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This article examines the compatibility of authoritarianism and accountability through groundbreaking research on citizen supervision of local state agents, a novel form of accountability politics that has been underway in China for a decade. Based on an in-depth political ethnography of the Citizen Monitoring Organization in Wenzhou, this article examines how the authoritarian instrument that produces relations of domination can be turned into a bonanza for public accountability. The article demonstrates that local leaders may encourage citizens to help restrain the exercise of power in the lower state echelons when agent malfeasance is considered a threat to local leaders' career advancement. This opportunity structure leads to the mechanism of "state-backed supervision": enlisted citizen participants draw on the delegated and entitled authority of the state to demand accountability from local state agents. Examining the logic, dynamics, limitations, and outcomes of state-backed supervision, this article identifies a novel pathway to accountability in authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is authoritarianism a universal psychological phenomenon? Does the concept of authoritarianism in its current form effectively explain anti-democratic tendencies across societies? From a cultural perspective and using data of Chinese citizens in the fourth wave of the Asian Barometer Survey, this article identifies an authoritarian variant of an ethical and relational origin. This article argues that the received view of authoritarianism, which is conceptually bounded to prejudice, represents but one brand that arises as a function of threat. In paternalistic cultures such as Confucianism, people may develop hierarchical orientations through the learning of certain relational ethics. Called Confucian Authoritarian Orientation (CAO), this authoritarian variant encodes the following three attitudinal aspects: (1) authority reverence, (2) authority worship, and (3) authority dependence. Empirical results show that CAO stands as an entirely different construct from prejudice-bounded concepts such as Right-Wing Authoritarianism. Furthermore, CAO also serves as a powerful predictor of political docility in individuals; it is correlated with stronger political trust and weaker political efficacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social capital is generally believed to facilitate protest mobilization. We examine, however, whether and how it might reduce an individual's tendency to join a protest. Analyzing survey data of a migrant population in Beijing, China's capital, we find that social capital operating as better embeddedness in local social networks lowers the likelihood of protest participation. We reason that, structurally, embeddedness in local networks provides access to support and assistance, reducing the attractiveness of disruptive means of problem-solving. Psychologically, such embeddedness mitigates the feeling of relative deprivation, reducing the possibility of such feelings accumulating and eventually translating into protesting actions. Regressions and structural equation models confirm our hypotheses, and we are also able to check the robustness of our findings with a different, much larger, cross-national dataset. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mass media play an important role in grassroots democracy, yet the dynamics of media–citizen interaction remains under-researched. Using the case of the ‘Civil Monitory Organization’ (CMO) programme in Zhejiang’s Wenzhou city, this article shows how local media, and the local government to whom the local media are held accountable, shape citizen participation. This article develops the framework of ‘contingent participation’ to analyze the constraints on local political participation. Based on the observation of CMO activism, this article typologizes four participation behaviours: (1) symbolic participation; (2) instrumental participation; (3) managed participation; and (4) transgressive participation. This article concludes that contingent participation yields paradoxical results inherent under authoritarian rule: it aims to mobilize citizens to hold government accountable, yet denies the free flow of information and full participation of citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Joining the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is often associated with material returns, but whether and how this contributes to better subjective well-being remains under-researched. Using data from the 2012 Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS), this paper examines the effect of party membership on Chinese residents' subjective well-being. This paper has found that CCP membership, as a prestigious social identity, has a pure effect on subjective well-being. This happiness effect—termed by this research as identity premium—is greater when party membership is subject to scarcity. These findings suggest that it is the enhanced sense of self-regard brought by the relative value of party membership that boosts people's satisfaction with life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]