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This paper examines how accounting can both entrench and challenge an inhumane and costly neoliberal policy—namely, the Australian government's offshore detention of asylum seekers. Drawing on Bruff, Rethinking Marxism 26:113–129 (2014) and Smith, Competition & Change 23:192–217 (2019), we acknowledge that the neoliberalism underpinning immigration policies and the practices related to asylum seekers takes an authoritarian tone. Through the securitisation and militarisation of the border, the Australian state politicises and silences marginalised social groups such as asylum-seekers. Studies have exposed accounting as a technology that upholds neoliberalism by representing policy as objective and factual. Curiously, there has been a wilful intention by successive Australian governments to silence the accounting for offshore detention. We seek to demystify this unaccounting and unaccountability by exploring counter-accounts produced by meso-level organisations that support asylum seekers. We apply a close-reading method in analysing limited governmental accounts and various counter-accounts to demonstrate how counter-accounts give visibility to practices that an authoritarian neoliberal regime has obfuscated. We also reflect on the potential for counter-accounting to foster broader social change by holding the Australian government accountable to moral and ethical standards of care for human life. This paper considers the intersections between accounting and authoritarian neoliberalism and presents counter-accounts as mechanisms that can challenge these neoliberal norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

AbstractThis contribution addresses the strategic significance of family politics for the Islamic Republic of Iran, facing multifaceted crises. It identifies Iran’s recent family and gender policies, which are characterised by the fusion of neoliberal principles with moral politics and can be found in other authoritarian neoliberal regimes. Drawing on a historical analysis of familialism in Iran, spanning pre- and post-revolutionary periods, we contend that the recent shift towards a gendered-moral politics emphasising harsh pronatalism and family-oriented governance, termed  ‘neoliberal familialism’, reflects a profound shift in the political rationality of the Islamic Republic towards neoliberal governance to manage its socio-economic crises. In other words, not only have neoliberal principles affected the family politics of the last decade in Iran, but a specific form of masculine nationalist neoliberalisation in Iran has also been possible and advanced partly through neoliberal familialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the recent rise of authoritarianism and processes of 'democratic backsliding' in the Balkans (and other parts of CEE), the EU has projected an image of itself as a bastion of democracy and a counterweight to authoritarian tendencies and regimes. In contrast, this article points to the ways in which the EU – through its enlargement strategy – has legitimized authoritarian practices in candidate states. These practices have been inherently linked to the adoption of the EU acquis communautaire and deepening processes of neoliberal restructuring. In Serbia, the mandated transition to renewable energy, and the associated rise in small hydropower as a solution for meeting renewable energy targets, has led to an intensification of state-sponsored violence and coercion. By focusing on a small hydropower development in Rakita, Serbia, this paper highlights the inherently multiscalar nature of authoritarian state power and potential new avenues for contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the influence of class on migrants' social positioning strategies in transnational spaces. It contributes to debates about the processes of transnational class‐making and class formation. Going beyond an analysis of class in socio‐economic terms, the paper focuses on peoples' (changing) subjective understandings of middle‐class membership as a relevant factor in migrants' transnational social positioning strategies. Based on qualitative interview data with middle‐class migrants in Germany, the presentation relates their experiences with downward social mobility before and after migration to their subjective perspectives on middle‐class membership over time and in different places. The findings show that middle‐class performance is shaped by migration experiences but also shapes peoples' mobility trajectories and therefore influences and promotes different transnational lifestyles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between neoliberalism and democracy has been a topic of debate among scholars for decades. Neoliberalism, an economic and political ideology that emphasizes free markets, deregulation, and privatization, has gained global influence but has also been criticized for undermining democratic institutions. This article offers a critical perspective on the emergence of authoritarian neoliberalism and its impact on democratic governance in the 21st century. By examining the concentration of wealth and power, the erosion of public trust, and the privatization of essential services, this study sheds light on the challenges posed by neoliberalism and the need for policies that rebalance economic and political power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since communism's collapse, Central and Eastern Europe adopted neoliberal reforms for democratization and market integration. However, democratic institutions in many countries have backslid. Scholars debate neoliberalism's impacts and the rise of oligarchs concentrating wealth and distorting democracy. This review analyzes 50 sources from 1990-2020 through meta-analysis. Literature is assessed regarding neoliberalization's mechanisms and effects. Privatization concentrated assets in politically-connected oligarchs, enabling state capture constraining competition. Deregulation empowered economic elites with disproportionate political influence, distorting representation toward oligarchic over public interests. Evidence partially supports the hypothesis that neoliberalism benefiting oligarchs distorted democracy, contributing to backsliding. However, grassroots resistance offers alternatives. Further research could integrate local case studies and frameworks focused on equitable distribution rather than growth alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I adopt the theoretical lens of authoritarian neoliberalism coupled with the concept of performativity to analyse post-transition Tunisian counterterror politics. In doing so, I argue that "securing the state" from discursively constructed "threats" such as terrorism, political Islamism and the associated instability they are perceived to engender can be understood as a performative enactment of statehood in the context of reduced sovereignty associated with neoliberal deregulation, as well as a crisis of legitimacy faced by successive post-transition governments in Tunisia. However, performative counterterror discourses and practices are aimed not only at "flexing the muscles" of the state. They also seek to construct moral panic surrounding certain groups and thus justify the roll out of repressive policing of already marginalised communities rather than merely suspected terrorists. This performance is intended to distract from some of the root causes of radicalisation in contemporary Tunisia: economic inequalities and dispossession linked to failed neoliberal deregulation. Thus, through the exploration of the Tunisian case between 2014 and 2021, I contend we can best understand (in)security in the MENA when adopting an analytical approach bringing together security studies and International Political Economy (IPE). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of PRAKSIS is the property of PRAKSIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What are the social dynamics behind the rise and resilience of today’s authoritarian regimes? This paper seeks to answer this question by focusing on the longest lasting elected autocracy of our era, the AKP (Justice and Development Party) regime in Turkey. Building on the authoritarian neoliberalism literature’s criticism of the scholarship on competitive authoritarianism, I point out the seeds of authoritarianism in the pro-market reforms of the 1980s–2000s. However, both literatures fail to address the popular embrace of authoritarianism. In critical engagement with analyses of fascism, I develop the concept ‘democratic autocracy’: a parliamentarised, individualised, personalistic, and relatively more market-oriented, twenty-first century version of fascism. The democratic autocracy in Turkey organises and mobilises the people through parties, youth and aid associations, paramilitary organisations, and unions. However, both unresolved economic crises and democratic autocracy’s sociopolitical dynamics set limits to its resilience, as well as to the sustainability of its parliamentarism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Croatia celebrated a decade of membership in the European Union by joining the euro currency and the Schengen Area of free movement on January 1, 2023. At the same time, however, the country is struggling with the economic, social, and political consequences of its semi-peripheral status. A series of reform challenges remain unsolved, including the continued dominance of clientelistic networks. Amid a set of overlapping crises, from the global financial meltdown to the COVID-19 pandemic, the country has seen a revival of conservative and patriarchal ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Turkey, as in many Mediterranean countries, the Covid‐19 pandemic enhanced the mobility of the country's affluent classes to coastal towns. Many decided to settle there permanently, either by making their second homes their main residences, or by purchasing or renting new property. This has created severe social, infrastructural and environmental problems in these towns because of transformed demographics, a largely unregulated construction boom, increased renovation activities and an unprecedented rise in real‐estate and consumer‐goods prices. In this article we contextualize these problems in relation to the Justice and Development Party's neoliberal policies of urban governance and rescaling in the past 15 years. The government, having given the construction sector the main role in Turkey's economic development, subsequently granted it new spatial opportunities through the authoritarian and centralized allocation of urban and rural land. Coastal towns have been the target of unregulated urban growth and predatory construction in this process and have thus provided new spatial development prospects. Local governmental reform in 2012, which introduced radical urban rescaling and weakened district municipalities' planning and regulation capacities, further intensified the process. These factors have had a severe impact on coastal towns and their middle‐income residents, who face new mobility pressures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under authoritarian neoliberalism, Turkey has seen the number of legal strikes plummet since the mid-1990s. Alongside deepening authoritarianism, the AKP government banned nearly all legal strikes in the 2010s. How have working-class protests fared against this bleak backdrop? Have workers become pliant victims of a repressive regime of accumulation? Or is there evidence of fight left in the Turkish working class? This article addresses these questions through protest event analysis (PEA) of an original dataset of working-class protests between 2015 and 2019. Workers are found to have managed to maintain a significant protest performance despite the increasingly authoritarian environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, resulting from a master’s research, aims to analyze the relationship between the advance of authoritarian neoliberalism and the re-updating of drug policies during the Bolsonaro administration. The study, qualitative in nature, was anchored in historicaldialectic materialism and used bibliographic and documentary research, in addition to content analysis technique. It was identified that, historically, Brazilian legislation on drugs, based on the prohibitionist paradigm and on the idea of the “war on drugs”, produces genocide and incarceration of the black population. In the context of authoritarian neoliberalism and the advancement of the penal state, public policies on drugs underwent updates that promoted the defunding of the Psychosocial Care Network (RAPS), the resurgence of repression and punishment aimed mainly at the social and punitive control of the black working class, the expansion of the asylum perspective, the designation of abstinence as the main form of intervention, and facilitating involuntary hospitalizations; thus, a prohibitionist re-updating of drug policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many commentators have suggested that the first 18 months of the Johnson government were characterised by a propensity to centralise power. However, few accounts have situated the administration in the historical context of the British state or systematically examined these centralising tendencies. This article attempts to address these omissions. First, through a critical assessment of the literature on authoritarian neoliberalism, the concept of 'executive centralisation' is developed within the context of the British state. Second, the article applies this revised framework to the early stages of the Johnson government. While a dominant executive is a long-standing feature of the British political system, it is argued that Johnson has pursued a multifaceted centralisation strategy facilitated by the context of Brexit and COVID-19. In identifying the role of consent in this process, the article augments scholarship on 'authoritarian neoliberalism' as a moment in neoliberal governance characterised by the ascendance of coercive governing strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I show that current literature on authoritarian neoliberalism has not only overlooked the crucial role of legitimation in authoritarian neoliberal regimes, both pre- and post-2008, it has also failed to properly conceptualise it. While existing scholarship mainly pictures neoliberal governments as pursuing legitimation to ensure accumulation remains unopposed, I instead argue that neoliberal governments see legitimation as an instrument of, and precondition for, accumulation – as directly feeding into it. Indeed, my contribution shows that governments aim to transform citizens into neoliberal subjects that actively and willingly participate in neoliberal accumulation. I call this project, which relies on state-driven mass behavioural change, a strategy of 'accumulation by legitimation'. The article illustrates this with the case of Thatcherism, analysing newly released governmental archival sources through a Marxist-Foucauldian framework. I unearth the Thatcher government's propaganda campaign and employee involvement policy, which were a combined effort to influence the British people through governmental education, share ownership as well as communication and consultation in industry. The objective was to turn British workers into self-identifying capitalists that would willingly support the market order and accept its imperatives by themselves, such as the need to moderate their own wage demands. Thatcherites saw this as a prerequisite for their employment and counter-inflationary policies to work. This far-reaching strategy however faced significant obstacles, both from inside government and from British capital, illustrating key contradictions in neoliberalism. While neoliberal ideas endure, this sheds light on the incomplete and fragile character of neoliberal hegemony up to today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the paths taken by Estonia and Latvia in their departure from the rouble zone are illustrative of authoritarian neoliberal governance. By challenging the widely assumed simultaneity of ‘democratic’ and ‘market’ revolutions, it critiques institutionalist literature on Baltic exchange-rate regimes and sheds light on the various methods employed to curtail democratic political discourse and participation. The paper delves into the origins of the Baltic neoliberal historical blocs and identifies the social forces that influenced the development of monetary reform initiatives. It then explores the construction of exchange-rate systems through the lens of power struggles within the state bureaucracy, as well as the restructuring of state apparatuses to limit public oversight of monetary policy formulation and implementation. Finally, the paper demonstrates how Baltic currency boards effectively facilitated the establishment of externally-oriented capital accumulation regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze the Trump administration's anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies (2017-2021) through the lens of the concept "authoritarian neoliberalism" and their effects on remittances from the Mexican community. That administration exalted modern U.S. nationalism and that was reflected in anti-immigrant operations, especially aimed at the Mexican population. The authors underline that, despite tougher policies, the Mexican population, linked to priority activities in the transnational process, sent more and more remittances to Mexico, even during the SARS cov19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The renewed interest in unearthing the structural similarities between neoliberalism's 'authoritarianism' and the contemporary far-right has paid little to no attention to another critical overlap between the two: the deep aversion towards the 'feminisation of society'. This paper aims twofold: first, I theorise the relation between gender and the state under neoliberalism as a fundamental aspect of its de-democratising project, which underscores a structural similarity between the two. Second, I highlight the role of politicising culture in both neoliberalism and the far-right. Drawing on Wilhelm Röpke's theorisation of the cultural-symbolic and anthropological order as a political practice mystifying seemingly 'autonomous' political and economic orders, I show how the far-right 'anti-gender' culture wars are thoroughly compatible with neoliberalism. Despite the former's rhetorical antagonism with the latter, 'tradwives' and bodybuilders are prime 'authoritarian' neoliberal subjects. I find evidence in the work of the German identitarians organised around the Institut für Staatspolitik. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As neoliberalism lurches through its zombie phase – intellectually dead but dominant – critical scholars chart the global ascendancy of authoritarian variants of neoliberalism. Distinguished, in particular, by the rise of constitutional and legal strategies to contain dissent and entrench exclusion, authors call for attention to the role of law in reproducing and regulating neoliberal policy. Previous research on the intersections of law and neoliberalism tends to emphasise law's role in maintaining rather than subverting hegemony. In this paper, I move away from domination‐oriented accounts to consider the potential for resistance. I argue that renewed dialogue with legal geography and its erstwhile emphasis on contingency can recentre the agonistic dimensions of authoritarian rollout. I draw on evidence collected through a three‐year institutional ethnography of the labour movement in Cambodia, examining the impacts of the 2016 Law on Trade Unions on labour and labour organising in the garment and footwear industry. I show how the law frustrates and criminalises union organisation in an attempt to insulate the state from the growing discontent provoked by Cambodia's uneven neoliberal development. In doing so, however, the law has inadvertently centred the state as the direct target of popular labour struggles no longer contained within disciplining trade union channels. By drawing attention to the complex entanglements of everyday activism and state efforts to contain dissent, the paper highlights the contradictions that manifest in the consolidation of authoritarian neoliberalism. I argue that legal geography helps elucidate how these contradictions are productive of new forms of crisis, where the rollout of zombie neoliberalism spawns recurrent reanimations of zombie resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2016, 2212 academics have signed a petition to criticise human rights violations in Kurdish cities, and faced grave consequences as a result. By presenting the experiences of six dismissed signatory academics, this article aims to show the effects of authoritarian neoliberal policies on higher education institutions. After demonstrating the AKP government's response to the petition, it accounts for the ways in which authoritarian neoliberalism in Turkey responds to its critics, the strategies that it employs to discipline critical academics, and its effects on these individuals and on the Turkish academia as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, the emerging Chinese Party-state has used commercial ties with North American and European providers of surveillance technologies to grow national prowess of public security, fostering a transnational state-corporate symbiosis. The exports of surveillance technologies from the Global North to China started in the late 1970s, and now Chinese technology companies are competing with and replacing those suppliers in the globalized neoliberal market. This research explores the two-way dynamic of China’s state and private surveillance capacity underscored by international companies’ profit-seeking behaviors and domestic technological and economic growth. Four case studies of companies from Canada, China, and the US are used to highlight the changing dynamics in the global circulation of surveillance technologies. Particular attention is paid to the cyclical nature of such technologies through which unresolved issues of global governance continue to emerge and, accordingly, support the growth of technology-powered authoritarianism worldwide.

Political economists investigating Turkey's turbulent path in recent years predominantly work from within three different characterizations of Turkish capitalism: authoritarian neoliberalism, crony capitalism, and state capitalism. This article critically reviews these competing visions and identifies directions for future research. I argue that, fundamental differences aside, these approaches together illustrate the indispensability of a political economy perspective for comprehending Turkey's current predicament, in particular its authoritarian turn and ongoing systemic crisis. Yet meeting the potential of this research program also requires resisting rigid macro conceptualizations and aiming instead for empirically rich analyses of nuts-and-bolts phenomena such as changes in the class map, sectoral regimes, and challenges of development, with a view to identifying feasible strategies of renewal post-AKP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, a series of right-wing populists has ascended to power in both the Global North and the Global South. While these leaders frequently have provided challenges to liberal democracy, neoliberal modes of economic governance have often been part of their agendas. Analysis of the economic policy narrative of the Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro's electoral campaign in 2018 through the theoretical lens of authoritarian neoliberalism reveals that it has worked by the relegation of economic matters to technocratic management outside the sphere of democratic debate and the instrumentalized estrangement of groups and institutions opposed to his political views. Recentemente, uma série de populistas direitistas têm chegado ao poder tanto nos países do norte como naqueles do sul. Enquanto estes lideres frequentemente apresentam desafios às democrâcias liberais, modos neoliberais de governança econômica muitas vezes desempenham um papel nas suas agendas. Uma análise da narrativa da política econômica na campanha presidencial do Presidente Jair Bolsonaro no Brasil em 2018 mediante uma visão teorética de neoliberalismo autoritário indica que ela funcionou pela relegação de assuntos econômicos a gestores tecnocrâticos que ficam fora da esféra de debate democrâtico e pelo afastamento instrumentalizado de grupos e instituições que se opõem às idéias políticas de Bolsonaro. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the unending crises in higher education in Zimbabwe by situating the discussion in neoliberal theories and literature. Authoritarian classic neoliberalism, neopatrimonial neoliberalism, and kleptocratic neoliberalism are the three neoliberal strains utilized to interpret and discuss views from Southern African academics, specifically from Zimbabwe's university community. A recent survey study captured the experiences and perspectives of university teachers. Focusing on research and related academic activities, the paper examines and highlights the academe's challenging experiences. The paper identifies areas of academic research and pedagogy that have deteriorated because of the adoption of authoritarian neoliberalism. The discussion is located within a critical perspective that considers neoliberalism as an authoritarian ideology enforced on peripheral countries by the Global North and adopted in various forms by ruling elites in the non-Western world. The conclusion is that there is a complete failure of Zimbabwe's current economic and political trajectories resulting in the unending circle of crises in university education. Recommendations are suggested that question the logic of deploying neoliberal policies in peripheral countries such as Zimbabwe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chile has always been presented as a laboratory for neoliberalism. In this article, we go beyond this generally accepted consideration. We defend the thesis that it is more a Hayekian model in essence. Based on a reflection of political theory informed by the field, our rationale is divided into two parts. The first shows that the Constitution of 1980 was kneaded by the legal, political and economic doctrine of the Austrian-American intellectual. The third argues how the shadow of Hayekian philosophy has obscured the democratic transition and still emerges empirically in technocratic overvaluation, in mass incarceration as a substitution for the social state, and in a decidedly regressive tax structure.

This article examines the Turkish State's recent practice of removing pro-Kurdish mayors and appointing trustees in their place without holding new elections. By comparing previous cases of removals of pro-Kurdish mayors to post-2016 practices, it argues that the discursive shift in legitimizing recent anti-democratic governmental practices should be read in relation to authoritarian neoliberalism in Turkey. To this end, it analyzes a Twitter account dedicated to promoting public services of trustee-ran municipalities (oluyor.net) and 89 YouTube videos that feature the trustees themselves. By demonstrating the ways in which the trustees themselves promote their work in Kurdish-populated cities, it underlines the dangers of authoritarian neoliberalism in subordinating democratic mechanisms to economic development and providing better public services. However, by studying the results of the following 2019 local elections in these 89 trustee-appointed municipalities, this article shows that the local people mostly continue supporting democratic mechanisms by electing pro-Kurdish candidates even in unfair electoral conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze Turkey's recent authoritarian transformation from a critical political economy perspective and to examine the main determinants of, what we call, the 'authoritarian consolidation attempt' of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). For that purpose, first, we sought answers to the following question: why did the AKP engage in a more authoritarian political agenda in the 2010s? We critically review the literature on the contemporary dynamics of authoritarianism, particularly focusing on two explanatory frameworks, competitive authoritarianism, and authoritarian neoliberalism. We argue that the crisis of authoritarian neoliberalism did not end up with democratization in Turkey in the 2010s, rather the power bloc initiated a strategy of the authoritarian fix as a reaction to the multiple crises that were a combination of the state crisis and the crisis of capital accumulation regime. Second, we analyzed how authoritarianism in Turkey is en route to consolidation in the aftermath of the transition to the Turkish presidential system in 2018, and what the fundamental factors of this consolidation are. We investigated the main features of Turkish presidentialism following the three-dimensional framework of authoritarian consolidation, including infrastructural, despotic, and discursive power analyses. As a result, we suggest a critical political economy account to unfold contemporary dynamics of authoritarianism based on the Turkish case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoliberalism and authoritarianism are intimately connected, as is demonstrated by the existence of a growing body of literature on 'authoritarian neoliberalism'. This article provides a taxonomy of authoritarian neoliberalism and claims that it appears in three varieties – technocracy, populist nationalism, and traditional authoritarianism. Also, it proposes both an overview of the varieties and an analysis of three states as case studies. States are investigated as actors which strongly contribute to the neoliberal project amidst a more complex process of multilocalized and variegated neoliberalizations, which have to be incorporated into the comparative research. First, Italy is studied as a consolidated Western democracy which has been often governed by technocrats, independent, non-party professionals who have recurrently been in power since the 1990s, and within the frame of an increasingly technocratic European Union. Second, the paper concentrates on Hungary, a semi-peripheral Central European country which has become an epitome of a populist nationalism with increasingly authoritarian traits. Third, the paper focuses on Kazakhstan, a former Soviet Union republic with no significant experience of liberal democracy before independence, and a key example of the 'traditional authoritarian' variety. The three varieties, however, are sometimes combined and coexisting, and their evolution will be decisive for the future of capitalism and liberal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Skopje 2014 intended to rebrand the city for international companies and tourists, the lack of local accountability over the project raises questions about what happened to the powerful local governance under Yugoslavia. Bringing local governance into analysis of the city's physical changes helps show how its capacity weakened under neoliberalism and how municipalities shifted toward nationalist placemaking because of their inability to address other problems. These factors set the stage for Skopje 2014. In pushing Skopje 2014, the Gruevski government also exhibited patterns of authoritarian neoliberalism found in urban redevelopment in other post-communist states. Project opponents gaining control of the Centar Municipality was important in unraveling the project and regime, but building local citizenship remained a challenge as municipalities still lack the conditions to create and sustain their own agendas and legitimacy. By taking a longer historical view, the case helps distinguish mechanisms of local government capture in authoritarian neoliberal urban redevelopment from broader problems of urban governance and local citizen disempowerment under neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on contemporary Turkey under the authoritarian neoliberal rule of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP), this paper examines the politically motivated precarization of the journalistic and academic labour force that otherwise might play an important role in establishing collective action through pursuing and reporting the truth. Politically motivated precarization here means the loss of the minimum socio-economic conditions for a living, deprivation of basic rights, and devaluation of lives for political reasons. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews with academics and journalists from Turkey, who currently live in the UK because of political pressures in their home country, support the fundamental argument of this study, namely that there is an overlapping relationship between authoritarian neoliberalism and politically motivated precarization. Based on the interviews, this article also discusses alternative ways of knowledge production and dissemination beyond traditional structures, and the role of transnational solidarity to overcome the authoritarian neoliberal crackdown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, the emerging Chinese Party-state has used commercial ties with North American and European providers of surveillance technologies to grow national prowess of public security, fostering a transnational state-corporate symbiosis. The exports of surveillance technologies from the Global North to China started in the late 1970s, and now Chinese technology companies are competing with and replacing those suppliers in the globalized neoliberal market. This research explores the two-way dynamic of China's state and private surveillance capacity underscored by international companies' profit-seeking behaviors and domestic technological and economic growth. Four case studies of companies from Canada, China, and the US are used to highlight the changing dynamics in the global circulation of surveillance technologies. Particular attention is paid to the cyclical nature of such technologies through which unresolved issues of global governance continue to emerge and, accordingly, support the growth of technology-powered authoritarianism worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysing the contemporary housing development Minsk World as a paradigmatic case of the authoritarian neoliberal shift in housing delivery in Belarus, this paper focuses on the intersections of law, finance and architecture. This paper makes three contributions to the debate on the neoliberal shift in housing delivery and the role architecture plays within it. First, it challenges the widely held opinion that the neoliberal shift in housing delivery never happened in Belarus. Second, it explores how building codes and regulations governing certain aspects of housing delivery can be overcome through political intervention by an autocratic head of state. In so doing, the paper introduces the concept of "legitimized architecture" as a way of describing the spatial dimensions of laws, codes and regulations. Third, it highlights the role of architecture, as professional practice, in normalizing the legal reforms that have facilitated the commodification of urban housing in Belarus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, 'authoritarian neoliberalism' has emerged as a leading framework for understanding the specificities of neoliberalization post-2007/8 financial crisis. The concept has acquired particular salience in the study of urban transformations as cities have been portrayed as key sites for the articulation of authoritarian neoliberalism. This paper argues against a purely territorial conceptualization of authoritarian neoliberalism in cities, conceiving the latter as targets of neoliberal restructuring construed within an overarching, centralized state. Rather, it argues that understanding the state as a multiscalar field of social compromises allows us to better flesh out this complex phenomenon. Empirically, it traces processes of regulatory rescaling surrounding the implementation of the Belgrade Waterfront project in Serbia which has simultaneously led to a strengthening of decision-making at the national level and rendered the urban scale more permeable to contestation, paving the way for the emergence of key grassroots organizations like Ne Da(vi)mo Beograd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers how US border policy and the rhetorical use of the construction of a border wall between the United States and Mexico expands our understanding of the authoritarian neoliberal reorganization of the state and processes of capitalist accumulation during the Trump Presidency. Our argument makes an important contribution to the literature by examining how Trump's Border Wall project is an advanced mode of authoritarian neoliberalism. To do so, the article focuses on how the border wall, as an unfinished project that has resulted in the Trump administration invoking eminent domain to take property for dubious "public good" uses related to border wall construction, expands, deepens and reinforces notions of political and economic disciplining of border populations including migrants and refugees in particular ways such as through the use of child separation and "Remain in Mexico" policies. The article situates the border wall project within a continuum of using border imaginary not just as a frontier but as a key node within the global economy. This article argues that the construction of the border wall, as a key issue in the political agenda combined with an aggressive anti-immigration policy, has been an effective populist mechanism to further insulate the deepening of a neoliberal agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]