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The purpose of the research paper is to characterize the diplomatic relations between Albania and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes from 1925 to 1928 and to determine the influence of Rome on Albania-Yugoslavia relations. The scientific novelty. The dynamics of diplomatic efforts for cooperation between Tirana and Belgrade, as well as the moments of their political crises, such as the Gjurashkoviç question in 1927, are presented. The role of Italy as a neighbor whose diplomatic activity played a significant role in diplomatic relations between Tirana and Belgrade in 1925-1928 is analyzed. Peculiarities of Albanian diplomacy headed by Zogu and its ability to maneuver in relations with Rome and Belgrade, while overcoming internal crises and striving to preserve the state's sovereignty, are uncovered. The authors have identified all the most important factors that determined the diplomatic relations between Tirana and Belgrade. Conclusions. Diplomatic relations between Tirana and Belgrade in 1925-1928 developed depending on various internal and external factors. A characteristic feature of Albania-Yugoslavia relations, as in all previous periods, was mutual distrust and constant mutual accusations regarding several sensitive issues: Shën Naumi and Vermosh (1925), the uprising of Loro Caka (1926), the First and Second Tirana Pacts (1926-1927), and especially, the Gjurashkoviç question (1927). However, the main factor in Albania-Yugoslavia relations was Italy, whose active diplomacy was decisive in those relations. As a result, despite Belgrade's restoration of Zogu's power in 1924, performing to their advantage, Rome's influence forced the Albanian state to distance itself from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia with reorientation towards Italy. An important factor in diplomatic relations between Tirana and Belgrade was the issue of the relocation of the Albanian population from Kosovo and other Albanian territories, as well as implementing of state violence and terror by the Kingdom of Yugoslavia against Albanians. That occurred due to the fact that while official Tirana and Albanian intellectuals raised their voices in defense of Albanians in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, officials in Belgrade accused Tirana of interfering in their internal affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a socially, politically, and economically complex community, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes faced numerous financial difficulties. In order to enable the state to function smoothly, revive and develop economic activities, and allow citizens to meet their daily needs, it was necessary to establish a unified financial system. The elements of this system, particularly the establishment (or redefinition) of a central bank, expanding its network by incorporating branches of the Austro-Hungarian Bank to facilitate payment transactions, controlling the kronen and replacing them with new national currency, and implementing measures to stabilize the dinar, will be examined by the authors through the analysis of literature and primary archival sources.

As a socially, politically, and economically complex community, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes faced numerous financial difficulties. In order to enable the state to function smoothly, revive and develop economic activities, and allow citizens to meet their daily needs, it was necessary to establish a unified financial system. The elements of this system, particularly the establishment (or redefinition) of a central bank, expanding its network by incorporating branches of the Austro-Hungarian Bank to facilitate payment transactions, controlling the kronen and replacing them with new national currency, and implementing measures to stabilize the dinar, will be examined by the authors through the analysis of literature and primary archival sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Scrinia Slavonica is the property of Scrinia Slavonica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This scientific article aims to reflect some of the aspects of Albanian-Yugoslav relations in the years 1922-1923. During this period, there were two options facing the political leaders in Albania: Orienting their country toward Italy or the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, as the two countries that were interested the most on the Albanian issue. Albanian-Yugoslav relations during these years were affected by several factors, such as: the Albanian issue in Kosovo and other ethnic areas located within the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes; the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry in Albania, as well as the orientation of the various Albanian political groups in Albania in relation to its neighboring countries.

Copyright of Matica Srpska Journal for Fine Arts / Zbornik Matice Srpske za Likovne Umetnosti is the property of Matica Srpska, Department of Visual Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contributions / Prilozi is the property of Institute for History, University of Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dr. Leskovar's (1924-1928) term as mayor is the least researched of all the terms of interwar leaders of the City Municipality of Maribor. He rose to the top of the City Municipality of Maribor with a deliberate pre-election calculation of three political parties the platforms and political spectrums of which diff ered greatly. During his term, Maribor expanded extensively and made progress in the economic, urban, communal, cultural, and social fi elds. He fortified the status of Slovenia's second largest city - it was the seat of the Great Mayor of the Great County of Maribor, numerous state offices and institutions, military and ecclesiastical authorities. Based on archival sources from the Regional archives Maribor and the analysis of relevant newspapers this study provides fi rst insight into the activity of city politics and the mayor during the considered period, and is set as an introductory paper to further in-depth research and comprehensive assessment of the political career of this extraordinarily intelligent politician who, after the end of the Second World War, fell into oblivion. Leskovar started his term with eagerness and immediately began solving the problems that his predecessor major Grčar had left. Already in his fi rst year as major Leskovar took loans for utility renovation and modernization of the city despite the austerity measures due to the deficit of almost 9 million in the city treasury. Thus, they began to repair and expand the city streets. They reworked and paved the old streets. They modernized and expanded the slaughterhouse in Melje, the city-owned funeral service was reorganized, a new water catchment was added to the city water works, and the sewage system in the city center was modernized. The city won a lawsuit at Court of Appeal against the military administration, and also settled the issue of rents for the Realschule. The city council, led by Dr. Leskovar, was very active also in the fi eld of social life. They established a social office that took care of the unemployed, the elderly, and the orphans, built a larger extension and opened a daily shelter - Mladinski dom for children in the former Langer's villa at the Ljudski vrt near Koroška Street (now Mladinska Street), the labour market continued to operate for the unemployed. The mayor and the city council also worked on solving the burning shortage of residential areas: they built municipal multi-apartment renting houses, arranged 140 family dwellings, and supported private construction. Following the examples of larger, more modern European cities, they also provided for the citizens to be able to spend their free time in a quality manner. A modern concert pavilion was set up in the city park and the Cafe Park had opened. At the end of the park at the Trije ribniki, sports facilities were constructed for summer and winter recreation (boathouse and ice rink), and tennis courts were expanded at the Ljudski vrt sports park. In addition to the state bridge over Drava, they built a public toilet, and they negotiated with the railway administration for the construction of another opposite the central station. They also adopted a decision on the construction of a boys' city and elementary school on the corner of Smoletova and Valvazorjeva Street (now Moša Pijade Street). Among other important achievements of Dr. Leskovar's municipal administration were also the introduction of a more rational management and the establishment of order and discipline in city companies, which at the end of his mandate were no longer operating at a loss; on the contrary, some achieved pre-war business and profit. Leskovar made significant changes in the urban, economic, and utility progress of the city during his three-year term, despite taking a total loan of almost 30 million dinars for urgently needed investments. Nevertheless, he is remembered as a progressive, hardworking, and capable mayor with a distinct social sense who listened to the needs of the inhabitants of Maribor of all social classes, especially to those from the social "bottom". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zgodovinski Casopis is the property of Zveza Zgodovinskih Drustev Slovenije and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zgodovinski Casopis is the property of Zveza Zgodovinskih Drustev Slovenije and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The process of the agrarian reform was one of the most important issues in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. The agrarian reform was a complex state measure with an economic, social and political aspect. All political parties, due to political reasons, spoke in favor of the resolution of the agrarian issue through agrarian reform. Those interested in the agrarian reform, landless and poor farmers, due to their numbers, represented potentially large political force. Political parties kept in mind the large number of those individuals interested in the agrarian reform, as well as the fact that majority of the voters were farmers, when they formulated their position towards the reform. The National Radical Party was one of the most influential, and according to the number of its followers, the most numerous in the political life of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. At its beginnings, the Radical Party had no published social and economic agenda, since it dealt only with political questions. The position of the Radical Party on the issue of the agrarian reform was first made public in September of 1920. Among its follows, the Radical Party had staunch supporters of the agrarian reform, as well as those that outright opposed it. Due to is heterogenic composition, the party's official position towards the agrarian reform was marked by a division: formally it was in favor of consistent application of the agrarian reform, while often, and in crucial times, strongly attempted to make the reform process as liberal as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zgodovinski Casopis is the property of Zveza Zgodovinskih Drustev Slovenije and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)