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Exploring international students' long-distance relationships with their back-home families is important for understanding how to support their stability and growth. Using qualitative interviews and surveys, this research explored perspectives from both international students and their parents about their remote interactions while oceans apart. Findings indicate three transformative shifts that enhanced the quality of student-parent relationships through their distance: a) incidental to intentionally motivated interactions, b) task-oriented to person-centered attention, and c) authoritarian to communally-oriented dispositions. These shifts fostered a greater sense of trust, support, and intimacy between international students and their back-home parents. Interweaving Construal Level Theory with the findings, this study offers implications for informing international students and their parents on developing effective, long-distance relationships.

This case examines the pressing need for systemic equity and social justice in educational structures in the society of the United States (US). The case critiques the inadequate responses to racial justice and highlights the challenges faced in enacting meaningful educational reform amidst declining patriotism and cultural schisms. Introducing guerrilla pedagogy as a theoretical framework, the case seeks to contextualize the importance of enfranchising educators and students to act as agents of change. By examining the historical roots of settler colonialism and its impact on education, the scholarly foundation leading to the case emphasizes the importance of acknowledging and addressing historical injustices to prevent their perpetuation. The transformative potential of guerrilla pedagogy is demonstrated in its ability to dismantle oppressive structures and foster a more just and inclusive educational system. Overall, this manuscript aims to provoke a comprehensive understanding of the relationship between guerrilla pedagogy and settler colonialism, offering strategic insights to challenge oppressive power dynamics in education as part of the ongoing development of a culturally responsive instructional supervision framework.

The present study addressed the effects of becoming aware of being at an authentic historic place both on affective reactions and acquisition of information about the relevant historic events. The study was conducted in a research institute located in a former National Socialist (NS) clinic, thus holding an authentic historic dimension, while at the same time, the building's physical attributes do not resemble its history anymore. This allowed us to manipulate the participants' awareness of being at an authentic historic place via systematic variation of prior information (neutral information about the building, general information about a historic event, information about the authenticity of the place regarding the historic event). After receiving prior information, participants had to indicate their emotional valence and arousal. They were then shown a set of photographs related to the relevant historical period or to another unrelated period in randomized order and, after a filler task, were given a memory test of the photographs. Afterwards, participants rated the study room regarding its valence and evoking arousal. It was found that awareness of being at an authentic place had a negative effect on personal mood. Furthermore, the site itself was perceived less positively when participants were aware of its NS history. However, no differences in memory performance of relevant photos were found due to history awareness. The findings indicate that being at an authentic historic place does not necessarily imply a better acquisition of relevant historical knowledge.

In this paper, we explored how political knowledge related to generalised prejudice, defined as the common variance of three highly correlated specific prejudice concerning ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation. We aligned our hypotheses with the Cognitive Ability and Style to Evaluation (CASE) model, which postulates the mechanism underlying the relationship between individual-level cognitive variables and intergroup outcomes. As knowledge in its many forms correlates with and serves as a proxy of cognitive abilities, we hypothesised that political knowledge, when considered a precursor of prejudice, can be expected to act similarly to cognitive variables within the CASE model. We performed an empirical test of the hypothesised relationships on a nationally representative sample of Croatian students in their final year of secondary education (aged 17-19). As expected, there was a significant negative association between political knowledge and generalised prejudice, both direct and indirect via right-wing authoritarianism. Youth with higher political knowledge had significantly lower levels of generalised prejudice. In addition, while there were differences in the overall levels of political knowledge, right-wing authoritarianism and generalised prejudice between students attending different secondary education programmes, the pattern of relationships between these concepts was found to be stable across educational settings.

The paper is based on the concept of political culture, which is particularly important for the maintenance and functioning of a democratic political system and is closely linked with the political literacy of young people. In this paper research focus is on the two dimensions of political culture -- political values and trust. Specifically, the main research question is: what are the determinants of accepting constitutional values and the trust in political institutions of final year secondary school pupils? The paper use the data provided by research on political literacy of final year secondary school pupils. In order to provide answer to the research question the hierarchical multiple regression is used. In the first step, particular socio-demographic variables (sex, education of mother and education of father) were introduced. In the second step, the type of secondary school education was added. The third group of predictors encompassed the level of religiosity, generalized prejudices and authoritarianism. In the final step political knowledge was included. The introduced model provides certain explanation regarding constitutional values, but fails to explain distrust in political institutions. The phenomenon of low trust in political institutions is discussed in paper.

In this article I explore the emotional resources activated by single mothers to support their adolescent children's educational journeys. Mothers' emotional work is often regarded as something that mothers must do (Gillies, 2006). However, this view does not recognise the power and influence that mothers exert to create opportunities for educational success. By centring the mother as the head of her family and drawing on the concept of emotional capital as a legitimate and valuable resource within single-mother families, it becomes possible to show how mothers in a low socio-economic community invest in their children's schooling. This article is based on a qualitative case study of single-mother families from a South African community. The findings show that the single mothers maintained strong bonds with their children, which enhanced perceived support and contributed positively to their education. Maintaining open communication channels, demonstrating authoritative parenting, and communicating pride in non-academic qualities were significant emotional practices that served to maintain these strong bonds. By engaging in these practices, these single mothers from low-income contexts activated their emotions strategically to support their adolescent child's education.

Psychological well-being is fundamental for adolescents to be adaptive and fully functioning in the environment. For adolescents who stay in boarding school, even though they are away from their parents due to boarding school rules, parents still have a role to provide support and direct their behavior through parental control. On the other hand, adolescence is a period where children learn to be detached from their parents and strive for autonomy. The present study aimed to investigate the role of autonomy need frustration as a mediating variable between parental psychological control and psychological well-being for adolescents who stayed in boarding school. A survey was completed by 318 Islamic boarding school adolescents with an age range from 12--18 years old. The findings showed that autonomy need frustration fully mediated the relationship between parental psychological control and psychological well-being. Parental psychological control causes a decline in boarding school adolescents' psychological well-being through the feeling of autonomy need frustration. These results support further development of studies regarding the psychological well-being of adolescents, especially in the boarding school context.

Little is known about how Confucian cultural values influence the efficacy of classroom leadership styles, which may explain why classes in countries such as South Korea often remain largely teacher-centered. To find out more about Confucian values and correlating preferences for classroom leadership, 57 English as a Foreign Language learners from South Korea were given the Vannsimpco Leadership Survey and a Confucian values survey. Statistical analysis revealed that Korean learners preferred democratic classroom leadership the most. However, learners with strong preferences for traditional Confucian values also preferred autocratic-transformational and democratic-transformational leadership styles. Results appear to suggest that cultural values do indeed influence preferences for classroom leadership. This view is further supported by analysis of Korean students who lived abroad, primarily in non-Confucian countries. These students did not favor autocratic leadership as much as their counterparts, who lived only in South Korea. Overall, findings suggest that an integrated approach to classroom leadership may be needed in Confucian contexts, whereby different styles are tailored to individual needs based on cultural values and personal preferences.

Antifascists have developed action-oriented principles and practices for collective resistance to fascism. In this article, we discuss antifascism as "praxis," which is the nexus of theory and practice through collective reflection and action. Antifascist praxis can inform developmental science at individual and contextual levels of analysis. For the study of individual developmental trajectories, we examine how antifascist praxis can inform research to stop fascist recruitment of youth and counter-recruit youth into liberation movements. For the study of developmental contexts, we use the example of family separation to examine how antifascist praxis can inform research to identify fascist threats and support collective action against fascist violence. We also present next steps for developing a field of scholarship in which communities of developmental scientists engage in antifascist praxis. As developmental scientists, we must see ourselves as part of - not objectively disconnected from - broader mass movements building power against fascism and pursuing liberation for all.

There is a well-documented interdependency between destructive interparental conflict (IPC) and parenting difficulties (i.e., spillover effect), yet little is known about the mechanisms that "carry" spillover between IPC and parenting. Guided by a cascade model framework, the current study used a longitudinal, multimethod, multi-informant design to examine a process model of spillover that tested whether parental executive functioning (working memory, cognitive flexibility, inhibitory control) served as a mediator of the prospective associations between IPC and subsequent changes in parenting over a 2-year period. Mothers and fathers were separated into differentiated models and multiple domains of parenting were examined (i.e., authoritarian discipline and scaffolding behavior). Participants included 231 families (both mothers and fathers of preschoolers). Race was reported as White (62%), Black (21%), Mixed (8%), Asian (3%), or Other (6%) and 14% considered their ethnicity to be Hispanic/Latino. Median household income was $65,000. Results indicated that for fathers, IPC indirectly predicted domain-general parenting difficulties (increased authoritarian parenting and decreased scaffolding) via deficits in paternal cognitive flexibility (but not inhibitory control or working memory). In mothers, IPC directly predicted domain-specific parenting difficulties (decreased scaffolding only) that did not operate via maternal executive functions. Notably, these effects occurred over and above the influence of parental socioeconomic status. This study constitutes a first step toward documenting parental executive functioning as a mechanism underlying the spillover of IPC to the parent-child relationship. Family interventions intended to interrupt IPC spillover should emphasize father involvement and consider targeting parental executive functions as change mechanisms.

This article discusses how the critique of the monopoly of Western liberal thought through the decolonisation movement that was intended to increase the number of voices heard has been co-opted by nationalist politics in India and Russia. The debates in higher education in these countries reflect current key questions on the nature of the Indian and Russian nations--both under respective nationalist governments--where both are advocating a cutting off from Western modernity. Using Mignolo's concept of "de-linking" that was intended to raise up non-Western ways of thinking, the article shows that India and Russia have adapted and simplified decolonial discourse to reject "Western-influenced" critiques of development, inequality, and authoritarianism. Under political pressure from these authoritarian regimes, universities have helped to embed repressive majoritarian politics through anti-Western rhetoric disguised as de-linking, enabling democratic backsliding by discrediting opposition. This is done to protect a new identity based upon state conceptions of traditional values, paradoxically erasing minority voices that do not fit neatly into the unified national narrative. When universities are branded as Western agents for being critical of local traditions and schools of thought, the space for critical thinking and democratic debate is ultimately removed, leaving those who oppose Putin and Modi with no safe way to engage with political discourse, and this actually undermines the intentions of decolonial philosophy.

Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) is a relatively novel approach to L2 learning. Designed under this approach, this paper proposes a set of three activities that seek to foster secondary level students' critical thinking, creativity, and intrapersonal skills. English language learning is integrated with the specific subjects of Literature, by analyzing and creating poetry, and History, discussing poems by Marcelo Gelman, Osvaldo Balbi, and Joaquín Enrique Areta, who were victims of the final Argentina's military dictatorship (1976-1983).

Proper management is vital in the achievement of an organization's vision and sustainability. Several researches have shown that one management style, micromanagement, has been receiving particular attention in the corporate world due to its notoriety. Micromanagement tends to control the employees in almost all aspects; igniting employee frustration which leads to adverse effect in the company by and large. Results of micromanagement include suppressed creativity, low morale of employees and an increase in employee turnover. However, some authors argue the significance of micromanagement in specific circumstances. Thus, this study is aimed at identifying the level of effectivity of micromanagement as it relates to teachers and middle managers in the academic sector in terms of the following: compliance, productivity, competence, and job satisfaction. The study used descriptive correlational design. The researcher employed a complete census of the respondents. These are teachers and middle managers in the Basic Education Department who are from the kindergarten, elementary, junior high school and senior high school levels, with 48 teachers and 12 middle managers respectively. Findings of the study signify that micromanagement is effective in promoting compliance and productivity, moderately effective in terms of competence, and slightly ineffective when it comes to job satisfaction. Furthermore, the study also yielded no significant difference when the respondents are grouped according to profile. Similarly, there is no significant difference between the teachers and middle managers on the level of effectivity of micromanagement on this basis, it is recommended that middle managers must reconcile the use of micromanagement to uphold compliance and productivity without neglecting the teachers' competence and job satisfaction.

According to Thomas Falk, an authoritarian insurgency against the institutions of liberal democracy operates along both political-economic and phenomenological axes. By corrupting language and stimulating vigilance, this insurgency endeavors to diminish the perceptual and communicative capacities that allow us to articulate a shared reality and exercise agency within it. In this article, he argues that education is a political and economic enterprise concerned with attention-formation. He considers public schools present a site battle in which to defend and promote the conditions and practices of a free and democratic society.

This study aims to explore the political involvement of Kazakhstani youth prior to and following the tragic events of January 2022 in Kazakhstan. The utilization of social media played a crucial role in mobilizing Kazakh youth during the widespread protest against authoritarian governance in January 2022. The tragic events served as a catalyst, highlighting the inevitability of political and socio-economic reforms in the country. The study employed the theory of political engagement and apperception of the Internet as a virtual realm of political communication as an investigative tool to examine this issue. The article presents sociological data gathered collected from 2013 to 2022, aiming to offer into the impact of modern information technologies, specifically social networks, on the political engagement of Kazakhstani youth. The theory of political engagement enables the identification of the underlying nature of shifts in youth engagement and disengagement during the post-Soviet era. It was during the crisis that notable upsurge in political activity among young people became apparent. A comparison of the data gathered by various sociological centers, employing the respondent interviews, reveals contrasting trends. On the one hand, there is an increase in the activity of expressing personal opinions on social networks. On the other hand, there is a growing detachment from political participation, such as voting in elections and engaging in party memberships, among others. The findings of the study revealed that the political moods of Kazakhstani youth persist after January 2022 without undergoing a transformative shift toward increased party and movement affiliations, active involvement in election campaigns, and voting. Instead, protest sentiments are once again becoming dormant, which helps to explain the political absenteeism observed among many young individuals.

It is often argued, rightly, that critical thinking is a necessary condition for democracy. This essay looks at the other side of that relationship, how certain democratic conditions are necessary for critical thinking to flourish. In turn, this dynamic, interactive account of democratic culture, institutions, and dispositions has implications for how we think about critical thinking itself.

This article presents the results of research into teachers' views on power and control as exercised by secondary school principals at the schools where they are employed. In South African schools, many principals' use of their power and control has a negative impact on teachers' motivation, job satisfaction, and overall well-being. The findings indicate firstly that teachers associate principals' exercise of power and control with the latter's leadership competencies. Secondly, they see their principals' personal competencies as influencing the latter's leadership competencies. Thirdly, teachers contend that the principals' actions and interpersonal competencies should be consistent with professional behavior and fair and equitable treatment of all, i.e. a lack of bias. Effective social networks should be developed within a social capital framework that makes provision for the inclusion of internal (learners; teachers; parents) and external partners (Department of Education; community members) to upgrade cooperation and collaborative action. The misuse of power and control as a social force can affect teachers' personal, professional, psychological and physical well-being. When the effects are negative, they could hamper sound relationships, effective teaching-and-learning, growth, productivity, and broader society.

There is no doubt that the first boarding school in the South Sami region in Norway (1910-1951) was authoritarian and contributed to Sami assimilation over several generations. Descriptions given by a former student regarding the poor conditions 70 years after he felt he was the victim of abuse is perhaps a sign of growing self-awareness among the South Sami. Informants have nevertheless stated that the social community at the later Sami schools (after 1951) strengthened their sense of identity and community. Despite the challenges, some Sami students from the 1970s and 1980s claim that the Sami school has been an important identity maker. Nonetheless, the Havika legacy shapes the South Sami community today in many ways with issues relating to Norwegianisation, shared school experiences and memories. As a result, this case study investigates how boarding school life is reflected in the South Sami memory and history culture.

UNESCO's relatively high prestige across East Asia has spurred intensifying efforts by governments to use its imprimatur to legitimate official narratives of the past and visions of the future. This article focuses on China's use of UNESCO as an arena for competitive national 'branding' in the education field, especially relating to STEM and AI. We analyse the Chinese state's engagement with UNESCO's education work in the context of shifts in budgetary and political influence within the organisation, and of a growing 'securitisation' of education within China itself. We show how Chinese engagement with UNESCO's educational agenda reflects both domestic political considerations and the 'major country diplomacy' of Xi Jinping, as manifested in the 'Belt and Road Initiative' and intensifying strategic competition with the USA. We conclude by discussing the implications of rising Chinese influence within the organisation for UNESCO's capacity for articulating a coherent and consistently humanistic vision for education.

This article examines the ways in which the University of Birmingham assisted refugee academics and students from Nazi Germany and other Nazi occupied countries across Europe between 1933 and 1945. It draws on the university's rich but underused archives to explore institutional policy and to assess the influence of individual staff members in driving it. As a case study it examines and evaluates the role played by a British provincial university in supporting displaced academics before the Second World War and refugee students during the war. Analysis of the primary source material reveals the importance of personal connections and the agency of individual university staff in helping refugees. This study aids our understanding of the roles played by British universities in helping displaced scholars and identifies areas for further research.

This article puts in conversation Georges Bataille's contributions to critical theory of fascism with contemporary affect theory, and outlines some implications for antifascist education. The purpose is to critically engage with the role of affectivity in fascism and antifascist education and unpack the risks entailed in antifascist education as a case of 'affective education,' thereby extending our understanding of the affective dimensions of antifascist education. If antifascism requires attunement to antifascist affects and sensibilities, as Bataille suggests, then there are important ethical and political risks for antifascist education. In particular, if antifascist education must stoke a passion for democracy, then there are concerns about where to draw the line that enables a non-dogmatic, non-manipulative antifascism. The article discusses whether or how it might be possible to remedy some of these ethical and political risks through particular strategies.

Within the framework of the reemergence of the theme of antifascism in contemporary educational theory, this paper raises the question of whether antifascism may be considered as a genuinely educational concept. Moreover, it investigates whether and to what extent the idea of antifascist education should remain anchored to an explicit reference to (anti)fascism as a historical phenomenon. Focusing, in particular, on the Italian scene, a distinction is established between antifascist education and education for antifascism. While understanding the concern of the scholars who appeal to a more strictly historical use of the category "(anti)fascist," the article vindicates the significance of the idea of antifascist education broadly understood, by drawing upon Umberto Eco's notion of Ur-fascism. In this endeavor, some key tenets of two Italian thinkers--Aldo Capitini and Guido Calogero--are marshaled and three main ideas are pinned down as representing the tripod of antifascist education: "openness," "the ulteriority of Thou" and a "non-imperial understanding of truth." The engagement with Capitini's religious--but non-confessional--approach indicates a view of antifascist education in religious and existential terms, this perspective possibly being more topical than ever in contemporary scenarios.

A critique of both homogenizing and vertical power runs through the Zapatista social project in Chiapas, Mexico, lending a distinctive character to both Zapatismo's political vision of self-governance and to the educational vision of its community schools. Zapatismo's critical practices may thus offer valuable contributions to antifascist praxis and pedagogy. This paper considers anti/fascism through a micropolitical lens, focusing on two prevailing tendencies: binarization of power relations and homogenization of identities. It then suggests that Zapatista practices undermine microfascist tendencies in social-political life through subversion of command relationships, plural identification, critique of representation and safeguarding of alterity. The paper concludes by tracing the manner in which a critique of state schooling within Chiapas's indigenous communities has led to the development of Zapatista autonomous schools, examining ways in which these schools refuse totalization and prefigure community autonomy.

Given the rise in extremist radicalization using digital media, antifascist education must develop its own philosophy of digital technologies. The first half of this paper turns to Leo Löwenthal and Norbert Guterman's theory of the American agitator as well as Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno's notion of fascist projection and paranoia to provide groundwork for this project. Though written in the 1940s, Frankfurt School essays on agitation and projection can be thought of as early indications of the importance of affect in fascist politics, which has only become intensified with the advent of digital media. The paper then proceeds to apply a critical concept of "agitational aesthetics" to chan culture in the present day, highlighting the affective economy of memes in the radicalization process. In conclusion, a series of questions are posed to educators to help them think through the complexities of intervening before, during, and after the online agitation of proto-fascist tendencies in youth.

Recent scholarship on anti-fascist education has stressed the role of everyday manifestations of power and oppression as the locus of molecular or microfascism, a term coined by Deleuze and Guattari. While identifying the ways in which power structures operate at the quotidian level is undoubtedly an important educational task, this paper argues that an anti-fascist educational approach must also account for the ways in which such structures are connected to concrete political manifestations of fascism. To this end, it explores the potential contributions and challenges of an Arendtian conception of love in the context of anti-fascist education. Drawing on Arendt's polemical interactions about love with Israeli scholar Gershom Scholem, this paper suggests that Arendt's conception of love as belonging outside the realm of the political, and her rejection of a love for the nation and for collectivities in general, can serve as important pedagogical tools in uncovering and critiquing specific affective appeals characteristic of fascist and neo-fascist rhetoric. While in Arendt's own work love is not explicitly associated with an analysis of fascism, her thinking about love brings us back to questions about the very meaning of politics, questions that are foundational to any meaningful attempt to establish an anti-fascist pedagogy.[AQ]

In recent years right-extremist ideologies, parties and regimes are gaining popularity and power all over the globe, and as days go by, hope for equality, freedom and peace seems more and more unrealistic, delusionary, perhaps even dangerous. To what goals and in which ways should one educate in a reality that offers no end in sight to oppression? And should educators be satisfied with the hope to merely slow down or temporarily pause what seems to be inevitable? In this essay, I show that educators and their students might get caught up in state of "stuckedness" (Hage, 2009), to which fascist hope and fascist unique temporalities offer relief. I argue that from this situation, a particular and strong kind of hope can arise -- radical hope that is immanently transcendent and whose objectives are incomprehensible and cannot be imagined at present. Paradoxically and while difficult to attain, this almost desperate hope can free educators from the discursive and temporal constraints set by both fascist ideologies and by the feeling of historical blockage, and instead infuse education with an emancipatory horizon. First, interested in both the experience of limited future, I draw insights from ethnographies that depict such historical periods and their relationship to fascism. Then, I present an analysis of fascist temporalities and draw principles for the "fascist hope" extracted from them. I also analyze the temptation of fascist hope through reading in the work of German Marxist philosopher Ernst Bloch, and follow his transcendent approach to the future which I bring into discussion with the concept of radical hope and with a call for learning observance. To conclude, I draw preliminary directions for an antifascist education.

This article examines how the concept of freedom has been appropriated by the far right to impose a number of authoritarian policies designed to dismantle the critical functions of public and higher education. It explores, in particular, the ways in which Florida Republican Governor Ron DeSantis has used an appeal to freedom to punish critics, wage a war on trans people, misrepresent the history of slavery, and impose a new version of McCarthyism on higher education. It challenges what it terms neoliberal and fascist notions of freedom by making clear that democracy and capitalism are incompatible, and that any viable notion of freedom must address not only personal and political rights but also economic rights. Freedom from domination must be matched by a freedom to live in a world marked by the principles of justice, equality, and dignity. There is no freedom in the midst of massive inequalities in wealth, power, and education.

This essay argues that educational practices are uniquely situated to mobilize antifascist resistance. Contemporary fascism produces through macro- and micropolitical movements. The author looks to how educational practices make molecular fascist productions sensible. Educators can resist the molecular and micropolitical productions of fascist desires by creating and inviting complex relationships in educational practices and spaces. By making the complexity of each individual's partial struggles sensible, educators resist the microfascist individualizations of contemporary capitalism operative in pedagogy. The development of capitalism into neoliberalism produces new fascisms not reducible to previous fascist iterations. Neoliberalism and fascism must be attended to in their complexities and differences in order to mobilize affective antifascist resistance. In conclusion, this essay argues for complex resistance to the differing fascist tendencies operative in neoliberal academic spaces and practices.

The contemporary landscape of dread in living and teaching demands a creative and experimental form of investigation that can trace the affective contours of the present and uncover the obscure openings for an oppositional imagination. In a series of interlinked excurses, this essay articulates a poetic probing of the nexus of slow fascism and capitalist realism in the contemporary United States, as this is lived in the waking dreams of pedagogy and imaginative praxis. Looking beyond familiar analyses, this project exposes the terror of loss that motivates the punishments visited upon school and society by elites and points to the spectral presence of justice, which lives with us as persistent horizon even as it is persistently refused by power. Interleaved with these unravelings of the texture of experience as domination, this project gestures toward a thinking and teaching that is wise to capitalism's recurrent fantasies. This pedagogy inverts the certainties that organize our senses of knowledge and curriculum, navigates the hidden topology of the real (beyond the reflexive affirmation in schools of "what is"), and proposes an unruly form of thought that moves out past the walls that sign the edge of the classroom and the edge of the truth. This project does not announce a settled approach but rather challenges the limits of the familiar at the level of our structures of feeling. We feel the terror of the given in the present, but we can also follow the seam of experience toward the point at which its impositions are attached--in spite of themselves--to the confounding/liberatory logic of the "impossible."

Foucauldian critical studies are cornucopian in illustrating how policy as discourse normalizes and yields human beings into made subjects in modern societies. However, Foucault's own slide from the 'terminal stage of discourse' pays little attention to the linguistic elements, and thus weakens the theory's potency in explaining the reality. Specifically, when the production of desirable subjects implicates clear target/norm-setting, ambiguous expressions are persistent in policy documents. To explicate this contradiction, this article firstly traces back to the foundation of Foucault's critical approach to policy analysis - socio-linguistic studies, to demonstrate the inevitable existence of ambiguity in language. It then continues such interdisciplinary efforts by combining research in public administration, politics and international relationship, to explore the positive effects of equivocalness in policy texts. Empirically based on China's regulation over transnational higher education, this study argues ambiguous expressions facilitate modern states, especially those fraught with conflicting discourses to mask the discursive conflict and leave negotiation room for innovative policy enactment. The vague norms of subject production are thus both inevitable and intentionally employed in policy developments.

As online education continues to proliferate that there is a need to understand how institutions can better support faculty in the transition to online education. Building on work that has suggested the importance of learning spaces for faculty to engage in discussion and reflection on their move to online education, this paper employs Bakhtin's notion of "ideological becoming" to provide a theoretically grounded understanding of how the design of such spaces can better facilitate this move. The paper reveals how learning spaces designed to develop critical awareness empower faculty to navigate discourses of online education, enabling them to build on their existing knowledge and skills as educators. The findings reveal how engaging faculty in critical dialogue can enable a cumulative shift in thinking from discussions dominated by authoritative discourses of online education that create an initial confusion between performance and pedagogy to the development of critical awareness that enables them to challenge dominant discourses and reconnect with the self as an experienced educator. The paper provides an important insight into an approach that might enable institutions to better support faculty buy-in and acceptance of online education.

Studies consistently show the social impact of spreading epistemologically unfounded beliefs (or 'conspiracy beliefs'), including negative effects on public health. The present study identified correlations among epistemologically unfounded beliefs, authoritarianism, and scientific literacy in a representative sample of 303 Slovak secondary school students, using the Epistemologically Unfounded Beliefs Scale, Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale, and Scientific Reasoning Scale. Statistical analysis confirmed significant correlations among the three variables. The findings suggest that increasing scientific literacy could simultaneously reduce authoritarianism and epistemologically unfounded beliefs in secondary school students.

In this co/autoethnography, we used dialogic journaling and critical conversations to examine our feminist stances and practices. As feminist practitioners in high school English classrooms, we analyzed our collaborative co-teaching relationships, examining the complex dynamics of those partnerships, how we responded to the struggles of patriarchy and white supremacy in our classrooms, and how we turned that examination inward to inspect our contradictions and attachments to authoritarianism and oppression.

In this collective essay the authors consider the nature and consequences of reading and researching across difference in an international and intergenerational team, whose core members are focused on understanding how curriculum operates and the nature of textbook representation of diversity in Mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Macau. Examining textbook reading across and about difference as senior and junior curriculum theorists, emerging educational researchers, and recent secondary school graduates with varied international and cross-border experiences, the authors consider how their unique positions and experiences--as well as the political and social context of schooling, and the abstraction, simplification, and reduction of reality which textbook production entails--influences understandings of the value of curriculum theory and textbook research. The insights of this essay shed light on such topics as how textbooks are seen across difference, read in academic and school settings, experienced based on identity and subjectivity, and taken up in understanding broader nation-state politics. In sum, the authors critically ask here what textbooks and textbook research are 'for' from an international view, given the dynamic ways that reading and collaborative scholarship work.

The contribution deals critically with the issue of citizenship and children's rights, identifying a silent void starting from the change we have witnessed with the progressive questioning of the principles, secular, and religious, of adult authority and the sacrosanct affirmation rights of minors and their defence against violence and abuse. This questioning, for example in Italy, took the form of the abolition of the concept of patria potestatis, replaced with that of parental responsibility. However, looking at the juridical, pedagogical, and children's literature, it seems that in the face of numerous publications which speak of children's rights, very few are those that deal with the theme of (any?) the duties of minors.

This article discusses a problem in the field of giftedness--the meaning and deployment of giftedness in authoritarian systems, or in declining, failing, or pseudo-democracies. This problem exists for much of the world's population yet seems to be relatively little discussed. The article opens with a consideration of what the problem is. It then discusses how widespread it is--it applies to most of the world's population. Indeed, much of what is discussed in teaching of the gifted, with regard to both content and pedagogy, truly can be applied fully only to those who live in relatively free countries, as wide-ranging creative and critical thinking may be suppressed in nondemocratic societies. The article then discusses the roles individuals can play in declining or non-free societies, and the defense mechanisms they use to justify certain roles. The article further discusses ways of teaching in various societies, and the risks these ways of teaching pose.

Researchers have argued that many leaders, such as CEOs and politicians, tend to possess narcissistic traits. At healthy and productive levels, narcissistic traits, such as self-promotion, may actually be an advantage to achieving success in some fields. Yet, few researchers have explored gifted narcissists as a twice-exceptionality. This article discusses the gifted narcissist profile and grandiose narcissism in particular. Following a brief introduction to key terms, the gifted narcissist profile is explored through the augmented theory of successful intelligence. The impact of giftedness on individuals with a narcissistic personality disorder is discussed in terms of positive and negative effects. Presidents, autocratic leaders, and cult leaders are presented as examples of gifted grandiose narcissists.

The present study aimed at examining the transactional effects between parental styles and adolescent externalizing problems. The total sample included 868 students, 410 preadolescents (M[subscript age] = 10.63, SD = 0.63) attending the last two grades of elementary school and 458 early adolescents (M[subscript age] = 12.65, SD = 0.67) attending the first two grades of high school. Participating schools (N = 15) were purposefully selected to be diverse in terms of urban/rural residence of families they serve, as well as their socioeconomic status, and came from three different Districts of Cyprus. In terms of gender, 451 (52.0%) were girls and 410 (47.5%) were boys. The self-report version of the "Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire" was used for measuring externalizing problems and the "Parental Authority Questionnaire" was used for measuring parental style. A short-term longitudinal design was used, with the data collected at two points in time having 5-month intervals. By means of a cross-lagged model, and in contrast to prior studies claiming that certain parental styles influence positively or negatively externalizing problems, the current study found that the opposite effect is true. That is, externalizing problems affected positively authoritarian parenting and negative authoritative style. Also, a multigroup analysis revealed that age/developmental phase moderated these relationships. Specifically, T1 authoritarian parenting seemed to be a risk factor for preadolescents, but not for adolescents.

Despite increasing attention to citizenship education since the turn of the 21st century, the recent spread of authoritarian populism worldwide has raised relatively little attention in educational policy and research. As a result, the possibilities and limitations that national curricula offer to educators to deal with this phenomenon are still rather uncertain. In this article, we develop an analytical framework based on the key features of authoritarian populism and critical citizenship education to compare the elements and scope for addressing populism in the national curricula of Brazil and Spain, two countries where national populism is particularly widespread. This paper examines the extent to which national curricula in these countries include goals and content that enable teachers to address the complexities of this phenomenon ranging from political polarisation through to the exaltation of national identities.

This paper considers critical reflection as a pedagogical strategy in UK higher education at a moment of an amplification of populist, reactionary discourses. It draws on written reflections of foundation-level students in a case study cohort and offers insights into their lived learning experiences and perceptions of the value of reflection. This is situated within the UK 'Brexit' context, alongside a proliferation of far-right populist voices, emboldened supremacies and rising fascism. Accompanying this has been a normalisation of reactionary 'anti-social justice' discourses. It is vital that HE practitioners recognise, pre-empt and interrupt such discourses, developing pedagogies and curricula in response. Yet there are inherent challenges in a climate of 'post-truth' anti-intellectualism. This paper argues that critical reflection contributes a useful approach to learning, fostering development of students' personal, intellectual and political capacities to navigate this complex socio-political terrain and engage with social justice.

In Turkey, the quest for gender equality in universities takes place under increasing anti-gender, authoritarian and neoliberal pressures. Based on interviews with academic change agents, this article explores gender equality efforts in different universities presented in the form of typology: project-led, collective and individual-led change. It suggests that change processes are context-bound, yet they face similar challenges in securing inclusivity, intersectionality and sustainability, which are better addressed by hybrid strategies. Differing from professionalised reform strategies in the global North, gender equality reform in Turkey's universities provides insights transcending binaries such as that between the university and its outside, top-down and grassroots change, and formal and informal solidarities.

This study aimed to analyse how school health team professionals in geographical areas with a long tradition of neo-Nazi activism discursively conceptualise the problem of racism. The participants do not consider racism or neo-Nazi mobilisation to be a central problem at their schools. At the same time, they cited several examples of obvious expressions of neo-Nazi convictions among students. This discrepancy is explained in different capacities. Firstly, as the students are understood to have a mill-town mentality, certain behaviours are expected and excused. Secondly, to be seen as a problem, racist expression is also expected to be visual. A third factor is that the problem is individualised, focusing on one incident at a time.

Parents' happiness orientation has garnered early attention in school choice studies but has not been cautiously examined. Drawing on Aristotle's framework of Eudaimonia and Hedonia, along with Ahmed's concept of the happiness promise, this study transcends a perspec­tive of preference and examines how parents understand and pursue happiness in school choice. Based on interviews with 32 Shanghai middle-class parents, this study indicates five happiness objects: bachelor's degree, expertise, non-cognitive development, good physical and mental health, and hobby. These happiness objects shape parents' school choice preferences. In pursuing happiness objects, parents follow the philosophies of 'no sweet without sweat' and 'prioritize sweet with due consideration to sweat' and employ an authoritative approach when making choices. This study challenges the cultural stereotype that Chinese parents are solely academic-oriented and authoritarian in school choice. Instead, parents integrate happiness and academics and strive to balance children's future fulfilment and present enjoyment.

Models of education that we find in city museums in Austria bear the danger of avoiding discussing the Nazi past. But on the other hand, there is potential in the freedom of being about to skirt it. The lack of pressure to address the topic can lead to a more open approach in discussions, but the ease with which the topic can be avoided is dangerous. Museum spaces between leisure and learning bear the potential to implement open learning models that are, similar to social research, oriented more towards processes and the development of questions than the transmission of already fixed content. Following the approach of research-oriented learning in my own practice at the City Museum of Linz (the city where Hitler and Eichmann grew up), I discuss its challenges, especially in regard to experiences of antisemitism and racism-based forms of exclusions. I use my own learning process as research to suggest methodological developments that allow addressing the issues of antisemitism and the experiences of exclusions in a multidirectional, open, and sensitive way.

With the renovation of the building and the redesign of the Wien Museum's (the City Museum of Vienna) permanent exhibition, the Nazi period is now finally being told as part of the city's history after decades of neglect. The education department was thus faced with the task of including these important and multifaceted topics in our educational programs while still carrying out our everyday work. Based mainly on conversations with experts we distilled five insights that guide our programs: (1) engaging with the students' lifeworld, (2) working with biographies, (3) covering multiple perspectives, (4) highlighting personal agency within a totalitarian system, and (5) connecting to local sites. After discussing each of these principles, this article explains how we implemented them in our work, using two examples, namely a two-hour school program and a school project lasting several months.

With the rise of authoritarian politics across the globe, echoes of a fascist past are with us once again signaling a looming and dangerous threat to education and democracy. This essay argues that is it crucial to engage fascism both as a language of white supremacy and a politics of disconnection. If fascism is to be addressed both politically and educationally, it is crucial to address its underlying political, educational, and economic elements comprehensively as part of a broad politics. Any viable mode of resistance to fascism in its upgraded forms must not only make education central to politics but also analyze the problems it produces and its root causes in their interconnections and as part of a wider totality of power and exclusion. Fascism is normalized in a capitalist order when its diverse economic, political and social problems appear fragmented, disconnected, and are treated in isolation. This essay argues against this form of normalization and critiques the relationship between fascism and capitalism and its politics of diversion by examining how a number of crucial issues are often wrongly dealt with in isolation. It concludes by demonstrating how a politics that is comprehensive and interrelated provides a language to rethink how fascism can be made visible and resisted.

In 2021, the Florida Legislature passed House Bill 233. The bill has three provisions: 1) it mandates an "intellectual viewpoint diversity" survey that asks students, faculty, and other employees at Florida's public colleges and universities to report on their levels of comfort to express their ideological and political opinions; 2) it forbids instructors from "shielding" students from "access to, or observation of, ideas and opinions that they may find uncomfortable, unwelcome, disagreeable, or offensive"; 3) it deputizes students as vigilantes to record instructor lectures without the instructor's consent "as evidence in, or in preparation for, a criminal or civil proceeding." By narrating my involvement as a plaintiff in litigation against this bill, I discuss how the protections of intellectual inquiry are being struggled over in the context of state overreach and growing authoritarianism and how this threatens the roots of democratic culture.

From climate disaster to the specter of nuclear annihilation to the rise of fascism and destruction of democracy to the advent of AI and other potentially destructive technologies, a number of material threats are matched by symbolic threats that undermine the capacities of people to respond. The war on public and critical education and the public sphere, the erosion of investigative journalism, ideologies of cynicism, and the crises of critical theoretical tools and literacies undermine individual and collective agency to respond to these threats. The result of these material threats and crises of agency is political paralysis, cynicism, and despair. This article focuses on three material and symbolic disasters: (1) climate crisis and natural disaster; (2) the privatization of public education in continuing and new digital forms as part of the broader rightist war on the public; and (3) the rise of authoritarian anti-democratic movements. The threats posed by these phenomena are bolstered by ideologies in education that are profoundly deterministic, fatalistic, and anti-agentic. The first section briefly details these intertwined threats and the ideologies about them. The second section makes the case for modes of education and pedagogy that inform the understanding and agency of teachers, citizens, and other meaning making actors to challenge these threats and pursue public and democratic values and build institutions of care and security.