Search

Durch den Wegfall der Fahrtätigkeit in vollautonomen Fahrzeugen ergeben sich neue Möglichkeiten die Fahrzeit zu nutzen. In der vorliegenden Studie wird auf Basis einer Stated-Preference-Befragung untersucht, welchen Tätigkeiten sich Personen in autonomen Fahrzeugen widmen würden und wie sich diese von der heutigen Zeitnutzung im Öffentlichen Verkehr unterschiedet. Die Ergebnisse lassen eine Vielzahl von Aktivitäten, insbesondere jedoch in den Bereichen Kommunikation und Freizeit, erwarten. Im Fahrzeug zu Arbeiten wird bei Vollzeit-Erwerbstätigen im Mittel zu 9,1% der Fahrzeit erwartet, bei Teilzeit-Beschäftigen zu 6,7%. Aufgrund dieser geringen Zeitanteile ist davon auszugehen, dass sich durch autonome Fahrzeuge insgesamt leichte Veränderungen bei den Aktivitäts- und Wegemustern zeigen werden.

Administrative burdens may deepen inequality by creating costly experiences for vulnerable groups. Research to date typically focuses on how burdens affect decisions in specific policy contexts, thus little is known about everyday experiences of burdens and their distribution in society. This is the first study to document everyday administrative experiences, accounting for time and emotional costs across ten domains: tax, retirement, government benefits, bills, goods and services, savings, debt, health, childcare, and adult care. Results from 2,243 UK adults show that administrative tasks are a significant part of life (one hour per day). Time and emotional costs vary by domain; government benefits emerge as particularly costly. There is evidence that administrative burdens are regressive, not only through their effects on decisions, but through their unequal distribution in society. Those in poor health and financial insecurity focus on tasks salient to them (e.g. benefits, health, debt), but are less likely to engage in beneficial longer-term tasks (e.g. savings, retirement), and suffer higher emotional costs from engaging in tasks relevant to their disadvantage, compared to non-disadvantaged groups. A choice experiment shows that (hypothetical) burdens discourage beneficial action in general, but even more so for some disadvantaged groups.

In der Arbeit "Das Medium Handy zum Zeit totschlagen" steht die Frage im Zentrum, wann und wieso Menschen ihr Handy zum Zeitvertreib nutzen. Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage werden die Tagebucheinträge der Seminarteilnehmer*innen erst auf Informationsgehalt durchsucht und schließlich mit wissenschaftlicher Literatur verglichen. Der Zeitvertreib zeigt sich so besonders deutlich beim Start in den Tag, als Belohnung und Ablenkung, oder zur Zeitüberbrückung. Außer den praktischen Funktionen eines Smartphones werden auch die negativen Effekte der häufigen Nutzung erkennbar. Deshalb wird neben dem Müßiggang auch die Tendenz zur Sucht beleuchtet und im Fazit das Problem der häufig unbewussten Nutzung neben dem Erholungsfaktor verdeutlicht. The article "Mobile phone - the medium for wasting time" deals with the question when and why people use their mobile phones in order to pass time. With the aim of answering this question, the diary entries of the seminar participants will be read through concerning their content and will then be compared to scientific literature. This pastime can especially be observed in morning routines, as a reward, as a distraction, and as time bridging. Beneath some convenient functions of a smartphone, there also is a negative side to the frequent use of mobile phones. Therefore, next to idleness, the tendency of addiction will be looked at and finally, the problem of repeated unconscious use will be elucidated in the conclusion.

Obwohl grundsätzlich die Funktion der Adoleszenz als psychosoziales Moratorium weithin anerkannt ist, scheinen zugleich normative Erwartungen omnipräsent, die sich letztlich auf berufliche Qualifikationsziele richten. Aus einer biografischen Studie von Siegert (2021), die den Titel "Lebenswege erzählen" trägt, lassen sich Zeitbedarfe, Zeitverwendungsmuster und Lebensthemen rekonstruieren, die vor der Verständnisfolie eines linearen Übergangs von der Schule in den Beruf nicht erkennbar sind und auch vom Konzept eines psychosozialen Moratoriums nur unzureichend erfasst werden. Dem Beitrag liegt empirisches Material zugrunde, das illustriert und diskutiert wird. Dabei zeigt sich, dass der Umgang mit der eigenen Gesundheit und Beziehungen zeitintensive Lebens- und Übergangsthemen der Jugendlichen sind, die zeitgleich zum Übergang Schule-Beruf bearbeitet werden. Despite a general recognition of the function of adolescence as a psycho-social moratorium, normative expectations focused primarily on vocational qualifications seem omnipresent. The study "Lebenswege erzählen" by Siegert (2021) provides the empirical basis for the analysis in this article. It contains biographical interviews which allow for the reconstruction of time requirements and patterns and real-life topics occupying adolescents that are not obvious when considering a linear transition from school to work and are also insufficiently covered by the concept of a psycho-social moratorium. It is shown that dealing with one's own health and relationships are time-intensive life and transition topics for young people, which are dealt with at the same time as the transition from school to work.

Current and future well-being and economic prosperity of children depend in large part on the nuances of decisions made by parents with respect to familial resources, an important part of which regard the time spent in the company of children. We estimate differences in the time that immigrant and Canadian-born parents allocate to child-care activities relative to other activities using the time diaries from the General Social Survey. We find that mothers born abroad spend more time at work and less time in leisure but there is no significant difference in time devoted to household production or child service between them and Canadian-born mothers. Despite not finding differences by immigration status in the total care-time parents provide for their children, we do find significant differences - by immigrant status - in time specifically devoted to human capital investment activities with children: African, Asian, European and South-Central American mothers spend up to 30 more minutes daily in these activities than the Canadian born. We further assess the patterns of time use of second-generation young adults and find that they spend more time on education and homework compared to third generation or higher young adults. This supports a plausible effect of the time invested in children's human capital generating activities by immigrant parents on their Canadian-born children.

Objective: This study analyses how much time mothers and fathers spent on childcare and housework during and after the first COVID-19 lockdown in Austria (starting in mid-March 2020) and how they distributed that time between themselves. Background: Parents needed to reallocate care work between themselves as, on the one hand, kindergartens and schools closed for two months and, on the other hand, employment-related changes arose, e.g., working from home. The results are discussed in light of major theories that address the division of care work: the time availability approach and gender role theory. Method: This study employs data from the Austrian Corona Panel Project 2020/21, a web-based survey using quota sampling, which started in the second week of the first lockdown (n=372 for respondents in couples with children below age 15). Altogether, seven waves contain information about time spent on childcare and housework; three were conducted during or right after the first lockdown (April and May 2020) and four between June 2020 and February 2021. Linear and logistic regression models were used. Results: Within the whole study period, parents' total workload (care work and employment) was highest during the first lockdown. The workload was greatest - an average of 15 hours on weekdays - among mothers with children below age six. While mothers shouldered more care work in most families, partners shared tasks equally in around one third of them. Care time depended on employment hours, especially for fathers. Yet, it was higher for mothers with the same level of employment as fathers. Conclusion: The COVID-19-related employment changes led to a rise in arrangements that rarely existed before in Austria, e.g., fathers working part-time. Consequently, some fathers took on new roles, especially when they worked from home (mostly among the higher educated), were non-employed (mostly among the lower educated) or worked part-time. The paper concludes by discussing whether those experiences may permanently result in more egalitarian gender roles. Fragestellung: Diese Studie untersucht, wie viel Zeit Mütter und Väter während und nach dem ersten COVID-19 Lockdown in Österreich (welcher Mitte März 2020 begann) für Kinderbetreuung und Hausarbeit aufwendeten und wie sie diese Zeit untereinander aufteilten. Hintergrund: Eltern mussten Kinderbetreuungs- und Hausarbeitszeit (Care-Arbeit) neu verteilen, da einerseits Kindergärten und Schulen zwei Monate lang geschlossen blieben, und es andererseits erwerbsbezogene Veränderungen gab, z.B. Homeoffice. Die Ergebnisse werden vor dem Hintergrund zentraler Theorien zur Aufteilung von Care-Arbeit diskutiert: dem "time availability approach" und Geschlechterrollentheorie. Methode: Die Studie verwendet die Daten des Austrian Corona Panel Projects 2020/21, eine webbasierte Umfrage auf Grundlage einer Quotenstichprobe, welche in der zweiten Woche des ersten Lockdowns begann (n=372 Befragte in Paaren mit Kindern unter 15 Jahre). Insgesamt beinhalten sieben Wellen Informationen zu der mit Kinderbetreuung und Hausarbeit verwendeten Zeit; drei davon wurden im oder unmittelbar nach dem ersten Lockdown durchgeführt (April und Mai 2020) und vier zwischen Juni 2020 und Februar 2021. Die Datenauswertung erfolgte mittels linearer und logistischer Regressionsmodelle. Ergebnisse: Innerhalb der gesamten Untersuchungsperiode war die Arbeitsbelastung (Care- und Erwerbsarbeit) der Eltern am höchsten während des ersten Lockdowns. Die Arbeitsbelastung war am größten - im Durchschnitt 15 Stunden pro Wochentag - unter Müttern mit Kindern unter sechs Jahren. Während in der Mehrheit der Familien Mütter mehr Care-Arbeit verrichteten, war die Aufteilung in rund einem Drittel ausgeglichen. Care-Arbeit war abhängig von den Erwerbsarbeitsstunden, vor allem für Väter. Gleichzeitig war sie beim selben Erwerbsausmaß höher für Mütter. Schlussfolgerung: Die COVID-19-bedingten Änderungen in der Erwerbstätigkeit führten zu einem Anstieg in Arrangements, die davor in Österreich kaum existiert hatten, z.B. Teilzeitarbeit von Vätern. Daher nahmen manche Väter neue Rollen ein, vor allem, wenn sie im Homeoffice arbeiteten (vor allem höher gebildete), nicht erwerbstätig waren (vor allem niedriger gebildete) oder in Teilzeit waren. Es wird diskutiert, ob diese Erfahrungen längerfristig zu egalitäreren Geschlechterrollen führen werden.

Um die Klimaziele zu erreichen, müssen u.a. Konsumgewohnheiten von Menschen im täglichen Leben zu low-carbon Alternativen hin verändert werden. Mit den Ergebnissen meiner halbstrukturierten Leitfadeninterviews möchte ich in Erfahrung bringen, wie sich die veränderte Zeitverwendung in den COVID-19 Lockdowns auf das alltägliche Konsumverhalten ausgewirkt hat. Meine These ist, dass durch die veränderten Zeitstrukturen und durch die eingeschränkten Konsumoptionen das Konsumverhalten hinterfragt wird, weil sich zeigt, in welchen Bereichen weniger Konsum positiv sein kann. Außerdem möchte ich herausfinden, welche Strukturen förderlich bzw. hinderlich für nachhaltigen Konsum sind und in weiterer Folge, welche Strukturveränderungen notwendig sind, um nachhaltige Praktiken, über die COVID-19 Lockdowns hinaus, beibehalten zu können. Für meine Arbeit relevante Konzepte umfassen Functional Time Use Analysis, CO-Fußabdruck und Suffizienzkonzepte, wie die Donut Ökonomie (Raworth), Arbeitszeitreduktion, Living well within Limits (Steinberger), zeitökonomische Theorie der Suffizienz (Paech), die 4 E‘s und die Suffizienzpyramide. Die Befragten haben sich durch die veränderte Zeitverwendung vielfach klimafreundlich verhalten. Autofreie Straßen, flexiblere Arbeitszeiten und Arbeiten im Homeoffice zählen zu den positiv wahrgenommenen Erfahrungen. Vor allem die Arbeitssituation und Freizeitstress wurden hinterfragt, insofern, dass reduzierte Arbeitszeiten, Homeofficeoptionen und generell weniger Termine zu haben vielfach als angenehm empfunden wurde und nach Möglichkeit in Zukunft beibehalten werden möchte. An zu verbessernden Strukturen wurden zusätzliche und sicherere Radwege, mehr Möglichkeiten für regionales, verpackungsfreies Einkaufen, Möglichkeiten mit Kindern und Gepäck komfortabel mit den öffentlichen Verkehrsmitteln zu fahren und zu reisen, Ausbau des öffentlichen Verkehrs in Österreich und zu Städten Europas, mehr Möglichkeiten der Fahrradmitnahme in öffentlichen Verkehrsmitteln, autofreie Straßen, mehr Möglichkeiten Lastenräder auszuborgen für größere Lebensmitteleinkäufe sowie Arbeitszeitreduktion genannt., Olivia Gold, Masterarbeit Universität Klagenfurt 2022

Die vorliegende Masterarbeit mit dem Titel „Die Zeitverwendung von Führungskräften in der Beruflichen Integration - Eine empirische Erhebung anhand der NEBA Projekte in Österreich“ beschäftigt sich mit der empirischen Erforschung der Zeitverwendung von Führungskräften in einem sozialwirtschaftlichen Handlungsfeld. Mittels qualitativem Forschungsdesign wird die individuelle Zeitverwendung von Führungskräften erhoben, wobei die inhaltliche Gestaltung der Arbeitszeit und speziell operative und strategische Führungsaufgaben im Fokus stehen. Konkret wurden Stellenbeschreibungen der Führungskräfte hinsichtlich Führungsaufgaben analysiert und im Anschluss wurden mit elf Proband*innen qualitative Interviews geführt. Ein weiterer besonderer Fokus lag in der Identifizierung von Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede zwischen den Generationen der Führungskräfte. Insgesamt konnten sechs Digital Natives und fünf Digital Immigrants ihre persönliche Zeitverwendung aus ihrer Perspektive schildern. Die Studie kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass vor allem operative Führungsaufgaben omnipräsent sind, weshalb die Führungskräfte eher am Reagieren statt Agieren und am Verwalten statt Gestalten sind. Sowohl Digital Natives als auch Digital Immigrants erleben eine positive Auswirkung der Digitalisierung auf ihre persönliche Zeitverwendung, obwohl Digital Immigrants tendenziell weniger aktiv technologische Tools in den Arbeitsalltag zur Erleichterung implementieren. Werden durch die Führungskräfte bewusste Entscheidungen getroffen, gelingt die Gestaltung der eigenen Zeitverwendung. This Master's thesis entitled "The use of time by managers in vocational integration - an empirical survey based on the NEBA projects in Austria" deals with empirical research into the use of time by managers in a social economy field of action. By means of a qualitative research design, the individual time use of managers is surveyed, with a focus on the content of the working time and especially on operative and strategic management tasks. Specifically, the job descriptions of the managers were analyzed with regard to management tasks and qualitative interviews were then conducted with eleven test persons. Another special focus was on identifying similarities and differences between the generations of managers. A total of six digital natives and five digital immigrants were able to describe their personal use of time from their perspective. The study comes to the conclusion that above all operational management tasks are omnipresent, which is why the leaders are more likely to react instead of act and to administer instead of create. Both digital natives and digital immigrants experience a positive impact of digitalization on their personal use of time, although digital immigrants tend to be less active in implementing technological tools in their everyday work to make it easier. If managers make conscious decisions, they succeed in shaping their own use of time. Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers Masterarbeit Wien, FH Campus Wien 2022

Using data from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE, 2004-17) and time diaries from Poland (2013), the U.S. (2006-16), the U.K. (2014-15) and France (2009-10), we examine differences between widowed and partnered older women in well-being and its development in widowhood. Most importantly, our analysis accounts for time use, an aspect which has not been studied previously. We trace the evolution of well-being of women who become widowed by comparing them with their matched non-widowed ‘statistical twins’ and examine the role of an exceptionally broad set of potential moderators of widowhood’s impact on well-being. We confirm a dramatic decrease in mental health and life satisfaction after the loss of partner, followed by a slow partial recovery over a five-year period. An extensive set of controls recorded prior to widowhood, including detailed family ties and social networks, provides little help in explaining the deterioration in well-being. Unique data from time-diaries kept by older women in several European countries and the U.S. tell us why: the key factor behind widows’ reduced well-being is increased time spent alone.

Im Alter verändern sich Rollenverpflichtungen und Tätigkeitsfelder und damit die zeitliche Organisation und Strukturierung des Lebensalltags. Zudem haben Ältere im Allgemeinen einen veränderten Bezug zu Zukunft und Vergangenheit – vor allem das Bewusstsein der Endlichkeit des eigenen Daseins gewinnt an Bedeutung. Die Gesellschaft trägt – teils widersprüchliche – Erwartungen an die Zeitgestaltung der Älteren heran: Sie sollen sowohl aktiv altern als auch sich ausruhen von jahrzehntelanger Erwerbsarbeit – endlich Zeit zum Leben haben, während doch die Zeit davonzulaufen beginnt. Bildung in dieser Lebensphase darf, wie die AutorInnen des vorliegenden Beitrags ausführen, nicht als „Anti-Aging-Kur“ missverstanden werden, denn wenn bildungsaktive Ältere Zeit in Lernen und Bildung investieren, dann möchten sie diese Prozesse mitbestimmen und mitgestalten. Sie bevorzugen zeitgemäße, aktuelle und selbstbestimmte Inhalte, die einen persönlichen Nutzen aufweisen. Dabei wollen sie ihre eigene Expertise einbringen und interessieren sich für die Lebenserfahrung anderer. Ein wesentliches Ziel von Bildung für Ältere sollte daher die Unterstützung bei der Aufrechterhaltung und Weiterentwicklung individueller Kompetenzen sein, damit der/die Einzelne an der temporeichen Weiterentwicklung aller Bereiche der Gesellschaft teilhaben. (DIPF/Orig.), In later stages of life, obligations and fields of activity change along with the organization and structuring of time in everyday life. In addition, the relationship of older people to the future and the past generally changes – above all, they become more aware of their own mortality. Society has – in part contradictory – expectations of how older people organize their time: They should not only remain active as they age but also relax after decades of work – and finally have time to live just as time starts to slip away. As the authors of this article explain, education in this stage of life should not be misunderstood as an „anti-aging cure,“ for if educationally active senior citizens invest time in learning and education, then they want to have a voice in shaping these processes. They prefer up-to-date, current and self-directed content that has personal value to them. They want to bring in their own expertise and are interested in the life experiences of other people. A central goal of education for older people should be to support them in maintaining and advancing their individual competencies so that each individual can participate in the fast-paced development of all areas of society. (DIPF/Orig.)

This paper discusses whether changes in mobility practices affect value of travel time savings. It considers the relationship between the theory of the value of time and its practical application in traffic models and cost-benefit analysis. The discussion covers the need to distinguish variations in utility due to changes in the quantity and quality of time spent in travelling, the relationships between changes in value of time and mobility practices and between collective and individual values of time.

Das Zeitregime moderner kapitalistischer Gesellschaften ist „männlich“. Es entwickelte sich aus einer sozio-historischen Zeitkonstruktion, welche die linear fortschreitende Zeit favorisierte, sie mit (technischem) Fortschritt, wirtschaftlicher, effizienter und werterzeugender Zeitverausgabung verband, die alle Lebensumstände durchtaktet. „Weibliche“ Lebens- und Arbeitsbereiche, vor allem die Fürsorge und Reproduktion werden von ihr ausgeblendet. Die (Arbeits-)Zeit von Frauen gilt als selbstverständliche, unter- oder unbezahlte Ressource. Die aktuelle Vergleichzeitigung prekarisiert deren Zeitverhältnisse weiter, die nun zwischen der Vernutzung durch Beruf und Sorgearbeit eingespannt ist. Andere Zeitein- und Zeitumverteilungen wären Grund und Ziel einer nicht nur rhetorisch gleichberechtigten Gesellschaft, so die Autorin. Eine kritische Erwachsenenbildung kann dazu beitragen, indem sie ihr Verhältnis zu Zeit und deren Organisation reflektiert und verändert. Sie könnte eine Bildung anbieten, die unfolgsam gegenüber dem herrschenden Zeitregime ist und sich dabei als Verzögerungs- und Entschleunigungszeit versteht, als Moment unproduktiver Verschwendung. (DIPF/Orig.), The time regime of modern capitalist societies is „masculine.“ It has developed out of a sociohistorical construction of time that favored linearly progressing time, associating it with (technical) progress and an economic, efficient and value-producing expenditure of time that sets the pace for all of life‘s circumstances. „Feminine“ areas of life and work, above all caregiving and reproduction, are ignored. Taken for granted, the (working) hours of women are regarded as an underpaid or unpaid resource. The current simultaneity of action makes their relationships to time even more precarious; this simultaneity is dictated by jobs and caregiving. According to the author, other ways of managing and allocating time are the reason and goal of a society with equal rights not just in name. Critical adult education can contribute to this by reflecting on and changing its relationship to time and its organization. It could provide an education that does not follow the prevailing time regime, one that sees itself as a time of delay and deceleration, a moment of unproductive wastefulness. (DIPF/Orig.)

This paper combines novel data on the time use, home learning practices and economic circumstances of families with children during the COVID-19 lockdown with pre-lockdown data from the UK Time User Survey to characterise the time use of children and how it changed during lockdown, and to gauge the extent to which changes in time use and learning practices during this period are likely to reinforce the already large gaps in education attainment between children from poorer and better-off families. We find considerable heterogeneity in children's learning experiences - amount of time spent learning, activities undertaken during this time and availability of resources to support learning. Concerningly, but perhaps unsurprisingly, this heterogeneity is strongly associated with family income and in some instances more so than before lockdown. Furthermore, our analysis suggests that any impacts of inequalities in time spent learning between poorer and richer children are likely to be compounded by inequalities not only in learning resources available at home, but also those provided by schools.

Background: While the importance of unpaid household labour is recognised in total economic output, little is known about the demographics of household production and consumption. Objective: Our goal is to give a comprehensive estimation on the value of household production and its consumption by age and gender and analyse nonmarket economic transfers in 14 European countries based on publicly available harmonised data. Methods: We introduce a novel imputation method of harmonised European time use (HETUS) data to the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) in order to assign time spent on home production to consumers in households and estimate time transfers. Moreover, monetary values are attributed to household production activities using data on earnings from the Structure of Earnings Survey (SES). Results: We show that the nonmarket economic life cycle of men differs from that of women. The gender gap in household production is not evenly distributed over the life cycle. Women of working age contribute the most in net terms, while the main beneficiaries of household goods and services are children and to a lesser extent adult men. These patterns are similar across countries, with variations in the gender- and age-specific levels of home production and consumption. Conclusions: In Europe, in the national economy, intergenerational flows are important in sustaining both childhood and old age. In contrast, in the household economy, intergenerational transfers flow mostly towards children. Contribution: We add a new focus to the research on household production: While keeping the gender aspect, we demonstrate the importance of the life cycle component in household production.

(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)1.IntroductionIn this paper we update previous cross-national evidence on the gender division of housework. Due to the usual gap that occurs between the collection of survey data and their public launch, most research on this topic published up to the end of the first decade of the 21st century - including some influential decade reviews (Bianchi and Milkie 2010; Lachance-Grzela and Bouchard 2010) - relied on research based on data on housework time from the years up to 2005-2006 at the latest (although Bianchi et al. 2012 updated the US time use data to 2010).Using the Multinational Time Use Study (Fisher and Gershuny 2013), we bring the cross-national evidence up to date by including data from 10 additional surveys from 9 countries for the period 2005-2011 (Australia, Canada, Finland, France, Italy, Netherlands, Spain, U.K., and U.S.A.).The study of housework is interesting for three main reasons. Firstly, it is a routine, repetitive and disliked activity, which means that the relative time spouses spend on housework has long been recognized as an important indicator of marital power (Davies and Greenstein 2013). We use core housework (cleaning, cooking, and clothes care) as our measure in these analyses because these are both the most disliked domestic labour activities and the most traditionally feminine. They have, therefore, been the ones that have been most resistant to change. Since the burden of responsibility for these activities traditionally falls on women, this can have negative consequences for their work-life balance and their sense of time pressure. Secondly, the division of housework is significantly related to couples' well-being. Disagreement over housework is one of the main sources of marital conflict (Ruppaner 2010; van der Lippe, Voorpostel, and Hewitt 2014). Between 36% (Portugal) and 90% (Finland) of married/cohabiting couples across Europe report having disagreements over housework (van der Lippe, Voorpostel, and Hewitt 2014). Thirdly, housework has been an important measure in the debate over the stalling or not of the 'gender revolution' (e.g., England 2010). The inclusion of more recent surveys in our analyses allows us to bring the cross-national evidence underpinning the 'convergence versus stall' debate in the gender division of housework up to the end of the first decade of the current century.2.DataTime use diary data is generally regarded as the 'gold standard' for the measurement of time spent in routine activities such as housework (e.g., Robinson and Godbey 1997; Bianchi, Robinson and Milkie 2006). The data we use comes from Multinational Time Use Study (MTUS), an international archive of cross-national time use surveys dating from the 1960s to the current day. We use data from 19 countries between 1961 and 2011, chosen on the basis of their data series and quality. The sample is limited to adults aged 19 or older. Table 1 shows the full list of surveys included in the data, sample sizes, and average minutes spent on core housework by men and women.In the analyses that follow, housework refers to the most disliked, routine, and traditionally feminine-defined housework activities of laundry and cleaning, food preparation, and cooking. Household chores that are traditionally masculine or genderneutral, such as home maintenance, car repairs, or shopping, are excluded.3.MethodsWe first calculated average minutes spent on core housework by men and women across countries (see Table 1). We then applied multilevel models estimating the effect of gender, controlling for relevant socio-demographic factors. The baseline model is a random intercept model, where individuals are nested in surveys (country-year), showing the effect of being a woman on the time spent on core housework with no socio-demographic controls:...In a second model we add controls for demographic and socio-economic variables, namely age, educational attainment, employment and marital status, number of children under age 18 in the household, and the presence of a child under age 5 in the household. …

With the expansion of all-day schooling in Germany, students’ extracurricular activities are being brought into greater focus in educational and social sciences. However, the diverse range of activities and individual biographies makes it difficult to gather data on the variety and periods of extracurricular activities in classroom-based surveys. This paper introduces a tailored calendar instrument that was applied by the Study on the Development of All-Day Schools (StEG) to retrospectively survey the activities of senior students since the fifth grade. Unlike other calendar applications, the calendar was not filled in by trained staff but self-administered by the students in a group setting. We discuss methodological issues regarding this procedure by examining the current state of research and by sharing experiences of tests of the instrument prior to the survey. By further analysing the survey data, we find no indication that the calendar task induces higher non-response as a result of overburdening the respondents. Calendar elements with an open-ended format resulted in heterogeneous reports, which were nonetheless mostly suitable for further analysis. According to our findings, the number of reported activities does not vary for students with longer intervals of retrospection. From our results, we conclude that a calendar instrument can be successfully applied in classroom-based surveys but should be implemented with a step-by-step procedure under a supervisor’s guidance., methods, data, analyses, Vol 10, No 1 (2016)

Die halbjährliche Zeitumstellung führt immer wieder zu heftigen Diskussionen, ob die damit verbundenen Unannehmlichkeiten durch eine entsprechende Energieersparnis gerechtfertigt sind. Die Autoren haben die Stromersparnis für die Optionen Sommerzeit und Winterzeit (Status quo), nur Winterzeit und nur Sommerzeit berechnet. Sie kommen zu dem überraschenden Ergebnis, dass die höchste Stromersparnis erreicht wird, wenn ausschließlich Sommerzeit gelten würde. This paper presents an investigation into the extent to which seasonal time adjustments (summer and winter time) lead to energy savings for private households. The work is based on data from two selected electricity providers in the cities of Kassel and Kempten. By means of a multiple regression model, the electricity utilization of German households was explained with respect to hours of darkness, temperature and global radiation. These variables formed the basis for calculating scenarios with and without seasonal time adjustments. On a comparative basis, summer time throughout the year is associated with the greatest energy savings. We argue that the reason for this is that the highest energy consumption can be observed in the evenings, and continual summer time takes the greatest advantage of the available light of the evening hours.