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An editorial is presented that discusses the topic of critical theory as a post-Marxist discourse, which is a type of academic thought that aims to analyze and question the structures and discourses of power in various areas of society and encompasses interdisciplinary thinkers from cultural studies, linguistics, sociology, philosophy, psychoanalytic critiques.

Contends A. Gramsci can provide a perspective on the cultural dominance of rhetoric and formation of a critical "telos"--his work can contribute to understanding critical rhetoric. Demonstrates that Gramscian notions can extend critical rhetoric into an enterprise that permits critical self-reflexivity and praxis and create new opportunities and perspectives for conceptualizing communication. (PA)

Although the study of argumentation has long held a cherished position in the communication discipline, there is still a question regarding individuals' use of various argumentative skills. This study examined the generation of arguments, refutations, rebuttals, and types of evidence during an argumentative interaction. Participants argued with trained confederates who took the opposing view on the issue of doctor-assisted suicide. Discussions were audio-taped and coded. Results indicated that people presented more refutations than arguments and overall, evidence and rebuttals were presented infrequently., During informal arguments, arguments that people have with others over a host of issues such as political or social topics (Ricco, 2002), interactants assert and support a position or claim [...]

Unravelling Gramsci: Hegemony and Passive Revolution in the Global Economy. By Adam David Morton. London: Pluto Press, 2007; pp. 272. US $28.95 paper. Adam David Morton's new book attempts to [...]

Recently, Pope Francis dedicated a Vatican property--the Palazzo Migliori--as a homeless shelter. Pope Francis's decision marks the culmination of many papal pronouncements, especially his 2015 encyclical, Laudato Si', which provides a set of principles focused on taking care of both the environment and "the least of our brethren." In this article, I engage in a rhetorical analysis of the pope's theological and political framework based on what Endres and Senda-Cook (2011) call the "rhetoric of place" to explore how Pope Francis alters the symbolic meaning of Vatican property to advance social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By approaching civility as an operational logic for democracy, we ask how incivility is a strategy related to power and domination, particularly from the president of the United States. We propose that Twitter is part of an infrastructure of incivility, through which structures and discursive mechanisms contribute to a devaluation of normative democratic discourses. Spectacle provides a theoretical framework to contextualize the forces at play in mediating our relations. Using President Trump's Twitter use as a case study, we offer four propositions that together formulate a framework for theorizing the strategic use and deployment of incivility as an increasingly legitimate, yet problematic tool for democratic governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thanks to Donald Trump, fake news has become a buzzword that allows for the dismissal of facts which are inconvenient to a person's worldview. When used to characterize media sources, this rhetorical maneuver becomes an essentially irrefutable argumentative technique - a "trump" card that ends a discussion because the opposition's premise is depicted as false. Since deploying the concept of fake news reinforces ideology and systems of power, this paper explores the phenomenon from the perspective of Gramscian hegemony. More specifically, Gramsci's notion of common sense helps us understand the fallacious appeal of fake news. As a result, the paper discusses the implications of fake news in the context of hegemony and provides suggestions for potential ways to articulate good sense as a means to challenge the common sense of fake news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the unique significance of presidential rhetoric, we should seriously consider how civility, rhetoric, and presidential discourse intersect. This essay explores that intersection by briefly examining two presidential campaigns that demonstrate serious incivility as well as one presidential discursive technique that tried, as we argue, to foster more civility in American political conversations. Specifically, we explore the 1796 and 1800 campaigns between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, the political rivalry between Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr, the Fireside Chats of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and the campaign rhetoric of Donald Trump and his first few months in office. Our hope is that by looking at historical examples of presidential rhetoric, we can identify how civility and incivility are used strategically, and we might also be able to trace some ways we can improve the tenor of civility in our political discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I examine political incivility in presidential discourse by comparting the themes emanating from the tweets of both Clinton and Trump during and after the 2016 election. The present study reveals that Clinton's tweets focus on the central theme of attacking Trump, specifically as a liar, racist, sexist, foreign policy disaster, bully, and a danger to working class people. In Trump's tweets, he also engages in attack themes against the mainstream media, specific Republicans, rival nations (such as Iran and North Korea), Hillary Clinton, and the character of Democrats. Trump's tweets also utilize thematic appeals, such as appeals to "Make America Great Again," and fear appeals against Mexicans, Muslims and other groups. Since Twitter use has increased in political communication, understanding its role in political rhetoric is crucial. Additionally, since many believe the 2016 election was one of the most divisive in recent history, an examination into related tweets provides insight into how incivility occurred. Ultimately, I argue that the use of Twitter encourages and emphasizes uncivil rhetoric in presidential politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Talking Democracy: Historical Perspectives on Rhetoric and Democracy. Edited by Benedetto Fontana, Cary J. Nederman, and Gary Remer. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004, pp. vi + 337. $55.00 [...]

In the World War I era (not unlike other war periods), opponents of the war were persecuted and deemed "traitors of the state." For Sacco and Vanzetti, their opposition to the war gave them a death sentence sanctioned by the state. A rhetorical examination of their last words prior to their execution will be useful to understand the importance of Sacco and Vanzetti for American history, and continued fights against injustice. Specifically, Kenneth Burke's terms for order--disorder, victimage, redemption (Burke, 1970)--coupled with his notion of identification (Burke, 1973) for a closer examination of Sacco and Vanzetti's ultimate defense are examined. This examination will also help clarify Sacco and Vanzetti's role in history, and their implications for modern juridical struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

César Chávez has been studied and praised as one of the twentieth century's greatest orators. One of his strengths as a rhetol, however, has consistently been overlooked--his use of religious themes and images to identify and reach-out to his audience. This paper analyzes several speeches by Chávez to understand how he used religious themes and images. We find that the religious elements in Chávez's rhetoric signify the use of particular strategies as well as how he embodied religious themes and principles in his everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article points out the fundamental problem with recent debate techniques like the personalizing of debating. It makes the arguments advanced by the University of Louisville specifically a case study for how debate rounds have become highly personalized. The arguments advanced by University of Louisville debaters are that rap, instead of "traditional" forms of evidence along with personal narratives should be used to take the stance that the debate community is exclusionary against people of color. They claim that their efforts like "project" of rejecting "traditional" forms of debate recruiting marginalized student populations, providing scholarships to targeted high school groups have been towards changing the community. The personalizing of debating is wrought with frustrations, anxiety, resistance and backlash and the problems related to personalizing of debating is that it victimizes debate and it ignores deeper, perhaps more important structural problems within the debate community. An important question raised is whether issues of racism, marginalization, sexism be subject to actual debates within the debate community, or discussed in venues and forums that are more appropriate for discussing structural issues of the community.

The common, basic course is becoming more widespread among Communication departments across the country. By drawing on Bakhtin's notion of heteroglossia, this paper suggests that the common classroom experience privileges certain individuals and ways of knowing by silencing the many voices that exist in a classroom situation. As such, this paper initiates a "radical" departure from the colonial branding of contemporary Communication curricula and the common classroom in a move toward a more democratic and critical engagement of course "instruction." Although a radicalized notion of a critical Communication pedagogy rejects formulaic prescriptions of teaching, the final part of the paper offers concrete examples for how a more democratic pedagogy, which recognizes diversity and difference, can exist for Communication departments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]