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At the height of the 'global 1960s', hundreds of African Americans moved to Africa in search of a refuge from racism and the opportunity to participate in anti-colonial politics. One of the most prominent figures in this movement was Maya Angelou. Nine years before the publication of her first book, Angelou lived in Egypt, then known as the United Arab Republic, where she worked as a writer, editor, and broadcaster at state-directed media institutions. She continued this work in Ghana, where her journalism and political writing situated the civil rights struggle in the United States within wider campaigns against racism and imperialism. Using previously unexamined documents from Angelou's personal archive and surviving records of her political writing, this article sheds light on the role of African American activists in global anti-colonial networks and the challenges faced by radical journalists across the decolonizing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Introduction Discussion Conclusion The land we call Canada is a settler colonial country where reproductive healthcare is used as a mechanism to control, subjugate, and erase Indigenous people and to advance the White settler state. Healthcare providers play an integral role in the healthcare system and contribute to Canada's colonization. In this piece, we critically analyze how settler midwifery is complicit with colonialism in reproductive healthcare by exploring the history of midwifery in Canada, midwifery education, and contemporary settler midwifery.European settlers omitted the history of Indigenous midwifery in Canada and to justify their erasure, they conceptualized Indigenous Peoples as uncivilized and their birthing practices as substandard. To establish a colonial healthcare system, settler midwives replaced traditional Indigenous birth attendants. When midwifery became regulated, midwives were required to train in formal post‐secondary institutions that sustain colonial logics, systems, and practices. Midwifery education programs maintain colonialism by reinforcing medicalized Western practices and sustaining barriers to the growth of Indigenous midwifery. As a result, Western birthing practices are widespread among settler midwives and Indigenous Peoples face barriers to comprehensive and culturally sensitive care. To decolonize Canadian midwifery, we must dismantle stereotypes about Indigenous Peoples and their birthing practices in historical narratives, implement an anti‐colonial approach to midwifery education, support Indigenous midwives in returning birth home, and improve the provision of culturally sensitive care.Settler midwifery in Canada is complicit in colonialism; building anti‐colonial alliances can help support Indigenous midwives in leading a decolonial future for reproduction and birthing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Statues and monuments are permanent forms of commemoration that interpret and reconstruct public memory in colonial settler societies. Representation through memorialisation is attributed to a genealogy of Western collective remembering that reflects the values, narratives, and experiences of the dominant settler population. Yet, collective remembering and memory can change. This article reports on Indigenous collective remembering practices that were observed in a local government intervention in Aotearoa New Zealand. The Boulcott Memorial Research Project sought iwi Māori (Indigenous Māori tribes) perspectives of the battle of Boulcott's Farm to change a one-sided colonial memorial that was erected to honour British militia who died in the conflict. Iwi kaipūrākau (representatives) from Te Ātiawa, Ngāti Tama, Ngāti Rangatahi, Ngāti Hāua, and Ngāti Toa Rangatira relayed their perspective of the battle through wānanga (a Māori oral tradition). In wānanga, kaipūrākau were perceived to remember relationally, outside colonial time, and through contemporary concerns and political interests, to advance tribal autonomy and self-determination. In this paper, I show how collective remembering in wānanga offers an anti-colonial ethic and intervention for building commemorative landscapes that can redirect public remembrance beyond the limitations of settler colonial memory and towards perspectives that are in tune with Indigenous peoples' lived realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research investigates the historical significance of self-management practices in Yugoslavia as inherently anti-capitalist and anti-colonial, contributing to the discourse on degrowth. The primary argument posits that Yugoslav self-management embodies unwritten historical elements that resonate with contemporary degrowth theory. Employing a theoretical and methodological framework that encompasses desk research, historical methods, and institutional analysis, this study utilizes Erik Olin Wright's anti-capitalist strategic framework to delineate the unique characteristics of Yugoslav self-management in contrast to other forms. The findings suggest that the Yugoslav model offers relevant insights for future provisioning systems in a post-growth and post-development context.

Political archaeology and archaeology of liberation are two of several different aspects of the relationshipbetween archaeology and politics. In this note, I will examine political archaeology from the aspect of its negativeeffects, and I will examine archaeology of liberation from the aspect of its positive effects, although each mayhave other benefits and harms. This means I do not intend to praise one and blame the other. Rather, I will expressthe most common methods that can strengthen the negative and positive aspects. For example, just as politicalarchaeology has a negative aspect, it is possible that liberating archaeology may also show negative aspects in caseof inaccuracy. Political archaeology, the intersection of politics and archaeological research, reveals how politicalmotives can shape historical interpretations. By examining the subjective nature of historical understandingand how human perception influences our understanding of the past, we can recognize how archaeology can bemanipulated by various individuals, including politicians, for political gain. Archaeology of liberation, a relatedfield, offers a potential solution to the challenges posed by political archaeology. By centreing the voices andexperiences of marginalized communities, archaeology of liberation can help to counter the biased narrativesoften perpetuated by political agendas. By working collaboratively with these communities, archaeologists candevelop more inclusive and equitable interpretations of the past. By understanding both political archaeologyand archaeology of liberation, we can gain a more comprehensive understanding of how archaeology can beused to both uphold and challenge power structures. Through a critical examination of political archaeology anda commitment to the principles of liberation archaeology, we can work towards a more just and equitable future.

This paper explores human, soil, compost and food waste interactions in a community composting initiative in Australia. Drawing on an ethnographic study in 2 Australian cities – Sydney and Canberra, this paper identifies the emergence of a “composting ethic” among participants that is animated by three forms of learning and doing: (1) noticing and attending, (2) embodying and (3) experimentation. Fieldwork analysis is contextualised in relation to literature from the environmental humanities, discard studies and learnings from First Nations Australians and their ontologies. By bringing these empirics, key literature and ontologies together, this paper aims to deepen understanding of the opportunities and challenges of community composting to reduce negative environmental impacts and support anti-colonial practices of discard. It does this by identifying the characteristics of a composting ethic and the contexts and skills capable of nurturing its emergence. Attention is also paid to what may limit realisation of such an ethic. Overall, this paper aims to generate further applied academic understanding about the unique role – and possibilities – of efforts to revitalise and grow city soils and advance anti-colonial food waste management through community composting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I argue that during moments of extreme flux and danger, such as the ongoing Israeli war against Gaza, it becomes relevant to consider how Palestinian identity is constructed and performed by a variety of actors, by Palestinians and by their supporters, as the most compelling contemporary form of a transnational anti-colonial identity emerging within and in opposition to persisting colonial structures, oppression and subjugation. It is also in these moments, I propose, that it becomes necessary to resituate, reconfigure and re-center Palestine in the imagination, not as a pre-determined bounded entity, but as an entity that is always in conversation with its imagined spatiality and temporality and with national and transnational communal anti-colonial struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a historically colonial field, what are the possibilities of a geography informed by Indigenous and Anti‐Colonial ethics and onto‐epistemologies? This article suggests engaging in a critical study of data from an Indigenous geographic standpoint, with a focus on imperialism and colonialism in settler nation‐states. I begin by emphasizing the pervasive and long‐standing imposition of geographical data collection in Indigenous life, naming the binds of engaging with the production of data for and with colonial institutions. I then review prominent spatial analytics within critical Indigenous studies, Indigenous geography, and aligned Anti‐Colonial geography, including Indigenous place‐based knowledge and onto‐epistemologies, (racialized) colonial dispossession, sovereignty and recognition, environmental colonialism, and mapping and cartography. Last, I suggest that studies of colonial data dynamics and Indigenous data production strengthen Indigenous and Anti‐Colonial geographies by emphasizing the co‐constitution of good relations and good data. Future research avenues include the need to push beyond the geo‐historical bounds of the category settler colonial, and to build co‐rejections of racial empire with other fields of study including Black, Queer, and Feminist geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite many policies produced to mitigate racism and other forms of discrimination in the public education sector, the inability to implement these policies fall short. These policies may appear to address inequities by attempting to meet legal requirements, however, they do not always address the structural power dynamics grounded in white supremacy which continue to perpetuate systemic racism. Drawing on examples from the Ontario public education sector such as employment equity policies, Afrocentric Alternative Schools in the TDSB and the Student Resource Officer program in Toronto schools, I illustrate how positivist inspired "evidence-based" policy processes fail at offering policy solutions for equity issues by ignoring those who do not fall into the purview of the economic and political interests of dominant stakeholders in the policy process. Deploying an anti-racist and anti-colonial framework, I examine the superficial attempts to garner inclusivity through equity policies that continually fail to heal the wounds of exclusion by reproducing multiple band-aid policies rather than formulating a restructuring of public education in the Ontario public education system that will allow equity seeking groups a place at the table. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Cold War historiography often foregrounds severed or frayed political ties, this article ethnographically explores unexpected friendships forming across apparent Cold War divides between Soviet Central Asian and Pakistani intellectuals – most notably, Muhammad Iqbal, Mirsaid Mirshakar, Mirzo Tursunzoda and Faiz Ahmad Faiz. These exchanges were initially made possible by Soviet agendas to build anti-colonial relations abroad by sending Soviet Central Asian intellectuals to international, anti-colonial conferences. Progressive communists like the Pakistani poet Faiz attended these forums too and formed rich friendships with Soviet Central Asian writers like Tursunzoda. I show however, that while Soviet agendas facilitated these friendships forming on shared socialist and anti-colonial grounds, their depth must also be attributed to a shared Persianate heritage. At least three modes of friendship were therefore formed between the same sets of people (socialist, Persianate and anti-colonial), which were made possible by the multiple subjectivities these figures inhabited as simultaneously socialist, Persianate and anti-colonial selves. Through this intersubjective affective relation, high-profile intellectuals found ways of connecting across and beyond Cold War divisions. I thus conceptualize friendship as multiple and generative, whereby two people can form more than one mode of friendship, each premised on markedly different social values and conceptions of self and Other. Despite their differences, these multiple, overlapping subjectivities and affective relations were not incompatible, allowing these intellectuals to connect in other-than-socialist ways at the height of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the ongoing practice of non-Indigenous researchers conducting studies on Indigenous lands, new opportunities are needed for creative alternatives to fieldwork, along with an honest conversation about ethics, intent, and practices of place-based collaborative methods in Indigenous studies. In this paper, I explore the notion of story-listening as a creative methodological alternative to extractive methods for settler scholars in Indigenous communities. Through personal reflection, I argue that decolonizing research strategies should involve practices which minimize settler presence in, and demands on, Indigenous communities. A storied approach to research points to academic expectations of knowledge-production, which contribute to silencing Indigenous voices, while paradoxically setting Settler researchers as a privileged audience of Indigenous stories. Looking for told-but-unheard stories, I argue, is one way to find answers and guidance in research while respecting storytellers' agency and challenging colonial origin stories. Methodological ideas for unheard stories are explored in three phases: hearing, listening, and sharing. All stages of story-listening involve care and respect for the storyteller. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reflecting on the curation of the online exhibition 'Forms Voices Networks: Feminism and the Media', this article explores how a 'contingent' curatorial practice might enact a decolonial and feminist engagement with history. Discussing archival absences, the use of digital space, and how to represent global feminist histories, the article considers whether curation can resist, and imagine beyond, modernity's colonial and patriarchal forms of knowledge production. Exploring a strategy of bringing diverse feminist stories into dialogue, it suggests feminist curation may entail creating sites of relation and potentiality, where material encounters can continue to engender routes for imagining history otherwise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this speculative historical essay, I employ Buffalo Jones' records to expand upon who can have a voice in the archive, thereby undermining the anthropocentrism inherent in the chronicling of bison conservation. Indeed, this work of "fictocriticism" deploys empathy to recenter the more-than-human voice and ironically uses the observations of the bison's tormentor to move beyond a simplistic anthropomorphic representation. The essay briefly introduces Jones and his contentious legacy as a murderer of Indigenous peoples, buffalo hunter and, later, a central figure in early bison conservation. The essay then shifts into a first-person account of the pursuit and capture of the last remaining southern plains bison from the Texas Panhandle from a cow's embodied perspective. The bison's first-person perspective as one of Jones' prey brings an immediacy to a history that has often been retold to center man's mastery and supremacy. Finally, this essay employs footnotes as a critical intervention by connecting the speculative narrative to Jones' written accounts in published journals. These two narrative approaches demonstrate the significance of bison kinship and how anthropocentrism and white supremacy's entangled ideologies blinded Jones to the worthiness of these others' lifeways. The written submission is accompanied by two audio artworks based on this essay. In creating affective, sound-designed audio works, I have intentionally extracted the archival-research-based narrative from a white supremacist, a patriarchal written tradition for critical purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern settings and individual perspectives are commonly inextricably entangled with the hegemonic logics of long-standing global inequalities, so that the boundaries between oppressive force and subjugated subject can be difficult if not impossible to identify. We discuss strategies for considering modern-day material culture from an anticolonial perspective that acknowledges this entanglement. To build our argument, we provide descriptions and interpretations of five contemporary objects that have been shaped simultaneously by histories of colonization and processes of neocolonial and neoliberal exploitation in the present. The objects we discuss, all located in either Delhi or Kolkata - the two previous capital cities of the British Raj - are (1) ceramic gargoyle drainpipes on a still in-use, colonial-era built railroad workers' cottage; (2) a vandalized fifteenth-century Islamic monument; (3) terracotta figurines that are being leveraged as part of a state heritage craft initiative program; (4) a baby boy's shirt featuring a repeating Apple company logo pattern; and (5) a British-themed pub. Together, we feel these items serve as examples of colonial durabilities in modern-day India - durabilities which, while informed by history, are remade and maintained by diverse subjects in the present. We argue that anticolonial contemporary archaeologists must strive to identify and critique all those who seek to perpetuate and legitimize the forms of exploitative privilege embodied by these objects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Iranian Journal of Archaeological Studies is the property of University of Sistan & Baluchestan, Archaeological Sciences Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract The journal Comparative Migration Studies has published a series of articles engaging with critiques of migrant integration. This piece wishes to contribute to such discussion, reflecting back on early critiques of integration as a concept and as a process, and reviewing more recent publications. The aim is to widen the reflection on decolonising the field by including urban postcolonial and southern instances, as well as insights from two funded projects.

In this speculative historical essay, I employ Buffalo Jones' records to expand upon who can have a voice in the archive, thereby undermining the anthropocentrism inherent in the chronicling of bison conservation. Indeed, this work of “fictocriticism” deploys empathy to recenter the more-than-human voice and ironically uses the observations of the bison's tormentor to move beyond a simplistic anthropomorphic representation. The essay briefly introduces Jones and his contentious legacy as a murderer of Indigenous peoples, buffalo hunter and, later, a central figure in early bison conservation. The essay then shifts into a first-person account of the pursuit and capture of the last remaining southern plains bison from the Texas Panhandle from a cow's embodied perspective. The bison's first-person perspective as one of Jones' prey brings an immediacy to a history that has often been retold to center man's mastery and supremacy. Finally, this essay employs footnotes as a critical intervention by connecting the speculative narrative to Jones' written accounts in published journals. These two narrative approaches demonstrate the significance of bison kinship and how anthropocentrism and white supremacy's entangled ideologies blinded Jones to the worthiness of these others' lifeways. The written submission is accompanied by two audio artworks based on this essay. In creating affective, sound-designed audio works, I have intentionally extracted the archival-research-based narrative from a white supremacist, a patriarchal written tradition for critical purposes.

The epic poem "Asia Jaag Utha," written in 1950 by Ali Sardar Jafri of the Indian Progressive Writers Association, was a battle hymn of its time, a celebration of Asia’s history and geography, with a vision for Asian liberation and communist revolution at the dawn of the Cold War in the aspirational Third World. Are its messages still applicable today, or is it strictly a period piece? This essay analyzes what Jafri was trying to do in his own context and explores whether it has anything to say to ours. In order to do this, the author enters into dialogue with Jafri’s poetry, and proposes some updates to its political agenda that might be needed to carry its energy into the present. While the mid-twentieth century vehicles of progress and liberation (such as industrial development and the postcolonial nation-state) require critique, Jafri’s emancipatory impulses and ideals of solidarity ring true.

This essay asks why the Third World has become a symbol of poverty and failed infrastructure while the political imperative towards decolonization has gained popularity. By examining histories of decolonization in mid-twentieth century and the subsequent establishment of postcolonial nation-states that often ignored, suppressed, or actively participated in settler colonial occupations both globally and internally, I argue that there needs to be a widespread reckoning with what constitutes anti-colonial liberation.

Responding to Palestinian organizers' calls to use our voice, continue to engage in conversations, and to speak out, this statement articulates what we see as the abolitionist and anti-colonial way forward—the only way we can commit to a free Palestine. Imagining and building alternatives is the future, the horizon of possibility, that Lateral, as part of the intellectual and activist project of cultural studies, is imperfectly but consistently striving toward. Here, we highlight work in this issue, including the Towards Third Worlding forum, articles, book reviews, and the second installment of the Positions podcast. We continue to welcome authors to join in this work of pushing the field of cultural studies further, towards its promise of critical inquiry matched by political engagement.

This entry asks what it means to mourn the loss of the state as a vehicle for revolutionary liberation. State power was indeed authoritarian, and global solidarity in the era of the Third World Movement of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s was superfluous, but it still meant something to people then and now. Losing it was felt. In this piece, I revisit the 1967 Arab defeat against Israel known as al-Naksa (the resounding setback) within the context of the Third World movement and its influence on global solidarity in the ensuing decades following 1967. I focus on the loss of Egypt’s position as an anti-colonial leader after the 1967 war and subsequent death of Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1970. Egypt, once a bastion of revolutionary anti-colonial fervor at the nexus of Pan-Arab and Pan-African imaginaries, and a hub of the historic Third World, became radically realigned with the Global North under Anwar Sadat. I argue that the fate of the Egyptians, Palestinians, Arabs, and of anti-colonial global struggle each became unlinked and siloed as individual struggles. It is not just Arabs or Egyptians or Palestinians who were defeated, it was a whole anti-colonial ethos. How do we mourn the loss of the state as a vehicle for liberation, for Palestinians, for Arabs, for Africans, and for the post-colony?

This article examines the epistemic violence enacted onto the Malay left (represented broadly by the Malay Nationalist Party, MNP), through the collaboration between the Malay aristocracy, represented by its political vehicle the United Malay National Organisation (UMNO), and the British colonial state. It traces this epistemic violence through British re-colonisation in 1945 leading up to the independence of Malaya in 1957. This article argues that this collaboration has resulted in persistent constructions of the 'Malay' image as a discursive tool by marginalising those that deviate from this image into subalternity. This discursive control is salient not only in ensuring the fulfilment of the material interests of the colonial state (in re-colonisation), and the Malay aristocracy (in the consolidation of feudal institutions), during the period but is also a persistent narrative used in the current day as a form of legitimacy for the post-colonial state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Comparative & International Higher Education is the property of Comparative & International Education Society Higher Education SIG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abbott Elementary, a mockumentary comedy series airing on ABC, examines the plight of an underfunded, underresourced elementary school in Philadelphia. In this article, we argue that Abbott Elementary is a compelling look inside an, albeit fictional, urban school located in the city of Philadelphia. The mockumentary form of the series positions the viewer as ethnographer so that we, in essence, engage in data collection as we listen to documentary-style interviews with participants. Using intersectional analysis, we ponder two questions: How does Abbott Elementary expand or constrain our thinking through systems of domination around the politics of schooling? How might Abbott Elementary further inform our understandings of damage-centered and desire-based research? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract What does One Health want? Despite its touted interdisciplinarity, to date there has been limited engagement with the social sciences and humanities – in particular with streams of critical social theory that enable a response to this question. In this paper we draw on the critical social sciences to consider how One Health is defined, conceptualized, and positioned, and discuss what we see as vital challenges within One Health that both limit its potential for meaningful change and contribute to a potential for ongoing harm – namely, medicalization, anthropocentrism, and colonial-capitalism. We then advance three areas in the critical social sciences that hold potential for addressing these challenges – feminist, posthuman, and anti-colonial approaches. By doing so we seek to encourage a deeper transdisciplinarity within One Health – one that is open to a genuine engagement with insights from critical social theory and a re-orientation towards more creative and radical re-imaginings in the service of wellbeing for diverse peoples, animals, other beings, and the land.

The journal Comparative Migration Studies has published a series of articles engaging with critiques of migrant integration. This piece wishes to contribute to such discussion, reflecting back on early critiques of integration as a concept and as a process, and reviewing more recent publications. The aim is to widen the reflection on decolonising the field by including urban postcolonial and southern instances, as well as insights from two funded projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does One Health want? Despite its touted interdisciplinarity, to date there has been limited engagement with the social sciences and humanities – in particular with streams of critical social theory that enable a response to this question. In this paper we draw on the critical social sciences to consider how One Health is defined, conceptualized, and positioned, and discuss what we see as vital challenges within One Health that both limit its potential for meaningful change and contribute to a potential for ongoing harm – namely, medicalization, anthropocentrism, and colonial-capitalism. We then advance three areas in the critical social sciences that hold potential for addressing these challenges – feminist, posthuman, and anti-colonial approaches. By doing so we seek to encourage a deeper transdisciplinarity within One Health – one that is open to a genuine engagement with insights from critical social theory and a re-orientation towards more creative and radical re-imaginings in the service of wellbeing for diverse peoples, animals, other beings, and the land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been claimed with pride about Morocco's advance onto the semi-finals of the World Cup as the so-called first 'Muslim,' 'African,' and 'Arab' state to have achieved such status, as well as from a post-colonial and anti-colonial perspective, given the symbolism of its beating Spain. Even more could have been said if Morocco also beat France, from whom it gained independence. Yet, amid all these claims to firsts, there are errors and oversights. To understand the multiple meanings of Morocco's legitimately earned victories, I take a closer look. Morocco is not the first Muslim team to reach the semi-finals, rather Turkey is. The African state of Senegal came close too, and 20 years prior. Though predicated on Arab identity, much of Morocco is Amazigh, and the World Cup may rather be viewed as a series of victories by Amazigh players. From a post-colonial or anti-colonial perspective, while the Moroccan players chose to commemorate their victory over Spain by displaying a Palestinian flag; stunningly, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, whose flag is nearly identical, was entirely ignored by myriad commentators expressing pride in Morocco and its post-colonial and so-called anticolonialist stances. Such expressions of pride in Morocco's victories, along with justified critiques of double-standards by 'Northern' states disregarding their own human rights records to criticize Qatar's; nevertheless, neglected Morocco's own governance over and annexation of Western Sahara. Such disregard called into question why Sahrawi human rights were ignored, and the complexity of how to characterize the meaning of Morocco's victories. Ultimately, if these are truly meant to be a (Men's) World Cup, why do not all peoples play and/or are at least allowed to be represented? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diversifying curricula is of increasing interest in higher education, including in ecology and evolution and allied fields. Yet, many educators may not know where to start. Here we provide a framework for meeting standard curriculum goals while enacting anti‐racist and anti‐colonial syllabi that is grounded in the development of a sustainable network of educators. In addition to highlighting this professional learning process and sharing the list of resources our group has developed, we provide suggestions to help educators highlight contributions of minoritized groups, explore multiple ways of knowing, and perform critical assessments of foundational views of life and environmental science fields. We further discuss the key classroom dynamics that affect the success of such anti‐racist and anti‐colonial initiatives. The retention and success of minoritized students in ecology and evolution depends on whether we address injustices in our fields. Our hope is that our fellow educators will use this paper to catalyze their own efforts to diversify their courses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This first of three progress reports gives a brief overview of the new field of Black Geographies. It elucidates Black Geographies as a field that not only critiques the erasure of Blackness within the whiteness and coloniality of geographical thought, but also centres Black spatial thought and agency. Thus, Black Geographies is an im/possible undertaking. Nonetheless, Black Geographies speaks not only about the spatialities of Black people but overwhelmingly speaks from the voices of Black geographers: Geography will need to recruit and retain enough Black geographers to make such an undertaking truly possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]