Search

Based on a wide and varied corpus of sources, which include colonial documents, chronicles of nineteenth-century travelers and recent musical themes, the article analyzes the musical practices of Colombian Afrodiasporic peoples as part of an acoustemological horizon that, together with associated corpo-oralities, plays an important role as a framework for apprehension and explanation of the world, support for memory, strategy of resistance and expression of their political agency; at the same time it constitutes a field in which a deep dispute develops over the meanings of historical experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to examine the role of historical memory, as well as the challenges and opportunities that arise from the intersection between memory and history in the context of Afro-descendant populations. It is based on the premise that, although there are no homogeneous and unbreakable memories, it is possible to use historical documentary sources to explore how Afrodescendants in the past constructed narratives of memory and how these practices can help to better understand the present. The first part of the article presents a review of the main debates between memory and history, addressing the tensions and convergences between these two dimensions of knowledge. Theories on historical memory and its application in recent decades in Latin America are discussed, with particular emphasis on the case of Afro-descendant communities. The second part analyzes two concrete examples of memory practices: one based on municipal documents revealing how a group of pardo militiamen used collective memory in their interactions with local authorities, and another based on a colonial periodical publication about a life story that shows, within its exceptionality, the socio-spatial mobility of the Afrodescendant population. The article concludes with some hypotheses about the process of constructing historical oblivion for this sector of the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a close relationship between the dramatic urbanrural existence of indigenous peoples and the inherent conflicts in Latin American mining. Thus, the objective of this article is to deepen the notion of durable spatial situation with the analysis of the social impacts of mining in Latin America. Methodologically, three procedures are adopted: i) explanation on the subject-territory-desire-to-live interaction process (via Latin American decolonial debate and Sartrean existentialist debate) and ii) mapping of urban-rural social conditions in Latin American countries, which promote a tragic mining situation (data from ECLAC, and critical social theory of modernity/coloniality). The historical and genocidal Latin American extractivist logic is totalized, it annihilates lives, while activating mechanisms of duration of the subject located throughout centuries, presenting the thesis of the double dialectic: subject-territory-wanting-to-live and subject-world-wanting-to-live. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Iodine is an essential mineral for fetal growth and brain development. The aim of this research was to evaluate goiter, iodine deficiency and intrauterine growth restriction in pregnant women of minority ethnic groups in Colombia. Methods: A cross-sectional study was performed in six nonmetropolitan areas of Colombia. Results: A total of 318 Indigenous and Afro-descendant pregnant women were invited to participate: 248 (83.2%) Indigenous and 50 (16.8%) Afro-descendants were studied. The mean age was 24 years (range 13-44 years). Of the women, 130 (43.5%) were from the department of Cauca, 72 (24.1%) were from Córdoba, 28 (9.4%) were from Guajira, 26 (8.8%) were from Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, 22 (7.4%) were from Amazonas, 16 (5.4%) were from Meta and 4 (1.3%) were from the department of Cesar. A total of 244 (81.8%) were illiterate and 291 (97.7%) were of very low socioeconomic level. Goiter was observed in 69 (23.3%) pregnant women (38 (41.7%) from the department of Cauca, 10 (35.7%) from Guajira, 5 (31.2%) from Meta, 6 (27.2%) from Amazonas and 10 (13.8%) from Córdoba). Iodine deficiency (<100 µg/L) was observed in 42 (14.9%) pregnant women (16 (11.6%) mild (50-99 µg/L), 19 (13.8%) moderate (20--49 µg/L) and 7 (5.1%) severe (<20 µg/L)). Being literate was a protective factor for iodine deficiency (odds ratio (OR)=0.19, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.04-0.84, p=0.016). Being illiterate and iodine deficient was only a risk factor for goiter (OR=6.72, 95%CI 3.9-9.5, p=0.038) in the department of Cauca. Conclusion: A high prevalence of goiter, iodine deficiency and intrauterine growth restriction was observed in minority ethnic groups of Colombia. The highest prevalence and risk was observed in the department of Cauca. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Fondo Editorial Fundacion Universitaria Luis Amigo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: Iodine is an essential mineral for fetal growth and brain development. The aim of this research was to evaluate goiter, iodine deficiency and intrauterine growth restriction in pregnant women of minority ethnic groups in Colombia. Methods: A cross-sectional study was performed in six non-metropolitan areas of Colombia. Results: A total of 318 Indigenous and Afro-descendant pregnant women were invited to participate: 248 (83.2%) Indigenous and 50 (16.8%) Afro-descendants were studied. The mean age was 24 years (range 13-44 years). Of the women, 130 (43.5%) were from the department of Cauca, 72 (24.1%) were from Córdoba, 28 (9.4%) were from Guajira, 26 (8.8%) were from Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, 22 (7.4%) were from Amazonas, 16 (5.4%) were from Meta and 4 (1.3%) were from the department of Cesar. A total of 244 (81.8%) were illiterate and 291 (97.7%) were of very low socioeconomic level. Goiter was observed in 69 (23.3%) pregnant women (38 (41.7%) from the department of Cauca, 10 (35.7%) from Guajira, 5 (31.2%) from Meta, 6 (27.2%) from Amazonas and 10 (13.8%) from Córdoba). Iodine deficiency (

Copyright of Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper draws from some reflections on the relationship between power and knowledge coloniality and curricular field, since the analysis of curricular documents from Brazil and Argentine. This analysis intends to trace the coloniality elements of power and knowledge connected to the presence and the absence of Afro-Descendants and Africans in both secondary schools/highschools within an international background that fostered the visibilization of Afro-Descendant/African history and culture as well as educational policies prescribing the obligatory nature of level and extension of rights. The chosen period, 2006-2015, is characterized in the regional context by the expansion of educational rights and access at all levels and an increase in state financing, within the framework of the recognition of rights to excluded populations. In the international field, it was characterized by the gestation of the Declaration of the International Year of Afro-descendant by the United Nations Organization in 2011 and the proclamation, in 2013, of the International Decade for People of African Descent that runs from 2015 to 2024. In turn, further questions arise to propose reflections on the curricular field that may contribute to the development of an epistemology of the South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For the past several years, affirmative action policies and their implementation have constituted a field of debate and academic research, in dialog with social movements and public policies carried out by various Latin American and Caribbean states, to mitigate persistent historical inequalities related to discrimination and racism. This article presents the results of the implementation of affirmative action policies for Afro-descendants in Uruguay in the workplace between 2014 and 2019, the first five years of implementation of Law No.19122 (which establishes a period of fifteen years in total for its validity). These results were obtained through interviews with key informants and through documentary analysis of the annual reports of the National Civil Service Office for the period under consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Tellus is the property of Revista Tellus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the possible relationships between critical heritage studies and interculturality. It argues that interculturality offers a call to action and normative commitments that is welcome to advance critical heritage studies. The article examines the intersections across the two fields using the ideas of normative engagement, status of the two fields in liberal political discourse, and the notions of recognition and redistribution as goals of historically oppressed groups. The article uses the examples of Indigenous and Afro-descendant heritage to connect heritage to the work of interculturality in attempting to create and promote better polities. The article then discusses some of the potentials and pitfalls of closer alignment between the fields of interculturality and critical heritage studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is centered around the experiences of Afro-descendant men in the 1812-1813 period of the Mexican War of Independence as it occurred in the port-city of Veracruz and it Sotavento (Leeward) hinterland. It argues that Black men had complex, active, and essential roles in providing the backbone of regional royalist and insurgent armies. It pieces together the fragmented military and political agency of Veracruz's Afro-descendant men as reflected in published and unknown archival sources of the colonial and national archive, such as military reports and correspondence, constitutions, decrees, 19th Century published accounts, and a lengthy court case. This article sheds light on how Afro-descendant men were pushed to participate by their individual and collective needs, reacting to localized, and transatlantic, conditions that promised, or excluded them from, social, economic, and political advancement. By centering Veracruz's Afro-descendant men as instrumental players of the war, even in leadership roles, this article seeks to problematize traditional narratives of the struggle that negate and erase Black History in the Mexican struggle for liberation. This article also places their experiences within the backdrops of Atlantic World politics during the Age of Revolutions. It examines the ways by which they reacted to limiting frameworks of citizenship influenced by localized, and transatlantic, Anti-Black stereotypes and fears, along with the adoption of the 1812 Cádiz Charter. This article argues that these men found themselves amidst the paradox of being militarily wanted but politically rejected by nineteenth century Spanish colonialism. This led Afro-descendant men to seek new opportunities of belonging and empowerment, joining the insurgency to improve their sociopolitical status. This article seeks to humanize voiceless Afro-descendant historical actors placing them as essential players of Veracruz's, and the Greater Caribbean's, early-nineteenth century regional dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an account of the destruction of the social fabric of Afro-descendant, indigenous, peasant, and mestizo rural communities in Colombia from the perspective of a human rights worker of the Interfaith Commission of Justice and Peace (JyP). The community resistance that led to revelation of truth of what happened to the world is discussed. A description of the JyP's multifaceted model of accompaniment, the strategies for return developed and implemented by the displaced families and communities, the associated legal actions and decisions, and knowledge generated from these very significant experiences of resistance in Colombia are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text aims to make visible the situations of violence experienced by Haitian women in Chile regarding biases between professionals working in health and legal services on the economic situation in Haiti and the "detachment" that these women would have from their childhoods. To this end, I begin with an overview of the situation of Afro-descendants in Latin America and the Caribbean, and then dwell on the specific situation of women in these territories. Finally, I present cases of extreme violence against Haitian women that occurred in Chile, between 2017 and 2021, data collected in fieldwork. The conclusions point to the need to understand the human rights of the Afro-descendant population and Haitian women from the rights of peoples, understanding motherhood and the reproduction of life as cultural and deeply communal issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the present article was to investigate how and why Afro‐descendant decolonial activists in Belgium morally typecast their group when discussing their struggle to challenge the status quo. Ten Afro‐descendant activists from different associations or movements active in Brussels were interviewed, and the interviews were examined through a thematic content analysis using the following themes and sub‐themes: moral typecasting (positive agent, positive patient, negative patient, and negative agent), the period of time (pre‐colonial, colonial, and present times in Belgium), and perceived strategy. Overall, our analysis revealed that the interviewees referred to multiple moral statuses. The association of sub‐themes allowed to investigate how and why the moral statuses were mobilized. We thus concluded that moral statuses were used in reference to both past and present times and that their mobilization was recognized as being strategic to challenge the status quo. The results were interpreted in light of decolonial actions and minorities' strategies to challenge the ingroup situation and to motivate its members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the racism and exclusion faced by Afro-descendants in the city of Cuenca, Ecuador. It highlights how the identity of Cuenca has been associated with the white-mestizo subject, which has led to the denial of Afro-Cuenca identity and the exclusion of Afro-Cuenca people from social life and public spaces. It is mentioned that Afro-descendants are stereotyped, discriminated against, and hypersexualized, and that they face direct violence and police control in public spaces. Despite this, the resistance and active presence of the Afro-descendant community in the city are emphasized. [Extracted from the article]

This article analyzes the relationship of racial discrimination on the identity and critical consciousness of 1369 African and Afro-descendant respondents to the first nationwide survey conducted in Spain in 2020. The survey not only showed the scope of experiences of discrimination based on skin color but has also opened the way for testing whether these experiences of racial discrimination end up affecting the identity and critical consciousness of black people, Africans, or Afro-descendants, based on the questions included in the survey and the rejection–identification hypothesis. According to the statistical models obtained by discriminant analysis, racial discrimination helps to strengthen racial identity. Having been discriminated by skin color was the variable that most differentiated those who self-identified with their country of origin from those who did not and the second most predictive of self-recognition as a black or Afro-descendant person. But when the influences of racial discrimination on racial identity and critical consciousness were jointly analyzed, applying structural equation modeling, the latter outweighed the former: racial discrimination contributes to the awakening black activism. Less clear seems to be the influence of racial identity on critical consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental history, as a field of analysis and transdisciplinary study, aims to explore the interactions between society and ecosystems from a deep understanding of how relationships between human groups and natural systems change over defined periods of time. This article seeks to delve into the environmental history of the savannahs of the Cesar department in Colombia, documenting the milestones in the privatization of the commons and the degradation of social–ecological systems. Methodologically, satellite images and aerial photographs are analyzed to determine the changes in land cover that reveal the state of the ecosystems, and an ethnographic approach is used to document the perception and valuation of local Afro-descendant communities in the region. The article shows how, over the last 60 years, land-use planning models have favored individual appropriation practices and agroindustrial models over collective forms of pastoralism and small-scale agrifood systems. It also documents the main socio-ecological impacts and the conflicts implicit in different tenure models that should be taken into account in the various public policies related to sustainability, peace building, and the recognition of territorial rights in the Colombian Caribbean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the sociopolitical dynamics of the Afro-descendant social movement based on the structuring of interaction networks. We argue that sociopolitical networks have constituted the strategy for influencing and collective action of the social movement, especially in the transnational sphere. However, the lack of continuity in processes, limited funding, and dispersion generate a manifest weakness in achieving agendas. The variety of networks ranging from Afrocentric to institutional, as well as their left and right ideologies, are considerations that must be taken into account when promoting empowerment projects. Nevertheless, more attention should be given to Afrocentric networks, as they are more autonomous, independent, and enduring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the tools used by the Afro-descendant peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean in the fight for their territories has been the recourse to the courts. This article focuses on the role that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has specifically played in relation to the territorial claims of Afro-descendant peoples. This is an ongoing investigation on the use of justice as a tool for the struggle of Afro-descendant peoples in Latin America and the Caribbean, which is in a phase of data systematization (judgments, jurisprudence, related studies) with elements of analysis, gradual that should be enriched. Hence the extensive inclusion of the elements of the documentation of the Inter-American Court. Initially we present a panoramic view of the situation of Afro-descendant territories. Then we set out a general framework on the Inter-American Human Rights System and the history of its involvement in cases related to ethnic groups and their territories. Next, a systematization is presented in chronological order of the cases that have reached the In ter-American Court directly related to the demands of Afrodescendant groups and territorial claims. Based on documents of the Court that are part of the respective processes, we return to elements of the arguments and sentences that provide a general idea to understand the scope of said cases. Finally, we develop some initial reflections on the possibilities and limits that the sentences of the Inter-American Court presented have had. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this research article we describe the contribution of Afro-descendant traditional midwives of the Colombian Pacific to peace building in their communities. For the study we conducted a qualitative approach through a semi-structured interview technique with midwives and laboring women from the Colombian Pacific region, residents of Cali and Buenaventura, in addition to participant observation in organizational meetings of midwives belonging to the Association of United Midwives of the Pacific (Asoparupa), and a bibliographic review. As a result, we found that the daily practices of Afro-descendant traditional midwives of the Colombian Pacific generate a type of autonomy, agency, social reflection and endogenous transformation, which allows the attribution of capacities for community cohesion, the defense of life and cultural diversity. This translates into practices that strengthen peace building and, therefore, contribute to the search for social justice in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses the memories of people of African descent as a way of understanding the narratives that cover work relationships between white masters and descendants of former slaves in the post-abolition period in Garopaba-SC, more specifically in the first decades of the 20th century, in the neighborhoods Campo D'una and Encantada. The work is methodologically developed from oral history, in this sense it seeks to investigate, through reports obtained through semi-structured interviews, what these individuals worked with and how they were remunerated in addition to understanding how they understood concepts such as: slavery, freedom and free labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kepes is the property of Universidad de Caldas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista CS is the property of Rafael Silva Vega and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

(1) Background: Limited data are available on lumbar spine stenosis management in sub-Saharan African populations and Afro-descendant patients are underrepresented in European and US clinical trials. We aimed to compare the clinical response between decompressive surgery and conservative treatments in a population of self-reported Afro-Caribbean patients with lumbar spine stenosis over a 2-year follow-up period. (2) Methods: Prospective cohort of 137 self-reported Afro Caribbeans with lumbar spine stenosis based on clinical and radiological criteria. Patients were assigned to decompression surgery or to conservative treatments according to their outcome after a first course of steroid epidural injection and their preferences. The primary outcome was evolution of the Oswestry disability index at 3 months (3 M), 12 M, 18 M and 24 M follow-up. (3) Results: Decrease of ODI was significantly more important in the "decompression surgery" arm compared to "conservative treatment" arm at 3 M, 12 M and 18 M: −17.36 vs. 1.03 p < 10−4; −16.38 vs. −1.53 p = 0.0059 and −19.00 vs. −4.52 p = 0.021, respectively. No difference was reported at 24 M. (4) Conclusions: In this first comparative study between surgery and conservative treatments in an exclusively afro-descendant lumbar spine stenosis cohort, we report long term superiority of decompression surgery versus conservative treatments over an 18-month period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the public discourses of Afro-Argentine women who occupy leadership positions within the Afro collective, observing intertwining between processes of remembrance, emotions, and political action. A qualitative approach based on face-to-face and virtual ethnographic practices was used. Differences are noted between the subalternized Afro-descendant memories of male leaders and those produced by women activists, who incorporate affective and biographical dimensions into the production of public narratives in spaces of dialogue between the Afro community and the state. The data were obtained from fieldwork conducted since 2011 in the area of the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires and its surroundings, both in associative and state spaces that were mainly used for commemorative purposes. For this, observation techniques were used with different degrees of participation, which made it possible to record practices and discourses. It is concluded that emotions fundamentally linked to collective pains shape the production of memories and support processes of Afro-female struggle, while they are communicated and shared, thus generating bonds of belonging and frameworks for political action, both within the collective and in relation to demands for rights before the national-state.

Despite Mexico's increase as a destination country (although < 1% of its population was born abroad, and most immigrants are U.S.–born minors of return migration), its Latin American immigrant population has increased considerably. Mexican ethnicity scholarship has traditionally focused on indigenous populations, but recent studies called for a better understanding of African descendants' experiences. Integration and assimilation theories (for other contexts) highlight ethnicity's role, but how migration and ethnicity intersect in the Mexican context is unclear. We study differences in labor market integration of Latin American immigrants. Using Mexican 2015 Intercensal Survey and 2020 Census data, we estimate OLS models to understand how Afro-descendant self-identification, migration, and birth country shape earnings. Results show higher earnings for immigrant populations, except for Central Americans, and an interaction effect of Afro-descendance, immigration status, and birthplace. Our findings suggest continued research on integration and racialization processes in Mexico and other Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of FIAR: Forum for Inter-American Research is the property of Forum for Inter-American Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of HiSTOReLo: Revista de Historia Regional y Local is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro Editorial Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In centering my analysis in the Americas, I examine the body of antiracist legislation composed of Colombia's General Law of Education, Law 70, and Brazil's federal Law 10.639/03, which formed the template for the teaching of Afrodescendant education, history, and culture in the national standard curricula. In looking at Colombia and Brazil, I interrogate the state of Afrodescendant education in the Americas as part of global trends of Black mobilization and political and educational reforms. Indeed, I argue that such educational policies resulted from the hemispheric resurgence of Black activist movements from within and without institutions of education, as well as the support of socio-political movements concerned with ethnic and racial diversity. Together, these forces converged with the multicultural movements throughout the globe, shaping the educational realities of Afrodescendant populations not only in Colombia and Brazil but also across the Atlantic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social outburst in 2021, resulting from the strike of April 28, the great strike in the recent history of this country, was a predominantly spontaneous struggle, organized on a day-to-day basis, but without a plan, a strategy, a scientific-political vanguard, and fully articulated goals. That is to say, if one seeks to transform a society from its roots, a country, which operates under oppression and exploitation, the combative capacity of its people is a necessary, but insufficient condition. The combative force of the masses, such as that which was manifested during the social outburst, must be oriented beyond the specific demands, some of which are resolved with liberal reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ciencia y Sociedad is the property of Ciencia y Sociedad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Eleuthera is the property of Universidad de Caldas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Interamericana de Investigación, Educación y Pedagogía - RIIEP is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 2030 Agenda has influenced the design of public policies in Colombia and other countries in the region, but there are many gaps in the way a global policy can be interpreted and adapted to the territories. Thus, this article aims to critically evaluate the public policy of sustainability implemented in the Colombian Caribbean and to suggest contributions from an intercultural socioenvironmental justice perspective. For this purpose, the public policy of sustainability that orients the plans for the use of insular ecosystems in Cartagena de Indias has been examined and confronted with local evidence that shows significant changes in the forms of life and ecological degradation in multi-temporally analysed coverages. Methodologically, this research is based on three aspects: the theoretical discussion of the notions of sustainability and justice in public policies, spatial databases to analyse the transformation of landscapes and ethnographic work with Afro-descendant peoples to recognise their socioecological systems. We found that the public policy of territorial planning aligned with the 2030 Agenda nominally includes a rights approach, but management practices or governance structures do not consider the very high asymmetry in land tenure, the growing private and non-participatory regulation of coasts and the sea or the exclusion of Afro-descendant peoples who claim tenure and autonomy rights. Then, we propose integrated dimensions of sustainability that overcome the socioecological negativity observed and articulate criteria of intercultural justice in public, social and environmental policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racism, as both the founding ideology and regime of power constitutive of the Modern World, is a crucial cause of pervasive inequalities in all Latin American societies. As it happens to other social fields, racism intrinsically marks hegemonic monocultural Higher Education policies, systems, and institutions. Eradicating racism in university systems and institutions demands transforming the whole field to make it completely intercultural, an ambitious and long-run mission that currently involves the practices of numerous and highly diverse social agents. Meanwhile, some of these agents and others with less transformative agendas have been implementing concrete measures to content or fight racism in monocultural university systems and institutions. This article discusses diverse initiatives that seek to content or fight racism in monocultural Higher Education in some Latin American countries. Some of these initiatives have implemented “affirmative action” and other programs to ensure access and fruitful trajectories for Afro-descendant and indigenous people students in monocultural universities. Others have set up programs that articulate the goal of strengthening the educational experiences of these two groups of students with activities that seek interculturalizing monocultural universities. The article shows that although most of these modalities of action have achieved valuable advances, they also confront similar tensions and challenges. These issues are focal points in the work of some regional networks that integrate agents from these initiatives with others participating in other forms of fighting racism in higher education, such as those developed in/from intercultural and Afrodecendant´s and indigenous peoples´ universities.

This article analyzes the public discourses of Afro-Argentine women who occupy leadership positions within the Afro collective, observing intertwining between processes of remembrance, emotions, and political action. A qualitative approach based on face-to-face and virtual ethnographic practices was used. Differences are noted between the subalternized Afro-descendant memories of male leaders and those produced by women activists, who incorporate affective and biographical dimensions into the production of public narratives in spaces of dialogue between the Afro community and the state. The data were obtained from fieldwork conducted since 2011 in the area of the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires and its surroundings, both in associative and state spaces that were mainly used for commemorative purposes. For this, observation techniques were used with different degrees of participation, which made it possible to record practices and discourses. It is concluded that emotions fundamentally linked to collective pains shape the production of memories and support processes of Afro-female struggle, while they are communicated and shared, thus generating bonds of belonging and frameworks for political action, both within the collective and in relation to demands for rights before the national-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Desacatos is the property of Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito da Cidade is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents practices and perspectives of political and cultural associations in Guadalupe / Caribbean, especially the CIPN (International Committee of Peuples Noir), which involves the overthrow and construction of statues and monuments, as well as other performances around these objects. The members of these associations, defining themselves mostly as afro-descendants, do what they call self-repair, varied actions, in view of the continuous history of extermination, violence, submission and assimilation to which their ancestors and themselves are subjected, for rediscovered and rebuilt as afroguadalupenses. For this, recognition, rehabilitation, honor and make present ancestors are fundamental aspects. The erection of statues and monuments, the multiple actions and performances around them, as well as the overthrow of objects related to a predominantly Eurocentric history, are part of these processes, and highlight other aspects of the discussion about public history and memory.

This study aimed to investigate genetic diversity and ancestry in Afro-descendants from the Andes (AN) and the Pacific Coast (PC) regions of Ecuador, using autosomal and lineage markers. CR-mtDNA and PPY23-STRs showed high haplotype diversities. Statistically significant differences were found between AN and PC. Due to different patterns of sex-biased matting, differences between regions were more pronounced for the mtDNA than for the Y-chromosomal markers. A lower African ancestry was detected in AN than PC, for autosomal and both maternal and paternal lineage markers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the theoretical and methodological contributions of the Network Actor Theory, this article analyzes the translation process that made the approval of the public policy for Afro-descendants residing in the city of Cali, Colombia possible. Based on the methodological precept of "following the actors," it reconstructs the set of negotiations, alliances, and consensuses deployed by the mediators of the policy to achieve the adhesion of other agents to it. Although the final outcome of these actions was as expected, the ever-changing nature of the identities and interests of the actors and social groupings involved in these processes highlights the fragility of the alliances and loyalties built among them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the volumes that compile the history of Concepción and its surrounding areas, the African and/or Afro-descendant presence during colonial times is usually reduced to trivial events. Unlike what happens in other Chilean regions, no systematic studies mention the permanence of this population in the study area during the Spanish domination. Hence, the local sociocultural imaginary does not recognize the historical depth of their presence and relevance. This research aims to carry out the first systematic compilation exercise regarding the presence of Afro-descendants in Concepcion and its surrounding areas, registering their mentions in currently available primary and secondary sources. As a result, we were able to identify a continued presence of Afro-descendants between the 16th and 19th centuries. Finally, we discuss their estrangement in historical volumes and the development of a paradigm that has made them historically invisible as part of the current social fabric in Concepcion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]