez, que nos permite distanciarnos de los regímenes autoritarios a pesar de las desviaciones autoritarias de algunos gobiernos democráticamente elegidos.

RESUMO: Dulce María Loynaz (Cuba, 1902-1997) e Orides Fontela (Brasil, 1940-1998), construíram sua obra sob contextos desfavoráveis, marcados por algum tipo de censura, por uma experiência histórica definida pela violência e o autoritarismo. Desde esse ponto de vista, tentamos tecer algumas considerações sobre a poesia das autoras, a relação que ela estabelece com o contexto de produção e as estratégias utilizadas para dizer ou não por meio da sua arte. Ter a palavra proibida ou castrada pressupõe uma violência que, no caso das nossas autoras, está sujeita a todos os silêncios e a o modo como eles são construídos. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Dulce María Loynaz; Orides Fontela; Violência; Autoritarismo; Silêncio.

O presente artigo demonstra como o passado autoritário brasileiro, em particular as duas décadas de regime militar (1964 – 1985), ecoa no presente e fomenta o crescimento da extrema-direita no país. Investiga as estratégias digitais das correntes políticas mais conservadoras e duas de suas principais influências: o projeto Orvil e a obra do autoproclamado filósofo Olavo de Carvalho. Além disso, faz um diagnóstico da modulação brasileira da guerra cultural importada dos EUA, com foco na midiatização da Lei Rouanet como estratégia da extrema-direita para desacreditar a classe artística e desqualificar sua crítica, um expediente capitaneado por parlamentares conservadores que se utilizam da retórica do ódio nas redes sociais digitais.

O artigo analisa as ideias e os espaços de produção e circulação dessas ideias que foram articuladas na ideologia que informou e legitimou o protagonismo político do Exército Brasileiro no século XX. Para tanto, discute o emprego da categoria ideologia como ferramenta analítica para a ação política sustentando que a polissemia do termo demanda uma definição articulada com o objeto investigado, uma vez que a produção de um determinado discurso ideológico deve ser investigada junto aos agentes, aos espaços e às crenças daqueles que o formulam e o empregam nas suas lutas políticas. Posteriormente, o texto aborda as ideias predominantes entre os militares do polo intervencionista-controlador do Exército e os espaços institucionais nos quais essas ideias foram articuladas e difundidas a ponto de se tornarem, não sem disputas, dominantes no meio militar durante o período abordado.

La memoria del pasado reciente en el Paraguay, es y será un espacio de cruces y disputas por el carácter conservador de su estado y sociedad el siglo XX y aquello que transcurre del siglo XXI. Con sus breves excepciones. La memoria de la lucha democrática y progresista fue derrotada y borrada varias veces. Mientras que la narrativa oficial nacionalista heroica, en especial la stronista 1954 a 1989, de profundidad negacionista, sólo fue moderada y actualizada, por una otra minimizadora y distorsionada, que carga tintas en un solitario personaje, para salvar a todo un régimen que aún hoy, es hegemónico.

En este artículo se muestra cómo las políticas autoritarias y represivas implementadas por los sucesivos gobiernos desde la década de los años ´30, no permitieron que la ciudadanía tenga mayor participación en los procesos sociales. Caída la dictadura en 1989, el protagonismo de la ciudadanía no se correspondió con las múltiples tareas de recuperación de la memoria.

O Dossiê Rebeldias Epistemológicas: (Re)existindo em/nas sociedades brasileiras entre 2018 a 2022,parte de uma premência de investigação das existências humanas nas territorialidades brasileiras -sejam elas físicas, espaciais, psíquicas, emocionais, acadêmicas, religiosas -pesquisando as composições políticas, estéticas, epistêmicas e sociais dos contextos instaurados pelo Estado nos últimos anos. Desse modo, analisamos os impactos recentes do período reacionário e negacionista da política brasileira que ficou conhecido como (des)governo Bolsonaro sofrido entre 2018 a 2022. Tal período teve muitos impactos destrutivos nas políticas públicas para promoção da igualdade racial, de gênero, saúde, equidade social e sexual. Em oposição a isso, movimentos sociais e individuais se fizeram – como sempre – presentes, resistindo, existindo e se opondo aos desmontes produzidos.

To what extent can nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) communicate policy problems in an authoritarian country, and how limited are they in narrating policy alternatives? This article seeks to develop studies on the application of the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) in Russia, extend our knowledge about the use of narrative strategies in centralized and authoritarian policy processes, highlight certain methodological peculiarities related to the devil–angel shift calculation, and test causal mechanism hypotheses that have not previously been applied to the analysis of policy debates in Russia. The study examines hypotheses based on the narrative strategies (devil–angel shift, scope of conflict, and causal mechanisms) that were used by government and NGO coalitions in the debate about “landscape fire” policies in Russia over the period 2019–2021. The results show that the differences between the coalition's narrative strategies were not as significant as had been shown previously. The government coalition uses a strong angel shift in its narratives and avoids conflict expansion. The NGO coalition demonstrates a moderate angel shift, but with the use of conflict expansion in parts of the narratives. Both coalitions use the intentional or inadvertent causal mechanism blaming the citizens for starting the fires, but differ in employing causal mechanisms when discussing the large scale of landscape fires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Bolivia, expectations for a decolonised society turned into a political crisis in the autumn of 2019. Discussing the limitations of progressive politics in cultivating democracy, this article identifies three narratives of authoritarianism – liberal democratic, developmentalist and colonial – which the opponents of Evo Morales use to frame their disillusionment with his rule. It argues that these multiple narratives lend meaning to contradictory experiences in a context in which hopes for a major decolonising state-transformation process have devolved into a deep polarisation of Bolivian society. The events in Bolivia are discussed in the context of rising authoritarianism throughout Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The democratizing processes that occurred in Latin America in the last decades of the 20th century led to the belief that the authoritarian stage was over, and the region would gradually achieve the consolidation of democracy; In Venezuela, a country with one of the oldest democratic models, the denial of that assumption is expressed. This work analyzes how, since Chavismo came to power in Venezuela and especially in the administration of Nicolás Maduro, a transition towards authoritarianism has been taking place, with the consequent impact on the degree of liberalization and democratization. This is done through three categories of analysis: transitions, democracy and authoritarianism; Subsequently, the Venezuelan case is addressed, examining how the deinstitutionalization of the elite conciliation system and the authoritarian genesis occur, giving rise to a continuous transition towards an authoritarian model. Finally, a series of reflections are made about the current situation, possible scenarios and challenges posed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some characteristics of the Colombian political culture are traced, through the categories of myth, authoritarianism, alienation, and elitism, from an approach to the urban narrative of Álvaro Salom Becerra. The concept of political culture is addressed and its reception and development in Latin America, especially in Colombia, is exposed. Then the reflective potential of the confluences between philosophy and literature is discussed to study political culture, through an interpretive approach to his novels. It is concluded that literature allows exploring new ways of understanding the tensions between power and culture, also promotes a disruptive nature that dislocates the naturalization of the social order and favors the establishment of instituting actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article approaches democracy from the theoretical contributions of Eric Weil, especially in his writings “Limits of Democracy” and “Democracy in a World of Tensions”. Weil criticizes definitions of the term and seeks to establish the general conditions for a truly democratic political system. The article is structured in three parts. First, it discusses the current panorama of perceptions of democratic crises. Next, it deals with the conditions for participation in democratic processes, adopting the Weilian conception of democracy as an “evolving system of free discussion”. Finally, the text turns to the inconsis tencies of the discourses that, within a democratic context, defend an authoritarian state. This problem will be analyzed in the light of Karl Popper’s “paradox of tolerance”, and with the support of Robert Dahl’s arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is the final product of investigation that seeks to found the discussion on the transformation of democracy to emerging authoritarianism in Latin-American. In which the contributions of three specific authors were correlated: J, Linz; C, Lesgart and O'Donnell, who offer their own concepts on the typologies of determined political governance, as can be seen in the representation of the case of the Republic of Nicaragua, and the actions undertaken by its main political actors. In this sense, it emerged from the use of analysis and descriptive methods typical of political science, that there are new authoritarianisms in the Latin- American States, which will not dissipate, since, according of evidence, on contrary; these will be consolidated. Well, authoritarian regimes have eroded the democratic bases of the initial political system, which served them as means to gain access to political power, as can be seen in the case study, since initially it was based on the mechanisms of citizen participation, to later deviate from the proportions of a democracy, giving rise to personalistic, arbitrary and radical positions that redefine the ruler as a leader with an authoritarian inclination, where public liberties, right to dissent and to express political positions are limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Truth Commission (TC) was carried out in Brazil (2012-2014) to investigate human rights violations perpetrated by state agents, especially during the military dictatorship (1964-1985). TCs are supposed to help societies on the reconstruction of social cohesion after authoritarian or violent periods. We conducted three studies with undergraduate students and adult samples between 2014 and 2017. Evaluating the TC as effective was related to higher punctuations on the variables of social cohesion, even controlling the effects of political positioning. The TC effectiveness perception was associated with the emotional reaction (both, negative or positive) and a positive attitude towards remembering the past. Nonetheless, we found some different results across the three studies. These differences are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Saeculum - Revista de História (0104-8929) is the property of Saeculum - Revista de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía (0185-3481) is the property of Universidad Iberoamericana Cuidad de Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Guillermo de Ockham is the property of Revista Cientifica Guillermo de Ockham, Universidad de San Buenaventura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)