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En Inde, les transitions énergétiques vers le charbon et l’hydroélectricité exercent une pression sur les ressources naturelles qui affecte gravement les communautés marginalisées, en particulier autochtones. Le modèle libéral de la transition « juste », centré sur la consultation et la participation des « parties prenantes », légitime en réalité les processus d’expropriation en ce qu’il ignore les asymétries et les violences d’État.

This article contributes to debates on authoritarian renewal and youth party activism in Africa, based on case study research with youth who are active in the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). While youth activism and electoral politics is a subject of rich scholarship, there is limited knowledge on the motivations and agency of the party youth of hegemonic ruling parties. The study engaged a diverse group of ZANU-PF youth to understand their journeys into party activism, how they negotiate the discourses and authoritarian practices promoted by ZANU-PF, and their political agency on behalf of and within the party. The article analyses the everyday ways through which youth activists take part in ZANU-PF structures and activities, noting the dimensions of class and gender. The findings demonstrate the existing ‘shades in activism’, with some youth being born into the party and others joining in search of opportunities, but this does not exclude the possibility of some wanting to promote the prosperity of others. Some self-proclaimed loyalists embrace ZANU-PF narratives, while most are highly critical of the ruling party. We argue that everyday forms of youth activism may constitute authoritarianism from below. Whether ‘at the front’ or ‘at the back’, all ZANU-PF youth contribute to the reproduction of the systems and networks of ZANU-PF, and thus authoritarian renewal, especially because the room for contestation and change from within the ruling party is limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a lack of research examining how right-wing extremist groups justify their key claims online to reach a broader audience. This question is even more worrisome when considering a Canadian context, given Canada's state policies on multiculturalism and intolerance of hateful rhetoric. My research draws on the gaps within the literature of right-wing extremism, online spaces, and justification of discourse by conducting a content analysis of 300 Facebook and Twitter posts from the accounts of three Canadian right-wing extremist groups, ID Canada, Soldiers of Odin BC, and Yellow Vests Canada. This article proposes the use of French theorist Boltanski and Thévenot's sociology of critical capacity common worlds to help explain how right-wing extremist groups make arguments that are quite extreme to a broad audience of people on social media. Such claims include advocating for a homogenized Canadian identity and Canadian values, promoting a belief in social decay, and supporting authoritarianism. However, these claims are not overt; rather right-wing extremist groups discuss apolitical topics to mask controversial views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the critical shift in geographical knowledge production under the increasingly authoritarian political regime in Turkey, particularly in the aftermath of the unsuccessful 2016 coup attempt. In this context, semi-structured interviews were conducted with sixteen young geographers who experienced the authoritarian shift in the political regime during their graduate studies. The narratives of the interviewees indicate that the young geographers have undergone a critical transformation with two significant aspects: firstly, they reject the traditional style of geographical knowledge production and instead embrace approaches integrated with social theory, drawing from the extensive portfolio of contemporary geography. Secondly, they approach socio-spatial phenomena in a libertarian and critical manner, distinct from the lenses of the authoritarian system. However, due to their legitimate concerns, they often refrain from presenting such research on academic platforms. In this regard, under an authoritarian regime, the critical transformation consists of two dimensions: the arena where geographical products are shared, and the underground, where geographical ‘black boxes’ are held and kept hidden from public view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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A Truth Commission (TC) was carried out in Brazil (2012-2014) to investigate human rights violations perpetrated by state agents, especially during the military dictatorship (1964-1985). TCs are supposed to help societies on the reconstruction of social cohesion after authoritarian or violent periods. We conducted three studies with undergraduate students and adult samples between 2014 and 2017. Evaluating the TC as effective was related to higher punctuations on the variables of social cohesion, even controlling the effects of political positioning. The TC effectiveness perception was associated with the emotional reaction (both, negative or positive) and a positive attitude towards remembering the past. Nonetheless, we found some different results across the three studies. These differences are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Social Science Information is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ethnologie Française is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study sheds light on LGBT activists' recourse to the rights frame as a means to overcome social and political restrictions and develop an effective advocacy in an authoritarian context. While the literature has de-emphasized social movements' recourse to cultural resources in authoritarian contexts, this study presents cause framing and its interactionist approach, cultural opportunity structure, as a means of adaptation to repression. Thanks to the rights frame, activists used cultural resources in the formulation of their cause based on feelings of common injustice and the development of a flexible transnational cyber-advocacy calling for the end to the state's violation of individual rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Prior analyses of authoritarian populism have linked it to hypotheses referring to cultural backlash and negative partisanship, suggesting that conservative values and hatred of opposing parties fuel the desire for strong leadership. This article adds to the previous literature by testing the influence of social class resentment on Bolsonaro coming to power in Brazil. Based on the AmericasBarometer 2018/19 survey, the analysis highlights the central role of the rejection of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party) in explaining the propensity to vote for the far-right candidate, and to a lesser extent, the influence of authoritarian values in this case study. Our findings lend some support to the hypothesis of social class resentment as well. Social class resentment was found to significantly moderate the relationship between anti-PT sentiment and voting behavior, which sheds light on Bolsonaro's ability to capture resentful voters who were disposed to subordinate social redistribution to the defense of previously acquired privileges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Sexism, xenophobia, or homophobia are based on values and beliefs about inequality between groups. To analyze the relationship between Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) with Values (Schwartz, 1992), an explanatory, non-experimental cross-sectional study was conducted based on an intentional sample composed by 407 university students (58.5% women; mean age 23.69 years). The findings ratify the RWA and SDO as conservative constructs structured in terms of power and in values opposed to non-aggressive intergroup relations, ratifying a general disposition to prejudice. Also, differential configurations showed up supporting the idea of the Dual Processing Model about the multidimensional nature of prejudice (Duckitt & Sibley, 2010). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the adaptation of a reduced version of the Right-wing Authoritarianism Scale (RWA) in Colombia. In Study 1 (n=417) it was performed an exploratory factor analysis to identify the underlying dimensions of the scale; in Study 2 (n=396), it was performed a confirmatory factor analysis and tested the divergent/convergent validity of the scale. The results suggest that the RWA has three dimensions: authoritarian-aggression, authoritarian-submission, and conventionalism. Additionally, RWA was positively associated with: social dominance, dehumanization of the adversary, armed conflict support, patriotism, sexism, homophobia, and the prohibition of progressive social policies (e.g., abortion, homosexual marriage, euthanasia). Empirical evidence is provided in favor of appropriate psychometric properties for the RWA scale in the Colombian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Undertaking ethnographic or phenomenological inquiry under a hovering cloud of dictatorship can often be a mammoth, some might even say life-risking, venture. In such circumstances, researchers are confronted with ethical dilemmas: the need to strike a balance between accessing credible first-hand information and playing it safe. It is against this background that this paper traces the challenges confronting researchers planning to conduct fieldwork in authoritarian regimes. Conducting research under a political culture of fear, polarization and censorship has proven to be something of a heinous task for my own research in my home country of Zimbabwe. Drawing from this experience, the paper discusses the risks, ethical dilemmas and apprehensions that underscore the challenge of carrying out fieldwork in authoritarian regimes. Specifically, the paper discusses how researchers, whose research might be perceived by governments as a threat to national security, can deal with risks, threats, and dangers regarding access to the gathering and retrieval of data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyzes the sociological origin of medical authoritarianism and its links to obstetrical violence in Mexico. The authoritarian medical habitus in Mexico begins during the years of medical school training, residency and specialization. Elements of this process include the hierarchies of the profession, gender inequality and punishment as a teaching resource. It describes the functioning of the medical habitus based on observations in labor and delivery rooms in public hospitals. After emphasizing the importance of sociological and feminist research, the author concludes that the solution to the problem of women's rights violations in health services would necessarily involve a restructuring of the medical field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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La pandèmia provocada per la COVID-19 planteja un seguit de dilemes per als sistemes democràtics. En primer lloc, la governança d’un problema complex com aquest requereix molta coordinació entre diferents nivells i àrees de govern. Aquesta coordinació pot derivar en processos de concentració del poder en els executius estatals, i, per tant, en un afebliment de la separació de poders horitzontal i vertical. Així mateix, el control de la pandèmia exigeix mesures que poden representar limitacions importants de drets i llibertats fonamentals. En aquest article, analitzem aquests dilemes i estudiem com hi responen els ciutadans. Mitjançant l’anàlisi d’una enquesta panel duta a terme durant els mesos de gener, març i juny de 2020, observem una tendència molt marcada, en primera instància, a demanar lideratges forts, tecnocràtics i centralitzats, així com a acceptar restriccions de llibertats. Passada la primera onada de contagis, aquesta tendència es va matisar significativament, amb l’excepció de les preferències tecnocràtiques, que es mantenen en uns nivells significativament més elevats que abans de la pandèmia.

Salazar, who died 50 years ago, left a deep imprint on the history of Portugal in the 20th century. Was the dictatorial regime of the Estado Novo, that survived Salazar, fascist or authoritarian ? For decades, this question has given rise to many debates which, once the current impasse of the portuguese Historikerstreit has been overcome, call for a historiographic revival.

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Copyright of Sociologia, Problemas e Práticas is the property of Centro de Investigacao e Estudos de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sur le Journalisme, About Journalism, Sobre Jornalismo is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La personnalité autoritaire est définie communément par une volonté de se soumettre à l’autorité et par une agressivité à l’encontre des personnes vis-à-vis desquelles elle se croit supérieure. Ma contribution met au jour un autre élément décisif de la conception adornienne : une pensée réifiée qui perçoit le monde selon des catégories figées et qui se ferme systématiquement face à l’expérience du non-identique. La soumission à l’autorité peut se lire comme une réaction à l’expérience de l’impuissance sociale. Or, avec Castoriadis, on peut aussi y voir (dans la pensée figée et caricaturale qui caractérise la pensée autoritaire) une réaction à l’auto-institution de la société. En conclusion nous esquisserons une analyse des conséquences proprement politiques de cette lecture de la psychologie sociale adornienne.

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Democratic elections in the Philippines and India in 2019 yielded a paradoxical result: the strengthening of the political hegemony of personalities partial to authoritarian rule. An examination of economic, social, and political conditions prior to the elections shows that the usual paradigms used to explain voters' choices – class theory, rational choice theory, and patron–client theory – fail to account for the sweeping victories of Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. A more useful framework is that of charismatic authority derived from Max Weber. Employing this paradigm, the article discusses the origins of charismatic authority in the two polities, the differences in charismatic appeal, the social construction of charisma, charisma and the creation of the Other, and the democratic dialectic at the heart of charismatic authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Research on authoritarian legitimation suggests that rulers seek support through ideological, personalistic, performance-based, and procedural strategies. Typically, however, this work only considers the dynamics of legitimation between rulers and civilians. In contrast, this paper suggests that meso-level actors play a critical role in shaping legitimation from both above and below. Through an historical analysis of the French episcopate's support for the Vichy regime from 1940 to 1942, I identify four practices that bolstered Vichy's attempts to accrue legitimacy and simultaneously identify the consequences of these practices for the Church's relationship with Jews. Public endorsements by the religious authorities for Marshal Pétain, their cooperation with the Vichy administration, the expression of shared values, and common rhetoric all contributed to the regime's legitimation process while leading to a concomitant decline in the hierarchy's ties to the rabbinate. These results suggest that attention to meso-level actors brings into relief important dynamics about how legitimation processes unfold in authoritarian settings while simultaneously contributing to research on the Holocaust in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As newly elected President of the International Sociological Association, I unfold my vision for new directions for global sociology. After defining what a global sociology is, I will point out two particular directions for this sociology: supplementing the postcolonial approach with an anti-authoritarian one, and theorizing post-secular society. One cannot but acknowledge the scars of the colonial era, but postcolonial studies have been rightly used but also abused. I would identify two abuses: the over-emphasis on external factors while neglecting local ones, and the binary logic of antagonistic categories such as East/ West, universalism/contextualism. Thus, I make the call to supplement the postcolonial approach with an anti-authoritarian one. There are three levels of authoritarianism: one relates to the political regime; another relates rather to neoliberalism; and the third concerns attitudes. The authoritarian attitude is closely related to the difficulty of dealing with religion in our society. Global sociology should take into account in any contemporary analysis of society the new features of our post-secular society, a sort of low-key secularism in confluence with neoliberalism. In light of these two directions, I would like to see global sociology moving forward. But what should the features of this global sociology be? The article will discuss five features for global sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two decades that separate the two World Wars were a particularly intense period in history, full of such great contradictions that, a hundred years later, continue to challenge us. This thematic dossier is dedicated to this period of great illusions about building peace and recognizing the right to self-determination, revolutions drowned in blood, the anti-colonial surge, political massification. We have gathered here six different papers whose focus balances between the demand for more democracy and the evident failure of the democratization process of the liberal system, across very different political geographies and national contexts. As we are presently facing a very obvious crisis of the liberal-democratic regimes that resurfaces a hundred years later, revisiting those interwar years, much more than a simple intellectual exercise, can be of use to learn about the circumstances in which democracy slides into crisis and on the perception of how authoritarianism advances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]