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Michel Foucault's essay 'The Subject and Power' has seen four decades. It is the most quoted of Foucault's shorter texts and exerts a persistent influence across the social sciences and humanities. The essay merges two main trajectories of Foucault's research in the 1970s: his genealogies of legal-disciplinary power and his studies of pastoral power and governance. This article connects these two trajectories to Althusser's thesis on the ideological state apparatuses, demonstrating affinities between Althusser's thesis and Foucault's diagnosis of the welfare state as a 'matrix' of individualising and totalising power. The article suggests that Foucault's essay straddles between two different concepts of subjectivation. First, one encounters the citizen 'internally subjugated' by disciplinary and pastoral power, whereas, at the end, we find a 'flat' subject of governance; a form of power which intervenes only in the environment in which individuals make their rational, self-fashioning choices. The implication of Foucault's newfound concept of governance is a weakening of the link between subjectivation and the formation of the state, which also meant that the state's role in reproducing capitalism receded into the background of Foucauldian scholarship. Finally, the article suggests extending Foucault's analytical 'matrix' to current techniques of subjectivation associated with the advent of big data and artificial intelligence, which buttress the expansive technique of predictive profiling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on the notion of “profound act” in the short story “Hegel y yo” (1971; Material de los sueños, 1974) by José Revueltas. In the first part, the protagonist’s discourse is analyzed in the light of the comparison between the Hegel-character (with whom the protagonist dialogues) and the Hegel-philosopher; it will be seen, then, how Revueltas’ Hegel is configured as an obscene reverse of the German philosopher. In the second part, the interpretation of the “profound act” will be complexified on the basis of the materialist interpretation that Vladimir Lenin and Louis Althusser make of Hegel’s Science of Logic. At the end of the analysis, it will have been demonstrated how the Revueltian notion of “profound act” alludes to a process that defines the perversion of historical becoming converted into the murder of difference which, as remembrance, always returns materially. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay traces the genealogy and evolution of the category of the subject as it developed in the thought of Louis Althusser, Michel Foucault, and Alain Badiou. As will be seen, within the fruitful and complementary dialogue about the subject and subjectivity formation among these three French thinkers, there are major discrepancies in their approaches, from Althusser’s seemingly passive view of the subject as a victim of state oppression, to Foucault’s one, embedded in power but with the capacity of resistance, and, finally, to Badiou’s understanding, in his book Théorie du sujet (Theory of the Subject, 1982), of the subject as the one who courageously takes risks to put into practice the truth brought about by the event in order to radically transform the present situation.

The article presents a post-humanist reading of John Carpenter's The Thing (1982). At 40, the second adaptation of John Campbell's Jr novella Who Goes There? (1938) has recently undergone a revival of critical interest. However, this interest has only elicited – to date – new iterations of the traditional paradigm of ideological readings of the film. This article attempts to read The Thing outside the paradigm of ideology and human(ist) subjectivity, as per the formulation of Louis Althusser (2014), as well as to critique such paradigm. First, the article offers an analysis of the ideological components at work in various traditional readings of the film. Then it scrutinizes ways in which these traditional readings can be overcome. This opens the possibility of a post-humanist interpretation of the film, an interpretation in which the Thing is not just a manifestation of otherness, but a material and effective realization of life seen from a non-humanist perspective. This reading arises after dispensing with the subject–object relationship enforced in Althusser's ideological structures. Outside these structures, the article then ponders on the materiality of the Thing through Deleuze's and Guattari's concept of the Body without Organs ('BwO'), which envisages the body as a material dimension for the flow of becoming, a dynamic force field free of fixed and normative pre-conceptions. Finally, the article explores the new sources of horror in the film, as well as the ethico-political implications this analysis brings to fore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mainstream marketing management is a disciplinary field essentially unruffled by ideological reflection. In this paper, we approach the subjectifying power of marketing ideology through Louis Althusser's work on interpellation, the process by which ideology calls its willing subjects into ideological belief and practice. Through our autoethnographic accounts, we develop a counterposition to the epistemic ideology of normative mainstream marketing management by accounting for misinterpellation to its ideology. Where interpellation outlines how a hegemonic marketing management ideology compels individuals to perform within the ideological apparatus as good educators and researcher subjects, the notion of misinterpellation opens avenues for conceiving resistance within the breaks in ideology to which all subjects are hailed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and Maoism were intertwined with the fate of French Hegelianism due to Louis Althusser's ceaseless effort of bundling them with his anti-Hegelian project. Althusser reinvented Hegelianism as a matrix of One to challenge Western metaphysical tradition, which laid the ground for the continuous involvement between China/Maoism and the core concerns of contemporary French theory, namely differences, anti-determination, anti-reductivism, anti-essentialism, and anti-teleology. Althusser harnessed the complexity of revolutionary China and Maoist difference and unevenness to remake a Marxism of difference and a non-teleological imagination of history; paradoxically, he constrained their momentum at least in the period of For Marx and Reading Capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Adorno's social theory is enjoying renewed attention, as is the debate to what extent is it Marxist. A central issue remains Adorno's concept of social totality: capitalism as a fully integrated society in which every difference is levelled. One problem this raises is why is he still committed to the Marxist concept of class. And second, how to understand his critique of the idea of proletarian class-consciousness, which seems to leave his critical theory without an addressee. The article suggests that, for Adorno, capitalist society exhibits what is termed here "differential integration." It is predicated both on the labor/capital distinction and, at the same time, on sufficient homology between the two, such that the qualitative class divide is experienced as mere quantitative variance. This efficacious gap between social structure and social experience is at the center of his concept of ideology. Ideology-critique for Adorno is mainly the critique of symptomatic misconceptions of how ideology functions, due to lack of attention to how the class structure is in fact not experienced as such. Adorno's alternative to proletarian class consciousness is "differential solidarity": consciousness of social domination that is on the one hand found across class divides yet is experienced differentially between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En este trabajo se proponen puntos de contacto no explícitos entre las filosofías de Althusser y de Deleuze. Para ello, caracterizamos la práctica teórica y científica de Althusser como una práctica ligada a elementos alejados de una visión clásica o positivista: la indagación de causas ausentes, no visibles y no medibles da cuenta de una concepción novedosa de la ciencia, que sin dudas merece ser atendida. Si la ciencia en términos marxistas tiene por objeto una construcción del pensamiento y no un dato empírico, entonces ese objeto se emparenta con lo que Deleuze caracteriza como la diferencia. Por su parte, la filosofía de la diferencia deleuziana también puede ser caracterizada en los términos de lo que Althusser llama una práctica teórica. La metodología que comparten ambos filósofos, y aquello que guía la puesta en común que aquí realizamos, es la de la búsqueda del universal concreto.

En este ensayo se reflexiona, en primer lugar, sobre el conflicto de interpretaciones que surge a partir de la obra de Marx. El conflicto se inicia con el significado que le da el propio Engels y continúa con la versión soviética del materialismo dialéctico; la teoría crítica de la sociedad y las diversas concepciones que se han realizado bajo el rubro de filosofía de la praxis, empezando con Gramsci. En esa dirección se destaca la propuesta de Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez que coincide, pero también difiere del gran pensador italiano. Sánchez Vázquez, filósofo español exiliado en México en 1939, a raíz de la derrota de la República, da a conocer una propuesta original y define sus tareas del futuro: crítica del capitalismo; explicación científica y estrategia política; proyecto de emancipación; autocrítica y debilidad teoría y práctica. El presente ensayo confronta estas tareas con los desafíos de la sociedad contemporánea.

RIASSUNTO L’articolo si propone di ricostruire la preistoria della riformulazione althusseriana del materialismo dialettico in chiave epistemologica. Attraverso lo studio del lavoro pionieristico svolto negli anni Trenta dagli intellettuali del Cercle de la Russie Neuve, si vuole cogliere, da un lato, in che misura la loro rilettura di Marx sulla base della filosofia hegeliana della natura, distinta dall’ontologizzazione engelsiana della dialettica, anticipi il pensiero althusseriano e, dall’altro, le ragioni della repressione con cui questo tentativo fu successivamente stroncato, anche a causa dello stesso Althusser. La conclusione è che una nuova alleanza tra l’epistemologia di Althusser e la filosofia di Hegel sarebbe in grado di ristabilire la portata propriamente politica dell’autonomia relativa della teoria, cioè di affrontare in modo nuovo il rapporto tra verità, storia e politica.

Political theology is one of the most problematic spheres in modern political theory. The clash of positions between supporters of individual interpretations of this discipline, on the one hand, is a serious problem, however, in this sense, the absence of strict definitions opens an opportunity for the most unusual forms of interaction between politics and religion. Even in the case when religion acts exclusively as an analogy of any other worldview position. The study relies on a comparative historical analysis of various definitions of political theology; the method of philosophical deconstruction is used for a general description of the possible combination of the principles of political theology and materialism. This research considers the possibilities of a conceptual combination of the principles of political theology and materialistic philosophy, the foundations of which in both cases are the concept of the specific angle, which at the worldview level can acquire a characteristic of God as a political founder.

Resumo Após Maio de 68, a dicotomia entre um conhecimento científico e a ideologia, tal como sustentavam os althusserianos, é colocada em xeque em favor de uma valorização dos movimentos políticos irruptivos dos anos 1960, por Jacques Rancière. No presente artigo, analisaremos esse momento de sua trajetória, em que o autor reformula sua compreensão a respeito do significado das revoltas políticas e de sua concepção sobre o saber. Esse debate não é algo circunstancial na obra de Rancière, antes aparece como uma questão que atravessa seu pensamento e contempla ainda seus escritos atuais: a recusa à divisão do saber, suas hierarquias intelectuais e a desconfiança em relação à concepção de que a política necessitaria da teoria como pré-requisito.

O presente estudo pretende esboçar a revolução teórica que a descoberta de Freud implicou às “humanidades”. A descoberta freudiana do inconsciente representa uma ruptura com o conhecimento passado. Assim, utilizando o referencial teórico althusseriano, empreende-se uma tentativa de demarcar um corte epistemológico derivado da descoberta do próprio objeto da psicanálise, o inconsciente. O artigo demonstra que o inconsciente, como objeto de uma recém-criada ciência, é uma ruptura total com o produzido no passado. Freud, assim como Marx, descobriu um novo continente do saber humano: o último, o “Continente-História”; e o primeiro o “Continente-Inconsciente”. Dessa forma, a psicanálise deve ser entendida não como uma continuação do mito do homo psychologicus ou uma derivação das “teorias” biologizantes do pensar humano, mas como uma ruptura com esse antigo “saber”.

Global financial governance is turning green. Attempting to tackle climate change, financial elites seem to swing confusingly between hesitant and action aimed at relieving the contradictions that led to the crisis, and opportunistic co-optation of critical discourse. Drawing on the work of Althusser, Laclau and Butler, we describe the historical emergence of this green financial apparatus and the related proliferation of green labels and signifiers. Green labels serve as the malleable ground on which a diversity of meanings and positions are articulated and temporarily fixed. Labels are the names through which financiers are interpellated and constituted as green ideological subjects. Through an analysis of the mechanisms of green bonds pricing, and of the actors involved in a green bond boot camp, we contend that the added value of green financial instruments, called the greenium, cannot merely be attributed to the performativity of models and formulas for risk engineering. Rather, it is the material effect of a subjectivation apparatus attuned to the existing relations of production. Ultimately, the greenness which becomes encrypted in the greenium is a process of translation of language of capital valorisation, performed through the tendency of capital to reproduce relations of exploitation in transitional time.

Climate change debates have helped frame vegetarianism as a conscientious choice across the globe and also projected India as a shining example of vegetarianism. Before this Euro-American vegetarians had long romanticized India as an ideal vegetarian society, and have assumed it to be based on progressive ethics. This article challenges such assumptions and complicates the Euro-American association of vegetarian dietary preferences with the ethical concerns of virtue, animal welfare, and sustainability. We contend that neither is India a vegetarian society nor is mainstream vegetarianism in contemporary India based on progressive ethics. We use in-depth interviews and extensive news reports to show that vegetarianism in India is a majoritarian political ideology associated with caste-based discrimination and violence, making it inimical to notions of non-violence, equality, and freedom. Majoritarian vegetarianism in contemporary India aims to conserve the caste system and its attendant inequalities. This study traces the ideological and repressive state apparatuses through which the fantasy and norms of vegetarianism are propped up in contemporary India. We argue that an uncritical acceptance of mainstream vegetarianism in contemporary India as a benevolent cultural preference whitewashes its discriminatory and violent nature, helps the caste system persist, and can undermine the well-being and nutritional outcomes of a majority of the Indian population especially those from non-elite social groups that have historically been omnivorous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we outline a theory that explicates the hypertrophy of the "political" in relation to contemporary art, literature, and culture. Beginning with a critique of Nicholas Bourriaud's 2016 work The Exform, we interrogate Bourriaud's engagement with contemporary art and Louis Althusser's theory of ideology. We approach Bourriaud's Althusserian source material through a consideration of its reappraisal by Warren Montag, Althusser's own Lacanian influences, and through some surprising continuities with the thought of controversial German jurist and political theorist Carl Schmitt. Finally, we attempt to synthesize these discussions into our speculative theory of the "Ideological Aesthetic," which addresses a conceptual gap in past theoretical discourse on ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Class struggle is a necessary aspect of society. While ordinary people engage in struggles to improve their conditions, economically powerful people engage in struggles to defend their privileges. Thus, class struggle is from below and from above. And, class struggle occurs over interests and over ideas. To reproduce capitalism, it is not enough that resources be in the hands of the top 1%–10% thus economically forcing the vast majority to rely on wage work, or that police be used against their picket lines. It is also necessary that a large number of common people must possess ideas that make them accept the existing mechanisms of society as natural or as inherently good for all. But, these ideas are challenged too, which is how ideological class struggle from below happens. Academia is a major site of ideological struggle. Generally, professors propagate ideas that justify the reproduction of capitalism as it is or in slightly modified forms. These ideas can be challenged by students. The main aim of this article is to briefly discuss the nature of ideological class struggle in academia and to present a series of questions from the standpoint of the students who can oppose many of the ideas circulating in academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on fieldwork in an urbanized village of Shenzhen, this paper analyzes the place of schools in the reproduction of Chinese state capitalism. It retraces the circuit of socialized capital that allows for the social reproduction of the native elite and the exclusion of many migrant workers in the context of Shenzhen's development as a special economic zone and its efforts to upgrade the economy. The native villagers, now forming an urban upper-class of rentiers, have capitalized on their overseas connections and capital accumulation to finance their school, allowing for their elite's upward social mobility after, but also already under Mao. After China's transition to capitalism, this school has served as an asset in generating value in the context of redevelopment and the real estate-driven upgrading of Shenzhen's economy. Property ownership is now a major criterion in points-based systems for accessing school places. I make two interrelated arguments. First, there is a closer relationship between the secondary circuit of socialized capital and the larger circuit of capital than what the literature on social reproduction implies. Second, the conditionality of quality education upon value generation amounts to separating the population deemed worthy of socialized reproduction and the surplus population that is left out. The paper connects diverse strands of social reproduction theory, Althusser's interpellation and ideological state apparatuses, feminist agentive social reproduction theories, and Bourdieu's capital conversion recuperated within a Marxian framework, to provide an integrated approach to social reproduction within capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can deconstruction be accomplished not through the close reading of just one discourse, but through its combination with another? This paper aims at exploring this second way of performing deconstruction through a particular case study: Marxism and psychoanalysis. In the body of the essay, the history of Freudo-Marxism is divided into two parts, depending on which psychoanalyst stands as point of reference: Freud or Lacan. We proceed by studying the four main strategies by virtue of which a genuine combination between Marxism and psychoanalysis has been historically attempted: separation (Reich), domination (Marcuse), contradiction (Althusser) and, finally, deconstruction (Laclau). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The study of Machiavelli was recurrent in Louis Althusser. Machiavelli allowed him to rethink political action without supposing the a priori existence of a subject in whom Political Theory should axiomatically recognize the ability to carry out this action. This article aims to analyze the lecture Althusser gave in 1977 at the Institute of Political Sciences of Paris. Then, Althusser not only suggested this reading of Machiavelli, but also offered a non-cumulative conception of history, which enables a differentiated appropriation of Antiquity.

In this article, we examine two philosophical theories of recognition: those of Paul Ricoeur and Alexandre Kojève. We trace this line of development in the theory of recognition as a return from Ricoeur to Kojève. Our hypothesis is that over the past twenty years, the theory of recognition has undergone a change in content and has transformed into a theory of misrecognition. In turn, the theory of misrecognition is grounded in the struggle between subjects and brings us back to the discourse of the struggle between the Slave and the Master. This transformation from struggle to reciprocity and vice versa, we argue, suggests that a theory of identity formation as a process of resistance to assujettissement is in demand at this moment in history. In the 2010s, as the theory of misrecognition took shape primarily in the English‑speaking world, the constitution of the subject began to be understood once again as the outcome of struggles within feminist, Marxist, and other emancipatory theories. We examine both Ricoeur’s arguments against Kojève, Althusser, and the theory of misrecognition in general, as well as the «return» of Kojève’s arguments in the contemporary theory of misrecognition.

¿Hay Ideas sociales en sentido marxista? La pregunta que introduce Deleuze implica pensar lo económico desde una lógica estructural animada por una epistemología de los problemas. En este artículo nos proponemos analizar el pasaje sobre las Ideas sociales en el cuarto capítulo de Diferencia y repetición. Veremos de qué manera se cumplen en la perspectiva marxista de lo social las condiciones de una estructura: la presencia de elementos indeterminados, la determinación a partir de sus relaciones recíprocas y la actualización en términos y relaciones cualitativas y cuantitativas. Para realizar la exégesis de estos conceptos nos servimos especialmente de las referencias directas e indirectas a Pour Marx y Lire Le Capital, obras clásicas del althusserianismo.

Public policy-making means the government in action, that is, what decisions the government makes in public matters, for which groups, with what tools, and what results are obtained from these decisions. Education policymaking means designing and implementing policies that the government uses in the field of education. Education policy in all countries is one of the three policy issues. Education is a socialization device for the government, and for this reason, governments use education as a public good to reproduce legitimacy. In this article, the issue is whether it is possible to organize the policy cycle based on critical theory. The policy cycle has stages such as system input, design, policy implementation and output, and evaluation and feedback. In this article, we try to examine the education policy cycle from a critical perspective by using the critical theories of Jürgen Habermas, Pierre Bourdieu, and Louis Althusser. The findings of the article show that critical theory is an approach that tries to organize a new space for educational policies in terms of public domain, communication wisdom, power fields, and the ideological structure of government. The article is the application of critical theory in the policy cycle of education, which can be used as a basis for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article by Rastko Močnik on ideological interpellation, written in 2013, is one of the testaments to how much our understanding of the critique of ideology owes to our encounter with this remarkable thinker. Regrettably, during the past decade, though passed from hand to hand, it remained in manuscript, kept in our archives – first at the Institute for Critical Social Studies (Močnik was Co-Chair of its International Board of Directors) and then at the Institute for Critical Theories of Supermodernity. Arguably, the article summarizes the essence of his theory as he developed it during those years in a series of lectures at the Universities of Sofia and Plovdiv. Revisiting the Althusserian problem of ideological interpellation, Močnik starts from the problem of orientation towards another’s discourse and of what he calls “double inscription” of discursive sequences; goes through some of his past solutions (relying primarily on Oswald Ducrot’s theory of argumentation in language), and through Deyan Deyanov’s theory of pre-predicative self-evidences of thought and the chances of proposing a new solution based on it; and, finally, analyzes in microscopic detail several case studies to arrive at the interesting conclusion that we need to distinguish between a “reproductive ideological interpellation by identification”, and a “disruptive interpellation by subjectivation”. What will Močnik’s theory offer us from now on and what awaits us in our dialogue with it? Only the future can tell. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Nuestra América is the property of Edicoes Universidade Fernando Pessoa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There is a gap between concern about environmental degradation such as climate change and effective action taken against the forces that drive degradation. This paper argues that real helplessness, a social condition producing powerless, stupefied, and repressed actors, is a fortified barrier between climate concern and effective climate action. Political‐economic analysis has theoretical and methodological implications for environmental social science and helps explain a current conundrum in critical sociology: Why are alternatives to a system that drives climate change and other catastrophic risks still seen as unrealistic? We suffer from a political‐economic system impervious to transformation before we suffer from a lack of alternative ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic training, especially at the undergraduate level, is a marginal topic in science studies today. Scientific practices have commonly been approached through studies of research contexts—most visibly, the lab—and only sporadically through studies of the classroom or other teaching contexts. In this article, we draw attention to the pivotal role that academic training plays in the formation and reproduction of thought collectives. Such training, in shaping what students think about their field and what they understand as proper ways of doing science, is an important site of what we call epistemological enculturation. Based on a comprehensive literature review, we make several suggestions on how epistemological enculturation can be studied at the level of training scenes, a concept we develop in the article. This includes a discussion of the methodological as well as theoretical difficulties that occur when analysing academic training in action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are three overlapping objectives in the article. The first objective is to present three different Marxist perspectives, while focusing on the interpretation of the base/superstructure dialectic which is the key to the understanding of Marxian political economy. The second objective is to make sense of the first and second "Cold Wars" based on the different interpretations of the base/superstructure dialectic. The last objective is to reassert the materialist essence of the base/superstructure dialectic by evoking Marx and his concepts of "Labor" and "Capital". The three different perspectives are analyzed based on this reassertion. Through these three objectives, two deductions were made: the first deduction is that scientific Marxism requires the acknowledgement of the overdetermination of the economic base (its dominance in the last instance) in the analysis of abstractions, empirical and historical data. The "totality of the relations of production" within the economic base appears abstract in nature, but it represents the ontological category of "Labor" that defines human history since its beginning. It has a transhistorical essence. Human beings work together to produce their basic needs, according to historically specific (abstract) relations of production. The superstructure determines the specificity of the relations of production; it defines the "historical" side of the relations of production in the economic base. In the era of capitalism, "Capital" (the private appropriation of social wealth) is the dominant relation that comes to dictate the "totality of the relations of the production" within the economic base, through the superstructure. Total capital is then the real "subject" of history, and all abstractions gain purpose and practicality based on the class struggle between Labor and Capital. The second deduction relates to real history explained on the basis of the first deduction. Looking at the historical development of the class struggle against monopoly-finance capital (the centralized and concentrated capital) in the 20th century, the First Cold War never truly ended even though the global socialist ideology became weak and the ideological struggle against the imperialist superstructure watered down. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how Kharms uses performativity in his 1928 play Elizaveta Bam to explore the relationship between the subject and the state. The play follows Elizaveta as she attempts to escape a murder charge by cycling through a series of radically different and strange personae. Her many transformations obfuscate her actual identity and personality; in the context of her flight from men who would kill her, this ability to transform is a survival mechanism. Ultimately, however, she is caught, and Kharms frames this as an inevitability. This approach to the relationship between state and subject corresponds to Althusser’s concept of interpellation, which tracks the deep connection between individuals and the ideologies that surround them. This paper argues that Kharms makes the actor’s performance into the central device of the play, and in so doing, he uses the tools of theater itself to depict (futile) resistance to overwhelming state power.

This article addresses a significant lacuna in Markan studies—and specifically in scholarship on Mark 5:1–13—by reading the exorcistic encounter between Jesus and Legion through the hermeneutic lens of Louis Althusser's interpellation theory. The article shows how interpellation provides a compelling way to account for the dynamics of exorcism displayed in this passage, especially in regard to the power of proper names. That is, moving beyond a superficial ascription of Jesus' exorcistic success to his ability to obtain Legion's name, this article utilizes interpellation theory in order to show why this onomastic obtainment is such a game-changer and how the process of requesting another's name effectively interpellates Legion, securing the spirit within an ideology of relative weakness vis-à-vis Jesus. Alongside this analysis of Mark 5:1–13, this article also discusses the comparative relevance of certain PGM spells (e.g., I.222–31, IV.2251–53, 2343–45, and VIII.1–63) and the enduring role of interpellation in contemporary hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We recall the origin of the clinical Colleges, from the creation of the clinical section by Lacan to the colleges of the psychoanalytic clinic of the SPFLF. Then the rereading of a letter from Louis Althusser to Jacques Lacan, returning to the meaning of Lacan’s excommunication from the French Society of Psychoanalysis, leads us to highlight the stakes of the location of a rupture between theory and practice, without theory having anything to say about this rupture on the one hand, or about the psychoanalytic clinic on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El presente artículo elucida la posición de Félix Guattari, y secundariamente la de Gilles Deleuze, respecto al concepto de ideología. Para ello se efectúa un análisis del recorrido intelectual de Guattari desde sus primeros artículos reunidos en Psychanalyse et transversalité (1974) hasta Mille Plateaux (1980). Se procede en dos instancias. Primero, se precisa cuál es el concepto específico de ideología con el cual Guattari discute. Este no es otro que la noción desarrollada por Louis Althusser como se puede detectar en referencias explícitas tanto cuanto en alusiones implícitas. Segundo, a partir de la discusión de los elementos centrales de la posición guattariana, se argumenta la afinidad que existe entre el célebre concepto de agenciamiento de Guattari y Deleuze y la recusación crítica de los aparatos ideológicos de Althusser.

Este artículo explora la noción de inconsciente filosófico propuesta por Althusser a finales de los 60, en el marco de su indagación a propósito de las operaciones de explotación y de apropiación del saber llevadas a cabo por la filosofía tradicional respecto del resto de prácticas sociales. Buscando entender qué significación tiene la categoría de historicidad para Althusser, cotejaremos esta idea con otra similar, basada en el programa teórico del profesor español Juan Carlos Rodríguez, quien trabajó ciertos textos literarios a partir de la existencia de un inconsciente ideológico que definiría el alcance de la subjetividad humana en cada etapa histórica.

Global financial governance is turning green. Attempting to tackle climate change, financial elites seem to swing confusingly between hesitant and action aimed at relieving the contradictions that led to the crisis, and opportunistic co-optation of critical discourse. Drawing on the work of Althusser, Laclau and Butler, we describe the historical emergence of this green financial apparatus and the related proliferation of green labels and signifiers. Green labels serve as the malleable ground on which a diversity of meanings and positions are articulated and temporarily fixed. Labels are the names through which financiers are interpellated and constituted as green ideological subjects. Through an analysis of the mechanisms of green bonds pricing, and of the actors involved in a green bond boot camp, we contend that the added value of green financial instruments, called the greenium, cannot merely be attributed to the performativity of models and formulas for risk engineering. Rather, it is the material effect of a subjectivation apparatus attuned to the existing relations of production. Ultimately, the greenness which becomes encrypted in the greenium is a process of translation of language of capital valorisation, performed through the tendency of capital to reproduce relations of exploitation in transitional time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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We use the 2020 incident of the police shooting of Jacob Blake followed by Black Lives Matter protests and the subsequent murder of several activists by Kyle Rittenhouse as a case study to update the Althusserian theory of interpellation using Deleuzian concepts and the idea of "identitarian articulations." Specifically, we aim to think more about the capacity to accept or reject an interpellation, and who has those capacities, and why. Here, the "who" above is not the individual ontological subject, but the immanent Deleuzian subject emerging in articulation. We will show, for example, that subordinated subjects will often have less access to the capacity to resist interpellation. This is, in part, because it is difficult for some people to "add" or "subtract" identifications or capacities from their identitarian articulations because of the overdetermining power of hegemonic discourses, such as white supremacy. We will also show that different objects, technologies, and emotions when affecting an identitarian articulation, actualize different capacities, or different intensities of the same capacity, in a given encounter. Most importantly, for the purposes of this article, will be the capacity to manifest an emotion like "fear" or "threatened." We show that an object like a gun may not appear threatening in particular encounters and in association with certain identitarian articulations even while another object, such as a cell phone, will be imbued with the capacity to induce "fear" or "threat" in another. As we show, unavoidably, in the United States, these capacities are deeply entangled with the racialization of the subject holding the object. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adorno's argument in this recently translated essay is that sociology is necessary in order to unlock the ‘epistemological power’ of the concept of ideology. This paper reads Adorno's argument with an Althusserian guilt in order to isolate the theoretically anti-humanist character of this epistemological power. The paper demonstrates how sociology, for Adorno, unlocks this epistemological power by shifting the field of inquiry away from the psychology of the individual subject, towards the “objectively prescribed contexts of delusion” located at the meeting point of specific material social relations. In order to make sense of Adorno's theoretical work here, the paper employs the concept of ‘anthropology’ as developed by Étienne Balibar, in order to demonstrate how Adorno mobilises the concept of ideology in order to think about subjective interpellation in an anti-humanist way, breaking with the vulgar psychology of traditional theories of ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]