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This article maps the American reception and erasure of the Icelandic novelist and Nobel Laureate Halldór Laxness, revealing a complex transnational literary and political conflict rooted in Cold War tensions between Iceland and the US. After World War II, the American military outpost in Iceland became a site of contact and contestation in the newly independent nation. During the 1940s and 50s, Laxness was at the center of this discourse as he critiqued Iceland’s move toward a military alliance with the US and its entry into NATO. This article offers a bilateral reading of this controversy, examining Laxness’s political essays and his prescient novel The Atom Station (1948) in dialogue with American newspapers and declassified government documents. Recovering the story of Laxness’s literary suppression and his scrutiny by the American government provides new insights into Cold War cultural containment with implications that extend beyond the writer himself, expanding the study of anti-Communist repression and foregrounding a lesser-known site of literary resistance to the rising American military-industrial complex.

In 1983 a group of East European dissidents convened Resistance International (RI); a one-of-a-kind Cold War organisation designed to wage a global struggle against communism. Later, in 1984, a US branch of the group was formed with wealthy anti-communist conservative backers. Historians have begun to highlight the complexity of the partnership between East European dissidents and US anti-communists. This article conducts the first detailed study of RI and provides a new opportunity to study how dissident-anti-communist cooperation functioned. The article examines how dissidents involved in RI managed their relationship with US-based anti-communists alongside their relationships with the wider dissident community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

King Mihai and Ion Rațiu corresponded extensively in the 1980s–1990s and later. Some of these letters are kept in the Archives of the Romanian Cultural Center in London, in Manchester Square (owned by the Rațiu family). These letters bear witness to the work of both King Mihai and Ion Rațiu for the benefit of Romanians abroad. The correspondence that is the subject of this article deals with subjects such as King Mihai’s interview with Hungarian Television, testimonies about the “Danish branch”, the way in which thousands of Romanians managed to escape from the communist camp or simply personal topics. The article is supplemented by previously unpublished notes from Ion Rațiu’s diary (his diaries with his notes up to 1973 are now published), which add to the subject. These letters and notes are evidence of the intense public and private activity of the two protagonists, King Mihai and Ion Rațiu, in a turbulent decade of history, which ended with great regime changes in Europe. Among these letters there is also the correspondence between Ion Rațiu and Queen Ana, relevant in the context of the rescue of the “Danish filiere”, to which the Queen contributed.

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Post-Communist memory politics has occupied a highly disputed symbolic position ever since the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia. This article presents the case of Czech student leaders of the revolution, especially Monika Pajerová (since 2002 Monika MacDonagh-Pajerová), who co-organized the 17 November 1989 demonstration that initiated the fall of the Communist regime. It focuses on the social and political movement "Thank You and Goodbye!" ("Děkujeme, odejděte!") organized by the same students in 1999. The article analyzes this particular moment as a turning point in post-Communist development: the students' genuine concerns and their sincere analysis of the democrats' own shortcomings in and after 1989 created the background for a new ideology of anti-Communist remembrance that would become prevalent in the Czech public sphere in the 2010s. The post-Communist regime's refusal to integrate the Communist period as a legitimate part of national history prevented the building of an appeased democratic society. It was the original sin of the post-Communist regime, one that would create the need to rewrite the national script concerning Communist history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Geneva Accords in 1954, nearly one million people left North Vietnam for the South. They are primarily called Bắc di cu. There have been numerous studies on these North Vietnamese refugees, the majority of which are centred around examining them as anti-communists and devout Christians and elucidating the governmental policies and the socio-economic effects related to their southward migration. Nevertheless, limited scholarly attention has been paid to their contested emotional experiences and representations of their homeland in North Vietnam and the place of their arrival in the South. These under-researched aspects possibly denote their complex awareness of themselves while living in the South between 1954 and 1975, if we take into account the theory of the sense of place, which generally stresses the interconnection between place and identity. This article examines how North and South Vietnam are represented by Mai Thảo--a prominent Northern émigré writer in the Republic of Vietnam--in his works published between 1954 and 1975. The aim of this study is to indicate Mai Thảo's complicated psychological experiences of the place of his origin and the place he took refuge after his migration in 1954 and, more generally, his consciousness and representation of his identity. I argue that in his works of the late 1950s, North and South Vietnam are mostly represented as politicised places from the vision of a proactively anti-communist Mai Thảo, whilst his depictions of North Vietnam as a lost paradise associated with beautiful recollections and a dystopian South during the 1960s and early 1970s highlight his self-consciousness as a diasporic subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research aims to explore the institutional history of feminist disciplines and the trajectory of their inclusion in the Romanian academic curriculum, as well as in the intellectual space from the late 90's to the present day. The adoption of feminist theories has been limited by two impediments that have made their curricular inclusion difficult and their circulation in Romania quite sporadic: firstly, the subject has been rejected and boycotted by a moralising conservative public discourse and secondly, their critical disciplinary implication has posed problems of institutional acceptance due to suspicion of leftist bias. The paper aims to analyse the public debates concerning feminism, compared to a form of totalitarianism, in Romania, on the one hand. The second part has in view to define the import channel of feminist studies in Romania, along with the difficulties that hindered the first feminist scholars and activists' efforts to disseminate the discipline in post-communist countries. The liberal ethos with conservative nuances of the Romanian academic space and the public intellectuals' anti-communist positions remain responsible for the poor representation of feminism in Romania, as its impiety towards feminist theories has to do with the protectionism of dominant, conservative discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how early Cold War anti-communism transformed labor processes at the Port of Manila. In 1950 the threat of communism at the city's port gained the attention of the highest reaches of the US State Department. Shifting diplomatic discourses and a changing Cold War map imbued new meaning into trade union racketeering and Filipino dockworkers who were, it was dubiously argued, on the verge of joining the country's communists. Through archival analysis of diplomatic dispatches, intelligence reports, and newspaper sources, this article examines a series of spectacular events and covert political diplomacy. In particular it explains how an American Jesuit priest in Manila earned the trust of the State Department and played an outsized role in remaking pier-side labor politics. As concern grew in Washington, American diplomats covertly intervened to back the priest. In detailing how the piers staged global geopolitics, the article also situates these affairs in local political contexts to argue for a more nuanced understanding of anti-communism in Southeast Asia. Filipino trade union leaders and government officials colluded with but also subverted and remade American discourses and diplomacy to their own political and economic advantage. • Traces the shifting geographies of anti-communism in Manila during the early Cold War. • Examines the role of American government officials in reshaping Filipino trade union politics. • Contributes to studies of Manila's historical geographies and labor histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, a flurry of books that explore the history and theory of liberalism have appeared. Nevertheless, there has been surprisingly little scholarship examining the history of 'Cold War liberalism' — one of the most important instantiations of twentieth-century liberalism — as a phenomenon in and of itself, and the work that has been done has mostly focused on a small coterie of American and Western European intellectuals. This essay is a first step attempt to articulate a broader history of Cold War liberalism, tracing the ideology's origins and influence from the 1910s until the 1980s. We focus on three distinct elements of the history of Cold War liberalism: its embrace of anti-democratic politics and how this informed the creation of the national security state; its linking of reform to the imperatives of national security; and its decline and transformation in the 1970s and 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to theorize the post-communist anti-communist novel as a distinct and productive genre in East-Central European literatures, which we describe -- in polemic with the better-known ostalgie -- as a narrative of ostodium. We argue that anti-communist fiction became a cohesive genre in post-communism owing to its rigid view of the past, which was kept alive and significant, while simultaneously being antagonized, even after communism had collapsed. To that end, we explain how the anti-communist mindset assumed by intellectuals from the region during communism (which had then been branded as 'anti-politics') maintained monopoly over post-communist cultural production, and merged with ascending post-communist neoliberalism that promoted an anti-statist public mythology. We further outline the shifting shapes in which the ideological bias of the post-communist anti-communist novel was conveyed, and draw distinctions from proximate genres, such as the political novel, le roman á la thèse and historiographic metafiction. One crucial argument in this respect regards the postmodern entanglements of the post-communist anti-communist novel: in maintaining an univocal rejection of the communist metanarrative, they took on a stronger political thèse than in Western postmodernism, but also enhanced postmodernism's anti-realist drive by failing to provide an understanding of the post-communist present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1953 and 1972 the International Labor Film Institute (ILFI), affiliated with yet organizationally separate from the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), spread knowledge about, and encouraged the use of, films among Western trade unionists. Holding five formal film festivals, the ILFI also engaged in the collection and distribution of information about films and filmstrips on trade union topics, themes, and successes. Yet compared to other ICFTU forums, ICFTU and ILFI officials were relatively muted on Cold War issues when it came to film activities. When they did discuss such topics, they evidenced a level of uncertainty and confusion regarding how intensely to engage anti-communist messaging in the area of labor films, indicating a concern over how to strike the correct balance between showcasing topics solely focused on labor and engaging Cold War themes. Studying the ILFI and Western labor's relationship to the medium of film thus reveals both an anxiety among Western labor leaders during the early and middle years of the Cold War over how best to weigh their desire to help workers with their goal of appearing sufficiently anti-communist as well as another way the vagueness of the ICFTU's slogan of 'free trade unionism' impacted the ICFTU's activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This article focuses on anti-communist practices conducted by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the first half of the 20th century. We believe that anti-communism was fostered by Itamaraty’s conservative and aristocratic ethos, playing an important role in Brazilian foreign policy from Rio Branco’s administration (1902-1912) to the Vargas Era (1930 – 1945). This helped shape the authoritarian foreign policy adopted during the Military Dictatorship twenty years later (1964 – 1985). Therefore, the foreign policy of the dictatorship, rather than a “step out of cadence,” is rather a continuity of practices established long before the Cold War.

The establishment of an anti-socialist hegemony has been widely accepted as the pivot of the Conservative Party's electoral dominance in the interwar period. Anti-communism as a component of anti-socialist discourse, though commonly alluded to, has not received systematic attention, and is known above all for its appearance during the 1924 election campaign by way of the Zinoviev letter. This article offers the first comprehensive account of British political anti-communism in the early 1920s and reinterprets its significance and reach by demonstrating the vast extent to which it saturated Conservative propaganda between 1919 and 1924, as well as the range of social groups it sought to appeal to by these methods. It explores the origins and development of political anti-communism from the 'first red scare' in 1919-21 to the infamous 1924 campaign, punctuated by a series of 'little red scares' by which the fear of communism was perpetuated among key demographics. The 1924 election, rather than being seen chiefly as a triumph of 'progressive' Baldwinite Conservatism, must be understood in this context of a developed and pervasive anti-communist discourse that could be effectively deployed to engender a red scare under certain conditions, which the first Labour government was not the first to provide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1950s, the Bilderberg Group became one of the first high-level informal transatlantic elite networks of the cold war. This article examines how the discussions at the Bilderberg Meetings were affected by the emotional nature of anti-communism on both sides of the Atlantic. On the one hand, 'negative' emotions resulting from the fear of communist infiltration and aggression could lead to the strengthening of transatlantic bonds. On the other hand, differences in political responses to communism could also lead to emotionally charged disagreements, as the first Bilderberg Conference in 1954 showed. As a result, the transatlantic discourse about anti-communism shifted towards the search for a strategy of positive anti-communism. The most important expression of this shift was the project of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The so-called Cercle, Cercle Pinay or Cercle Violet emerged in the 1960s as an informal discussion group of senior politicians, publicists, businessmen and intelligence officers from France, Germany and other Western European countries. A secret meeting place for conservative elites, the Cercle was initially based on the transnational network of the French lawyer, political advisor and anti-communist activist Jean Violet. In the second half of the 1970s, in reaction to Détente, the Cercle turned into a transatlantic forum with close personal ties to Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. The Cercle thus became both a catalyst and a typical example of a 'neo-conservatism' that combined classical conservative positions with neoliberal principles. What was 'new' about this 'neo-conservatism' was above all that it overcame the contradictions between different national currents of conservatism. Its representatives saw themselves as part of a transnational community and emphasized the global dimension of their political thought and action. Within this transatlantic conservative alliance, the fight against communism served as both a means of integration and an overarching goal. Nevertheless, the Cercle survived the collapse of communism and the end of the Cold War. It has remained a transnational meeting place for conservative elites to this day, although its focus seems to have shifted from anti-communism to anti-terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the praxis of the Zionist Left in Brazil, particularly during the 2010s. It argues that the Zionist Left, which claims to be a progressive grouping that stands in solidarity with the oppressed people in Palestine and in Brazil, functions in fact as a colonial counterrevolutionary actor against radical-left emancipatory politics. Indeed, the Zionist Left functions as a gatekeeper, blocking sectors of the Jewish community and the Brazilian Left from joining the growing anti-Zionist decolonial movement in Brazil. This paper aims to show how various Zionist Left groups have historically worked with the Zionist elite and the Brazilian state to undermine anti-Zionist communist Jewish alternatives by resorting to fraudulent discourse and even force in order to build support for the Zionist settler-colonial project in Palestine. This paper utilises a Marxist, anti-Zionist and anti-colonial framework in order to provide a counter-hegemonic critique for an emancipatory praxis that rejects colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its inception, the South Korean military, like an Althusserian ideological state apparatus, has served to articulate and disseminate state ideology through what is called the military moral education or ideological training program (chŏngsin or chŏnghun kyoyuk), which instructed soldiers in Korean history, society, and politics. A close reading of moral education textbooks from the Syngman Rhee (1948–60) and Park Chung Hee (1961–79) eras thus shows the content and themes of state ideology, which went beyond simple anti-communism and can instead be summed up as "transcendent nationalism": a potent, fascistic mixture of ethnic nationalism, anti-communism, and anti-liberal collectivism that emphasized individual loyalty and sacrifice to the supreme representative of the Korean nation, the South Korean state. As part of a larger state ideological complex and as an ideological apparatus in its own right, the military moral education program should be examined to offer a better understanding of South Korean ideology and political discourse and the rise of anti-communist nationalist ideological hegemony during the Cold War. This large-scale effort to indoctrinate South Korean men, in which military moral education played a crucial part, arguably contributed to a significant degree of societal consent behind the Park Chung Hee regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the Counter-Revolution beyond the violent paramilitary reaction in Central- and Eastern Europe in 1918–1921. To this end it looks at the case study of Norway, and the organization Samfundshjelpen (Society Aid). Norway is situated in the context of the broader upheaval the continent faced in the wake of the First World War and the Russian Revolution, highlighting that Scandinavia in no way comprised an isolated island immune from political developments in the rest of Europe. In 1920 Society Aid was founded with help from the state, an officer-led strikebreaking organization with a counter-revolutionary agenda. The model for this organization was the German Technische Nothilfe, a daughter organization of the Berlin Freikorps. These organizations quickly developed into a transnational strikebreaking network that comprised virtually every major country in Europe, with regular conferences, correspondence, and other exchanges. The Samfundshjelpen archive shows that its leading figure, Captain Christopher Fougner, played a dynamic role in this network, and helped transfer counter-revolutionary ideas, knowledge, techniques, and organizational forms to Norway and beyond. This reveals Norway played an unexpectedly prominent role in this hitherto unexplored part of the interwar Right, highlighting the importance of integrating regions like Scandinavia in European interwar political history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the contested memory of Syngman Rhee, the first president of South Korea, in the mid-1990s. It discusses the divided nature of South Korean society and the struggle between conservatives and progressives in shaping the country's cultural memory. The text explores the attempts by conservative scholars and mass media to revise the memory of Rhee, leading to historical disputes and increased polarization. It also discusses the role of mass media in shaping collective memory and the influence of journalists' routines and social memory on their reporting. The article highlights the highly ideologically polarized media landscape in post-authoritarian South Korea, with conservative media conglomerates representing the old ruling elite and progressive media outlets representing the progressive perspective. The text also discusses the negative memory of Rhee until the 1990s and the calls for a re-evaluation of his legacy that emerged in the early 1990s. It mentions the efforts by Chosun Ilbo, a conservative newspaper, to revise the cultural memory of Rhee in 1995, presenting him as the "father of the nation." The text also explores the re-evaluation of Rhee through an exhibition and writings by Lee Han-u, which aimed to challenge the negative perception of Rhee and present him as a realist leader who played a crucial role in establishing a modern nation-state. However, it acknowledges that Lee's account omits certain events and simplifies the complex political situation of the liberation period. The article discusses the controversy surrounding the re [Extracted from the article]

Gabriel Bălănescu was among the legionary journalists well-known during Second World War, considered to be one of the journalists responsible for the country's disaster, after the removal from power of Marshal Ion Antonescu. A member of the Legionary Movement since 1932, he was an important contributor to the far-right and anti-Semite newspapers: Buna Vestire, Cuvântul, Sfarmă Piatră, Porunca Vremii. Following the outbreak of the Legionary Rebellion (1941), he was sentenced to 2 years in prison. He came to the attention of the authorities again in the context of the "Trial of nationalist journalists" (1945). He was sentenced in absentia to life imprisonment and civic degradation for 10 years. Arrested a year later, when he was already holding leadership positions in the clandestine Legionary Movement. Sentenced again to 25 years of hard labor, he was released in 1964. Thirteen years later, he emigrated to the Western countries, where he was very active as an anti-communist and legionary journalist. He died in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of Christian democratic party (DC) in Emilia-Romagna is only partially investigated by historians. By considering a variety of sources, this article reconstructs the reaction of the regional DC leadership to the deaths in Modena on 9 January 1950; the aim is to draw the general biographies of the protagonists, to highlight the role of «L’Avvenire d’Italia» and the repercussions that the debate in Emilia-Romagna had on the national leadership, using as a center of gravity the problems of public order of that year and anti-communism, widespread in large layers of Italian society.

The article is dedicated to portraying a literary-psychological aspect of creating the eponymous character of the novel by Ferdynand Antoni Ossendowski, Lenin (1930), that is, the famous Soviet leader, Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov. The novel’s creation of the character described by Ossendowski was confronted with its incarnation in other twentieth-century literary works by the following authors: Curzio Malaparte ([Legend of Lenin] 1930), Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn (Lenin in Zürich 1975) and Mikhail Zoshchenko ([Stories About Lenin] 1940), as well as biographical works by Diane Ducret ([Dictators’ Women] 2011) and Dmitri Volkogonov ([Lenin. A Prophet of Heaven, An Apostle of Hell] 1997). The analysis includes references to contemporary psychological theories. In the work of Ossendowski, Lenin is a character consciously created as a complex personality, full of internal conflicts, captive to his Communist ideology obsession.

The article is devoted to the history of the functioning of the movement «Democratic Russia» and, first of all, the Nizhny Novgorod branch of this structure. The aim of the work is to identify the features of the political activity of the movement «Democratic Russia» in 1990–1992 in the Nizhny Novgorod region. The tasks of the work are related to the identification of the most significant Nizhny Novgorod representatives of the movement, as well as the causes of splits in the organization. It is revealed that the reasons for the weakening and extinction of the movement «Democratic Russia» are almost the same both in the center and at the regional level.

The Chilean socialist movement, the Socialist Party, was very different from the parties of the same name both in Europe and in Latin Ameri-ca, being a party of revolutionary Marxism, standing on the positions of anti-imperialism, Latin Americanism, anti-reformism. This party was distinguished by internal ideological pluralism, when right-wing, social-democratic tendencies and extreme left, guided by the experience of the Cuban revolution, as well as Trotskyists and Maoists, coexisted within one party. This party consisted of an outstanding intellectual, historian, publicist Julio Cesar Jobet, who was a kind of theoretician of the party. This article is devoted to the analysis of his views and politi-cal positions. He was a popularizer and disseminator of Marxist thought in Chile. His Marxism was distinguished by a special reading. At the center of his thought were the problems associated with socialist humanism. His activity contributed to the adoption of many of the provisions of his theory by such leading politicians of the Socialist Party as Salvador Allende or Eugenio González. The purpose of the ar-ticle is to show the influence of Jobet's position on such issues as hu-manism, democracy, freedom, criticism of Soviet totalitarianism, revo-lutionism as opposed to the reformism of the Communist Party of Chile on the formation of the policy of the "Chilean path to socialism" during the period of the Government of Popular Unity (1970-1973).

This article argues that, in the wake of decolonisation across most of Sub-Saharan Africa, white Rhodesia's rulers shifted their political allegiances to a new Southern African bloc, allied to right-radical actors across the Cold War world. It examines the discourses emanating from Rhodesia's Department of Information, identifying the new mental map of affinity and identity that was forged throughout the 1960s. After briefly explaining information policy under the Central African Federation, it illustrates how an influx of radical right-wing actors, embedded in transnational white supremacist networks, used the Department to transform the rebel colony's global orientation. Taking control of the formerly independent media, the Rhodesian Front embarked on a project to remould white political culture in the years surrounding UDI in 1965. In the discourses they produced, Rhodesia's geographical identification with a British-controlled Central Africa was replaced with the avowedly white-supremacist Southern Africa. This study is at the heart of important innovations in the transformative study of Africa's Cold War and late-colonial ideology. It hopes to facilitate the growing, transnational study of settler resistance in Southern Africa, the counter-revolution against the wave of decolonisation that broke on the Zambezi in the mid-1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

the dominant presence of the leftist parties, and in particular of communism, over the Chilean trade unions organization has been an undeniable fact in the development of this social sector throughout the 20th century. Contrary to this trend, rail workers in Chile expressed a different position regarding the presence of communism in their ranks, which translated into rejection and reluctance toward this ideology. This article proposes that given the negotiating capacity that the railway workers were able to articulate with the authorities of their company and those of the country, they allowed themselves to dispense with the partisan support offered by the leftist groups to settle the conflicts that arose between capital and the working class, attenuating with this the influence of the communists within their guild. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the course of the Cold War, Saudi Arabia cultivated close relations with the anti-communist states of East Asia. This development, this article argues, was driven by the shared positional marginality experienced by these actors vis-à-vis the Third World bloc. Unable to participate in the postcolonial possibilities unleashed in the mid-twentieth century, these states drew upon each other's visions of pan-Islamism and anti-communism to forge an "anti-Bandung." As threats from the global Left intensified by the late 1960s, their reactionary solidarity transformed into an informal yet highly strategic alliance that lasted until the end of the global Cold War. This article calls for a broader conceptualization of inter-Asian and Afro-Asian solidarities that incorporates the narratives and activities of the non-Western Right and provides a new reading of Cold War Saudi Arabia that considers its complicated entanglements with Asia-centric anti-communist internationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In April 1948, Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry A. Wallace arrived in Indiana to much controversy. The conservative state did not welcome Wallace, and veterans' organizations actively organized to disrupt his speaking engagements. On April 6, at the Progressive Party's Evansville campaign event, a mob attacked Wallace supporters, causing injuries and pushing the isolated town into the national spotlight. In the wake of the riot, a local professor was fired for his involvement in the Wallace campaign, and the radical CIO Local 813 became the subject of U. S. House committee hearings. Anticommunist hysteria gripped the Evansville community. What happened in Evansville on April 6 was part of a populist fascism in the United States propelled by anti-communism and enacted by veterans' organizations. While national politicians dominate histories of anti-communism, some of the greatest damage done during the 1940s and 1950s occurred when other Americans, specifically veterans' groups, violated the constitutional rights of their fellow citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After being dominant in the first two-thirds of the nineteenth century, the expectation of fellow Orthodox Russian saviours was then muted by the fears of Russian expansion but was never completely erased from the public discourse and popular memory. If ethnonationalism gradually sidelined religious identification among the educated, geopolitical changes brought it back to the fore. Subject to such contingencies, this kind of reversal does not support the accepted notion of the unstoppable disintegration of pre-modern religious communities into national ones. After the Crimean War, the obsession with the Panslav threat increasingly prevailed in educated society and influenced Greek policymakers who often sought to ally their kingdom with England and even the Ottoman Empire. The Russians and their Bulgarian agents came to be seen as implacable barbarian aggressors. But just before and during the First World War, the Ottoman Turks became the main national enemy again, as in the early 1800s. The Russian revolutions of 1917 also helped Greek elites discover another common foe – radical socialism. As a result, Greek-Russian ethnic tensions diminished – while World War I certainly created new ethnic hatreds it also healed some old ones. From 1918 at least until the abolition of Greek monarchy in 1924 significant numbers of Russian émigrés did not suffer from Russophobia. As such, this article contributes to the study of national indifference and of the effects of the Great War in Eastern Europe. The article is based on Greek and Russian archival sources as well as on the unique pamphlet collection of the Gennadios Library in Athens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article deals with the description and comparison of the Nazi and Communist persecution of the nuns of the Czech Congregation of Dominican Sisters. The issue is presented both in the form of forced labour affecting the whole community and in the investigation, trial and imprisonment of individual nuns of the Congregation during the Nazi occupation and the Communist regime between 1938 and 1989. Particular attention is paid to the motivations behind the acts sanctioned and their eventual publication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Tempo e Argumento is the property of Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of TESAM Academy Journal is the property of Tesam Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores two narratives on subalternity promoted by the state and conservative power groupings in Guatemala and El Salvador – those of the communist and of the gang member – whose role in providing cultural support for authoritarianism is emphasised. Revisiting Gramsci’s notions of “common sense” and Thompson’s proposed “moral economy”, we analyse how narratives have been woven and updated about subaltern subjects that are considered extremely “dangerous” and liable to be “eradicated”. Common elements of the two case studies are identified, along with the specific features of each. From our perspective, these narratives bring a kind of rationality to longstanding, extremely violent authoritarian practices in the region.

Discussing the debate and ideological background regarding national cinema, this form of art shall be compared to several other contemporary cinematic currents in Turkey. In this study, a content analysis comprising one of the rarer examples of national cinema, the film "Güneş Ne Zaman Doğacak?" (Mehmet Kılıç, 1977) will be conducted while scanning secondary sources on Turkish cinema to present a concise picture; of the phenomenon that is known as 'national cinema.' Distinctive characteristics of the artistic language and the ideological background of the post-1960 Turkish cinema will be provided, among those, the phenomenon of a very blurred line between creative expressions and underlying ideological affiliations and the non-static developmental nature of cinematic fashions in influencing each other.

Turkey aimed to stay out of the war by following a balance policy between the war parties, during World War II. During the war, relations with different countries was uneven, relations with the Soviet Union was the most obvious example of this. During the war years, Turkey integrated its internal policy into its foreign policy, so tried not to attract the reaction of the combatant parties. After the war, Turkey faced various Soviet demands and moved away from balance policy and approached the United States. The Soviet demands directed towards Turkey triggered existing but limited anti-Russian and anti-communism in Turkey, which had been since before the war. The internal and foreign policy of Turkey between 1945 and 1950 was primarily shaped by anti-communist ideas and discourse. In the study, the situation of Turkey during World War II and the balance policy between the parties are explained with examples. The causes and stages of increasing anti-Russian and anti-communism in Turkey between 1945 and 1950 have been investigate, by using archive documents and parliamentary records to government policies and by using national newspapers and Turkist-Turanist publications, it has been evaluated how the views of the press and the public have changed. The focus was on whether Turkey's rapprochement with the United States and its anti-communist policies were based on communist ideology or the perception that communism originated from Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It often has been an illusion that Filipinos lack indigeneity due to the ties with the United States since 1898. Lost in these mists were the indigenous agendas that lay underneath the official narratives. The article presents a background and then examines the administration of Elpidio Quirino, president of the Philippines from 1948 to 1953, particularly his neutralist Pacific Pact initiative and the failed use of military force against the Huks. It concludes with a discussion of the rise of Ramón Magsaysay. It then examines Magsaysay, Philippine president from 1953 to 1957, beginning as defense secretary, support from the United States, the Magsaysay myth, his counterinsurgency campaign against the Huks, his election as president, international leadership, and legacies after his death. The study will show how the top-down policies of Quirino reliant on military force gave way to the unifying, reformist, inclusive, and inspirational leadership of Magsaysay, which became a kind of third force apart from the oligarchy and the Communists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this article I discuss production, distribution and reception contexts of Michał Waszyński's films Wielka Droga (La grande strada: L'odissea di Montecassino) ('The great way: The odyssey of Montecassino') (1947) and Lo sconosiuto di San Marino (The Unknown Man from San Marino) (1948), which were produced in Italy in the wake of the Second World War. Thus, I aim at reconstructing the wider political plan to which these films were inscribed, locating them on the backdrop of the Polish Army propaganda activity and diplomacy in Italy in the eve of the Cold War. An in-depth inquiry into archival documentation concerning different contexts of the films shows them as a nodal point for a complex set of problems. I show to what extent these films were entangled into diplomatic, political and ideological struggles between the Polish Armed Forces, the Moscow-dependent Polish government, the Allies and the Italian government in the early post-war years. On a more general scale, this analysis uncovers the negotiations over boundaries of what was acceptable in the Second World War depiction in Italian film culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]