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Bohumil Para (1861-1915) was an Austro-Hungarian consul who spent most of his diplomatic service in the Ottoman Empire, primarily in the Kosovo Vilayet. He was first employed in Pljevlja, in the Command of the occupation troops (1891-1898), and then in the Consulate in Skopje (1898-1906). Long-term presence in these areas and dedication to work made him a good connoisseur of the situation, so his reports are indispensable material in the reconstruction of the past. Apart from dedication to work, Para was characterized by loyalty and exceptional attachment to the Austro-Hungarian state, which was reflected, among other things, in the translation of his name into German. Due to these facts, his reports should be approached with a degree of caution, and subjectivity can be observed through detailed analysis and comparison with other correspondence. It should be noted that Para served as a consul in Skopje, which, before the opening of the consulate in Mitrovica, was extremely important for Austria-Hungary's further plans and penetration to the east. The analyzed report is dated August 6, 1901 and was created after the events in Mitrovica and Novi Pazar, known in historiography as the Kolašin Affair. In Para's report, which is quite voluminous, very little attention is paid to specific events on the ground. His attention is more aroused by the presence of the Russian consul Mashkov and the companions of Captain Ritich and Vsevolod Sviatkovsky, a correspondent of the Novoe vremja newspaper. He accuses Captain Ritich of getting familiar with the terrain, i.e. "military-geographical" recordings, while the well-known journalist Sviatkovski is held responsible for the campaign that was conducted in the press of Serbia and Russia against AustriaHungary and him personally as the instigator of the weapons investigation among the Serbs. Regarding Consul Maskov, Para says that he did not miss the opportunity to agitate among the Christian population against Austria-Hungary and the construction of the so-called Bosnian Railways. In addition to following the activities of Russian diplomacy, Bohumil Para in the report dealt with the personal relationships of certain officials of the Ottoman Empire, looking for those susceptible to Serbian influence. Attention should also be drawn to the vocabulary used by Para in the report. It is a standard terminology found in his reports, as well as in the reports of other Austro-Hungarian consuls. He consistently used the term Christians in different variations to denote the non-Muslim population in the Kosovo Vilayet, although he was well aware that they were Serbs, especially in the area north of the Šara Mountain. In this way, we would say, the Austro-Hungarian propaganda tried to create a new entity. Para used the terms Serbia and Serbian to denote the Kingdom of Serbia and its institutions. The Serbs in the Ottoman Empire are mentioned only as part of the South Slavs, opposed to the Bulgarians around Macedonia. Also interesting is the use of the name of the Albanian leader Isa, whose surname Boljetinac is used in the Serbian / Slavic variant, and not Albanianized, as historians claim today. That variant of the (sur)name, then generally accepted, indicates that it is a newcomer to the Serbian living space. Even a partial review of this report by Para indicates that it is a rather subjective approach, with a clearly prescribed terminological use. This indicates that the Austro-Hungarian diplomacy worked according to precisely established rules, in order to achieve the set tasks.

The visit of King Petar I Karađorđević to the Turkish sultan is one of the eight visits in modern Serbian history. Seven meetings of Serbian rulers with sultans took place in Constantinople, except for one that took place in Bulgaria. In the visits made before 1878, the Serbian rulers went as vassals. The meeting between the Serbian king and Sultan Mehmed V Rešad in 1910 was the third in a row since Serbia became an independent state. King Petar I Karađorđević spent the second half of March and the first half of April 1910 travelling. First, he visited Russia, then Constantinople, Mount Athos, and finally Thessaloniki. The trip lasted a little over 24 days, six of which he spent in Constantinople. The Serbian delegation led by the king was warmly received by the sultan, the common people, and the Christian population living in the Turkish capital. Upon their return, the members of the delegation were convinced that Turkey would remain on the path of improving Serbian-Turkish relations, friendly agreement, and strengthening of economic relations. This intention was highlighted in the official statement of the Porte published on the occasion of the visit of the Serbian king. In the announcement, it was expressly emphasized that a complete agreement was reached at the conferences of the foreign ministers of the two countries and that the Turkish side will grant Serbian wishes for strengthening economic and trade relations. It was of great importance for the Kingdom of Serbia to remove the obstacles that existed until that time regarding the construction of the Adriatic railway. In addition, practical results were achieved because Turkish officials expressed their readiness for the greatest possible benefits that would contribute to the export of Serbian goods through Thessaloniki. The visit to Constantinople brought success in the issues regarding religion as well, because after four years of resistance, the Patriarchate and the Synod, just before the king's arrival, accepted the election of the Serb Varnava Rosić as bishop of the Veles-Debar eparchy. The meeting of the two rulers received great attention in the diplomatic circles of European countries, especially Austria-Hungary. The relations between Serbia and the Ottoman Empire, apart from the economic aspect, soon fell into the shadows due to the Albanian riots and rebellions that engulfed the entire Kosovo vilayet. In that case too, the Serbian state tried not to interfere in Turkey's internal affairs.

Peć kaza found a place in the works of numerous travel writers such as Ami Boué, Dr. Josef Miller, Ivan Franjo Jukić, Gedeon Josif Jurišić, Aleksandar Giljferding and others who spoke of it as an unsafe territory "where everyone was a public hajduk". It was for this reason that they claimed that traveling in this area was extremely dangerous. The city of Peć was the seat of the kaza and at the beginning of 1899 it was the center of gathering of Albanians, united around the goals directed against the Serbian population. In January of that year, numerous Albanians from various regions met and held a meeting, where they spoke about opposition to reforms and the expansion of tribal self-governance. Through influential beys, Porta emphasized the importance of unity and joint action against possible attacks from Serbia and Montenegro. The agreement between them caused concern among the Serbs and hinted at even greater insecurity. The position of the Serbian population was negatively affected by the Albanians agreements, but also by mutual conflicts. This is best illustrated by the event that took place in the village of Verići, in which ten out of twelve Serbian houses were set on fire. The injured asked for help from the vali, the mutasarrif, the consuls of Serbia and Russia as well. Because of those events, the Kosovo vali Hafis Pasha came to Peć in the summer of the same year, but he did not take vigorous measures to prevent further suffering of the Serbs. His stay was mainly limited to daily meetings with Zejnul bey Mahmutbegović and the key figure in this area, Mula Zeka, whose views influenced the vali's decisions. During vali's mission in Peć, there happened atrocities on a much wider scale, which had never happened before. It was a very turbulent period of time marked by numerous sufferings, murders, blackmail, fines and expulsions of the Serbian population from those areas. Albanians were always ready to cause new disturbances, disobedience and nonpayment of taxes, which affected the weakening of the state. Among the most persistent were the Fetahović brothers, Colj Sokol, Jusuf, Mula Zeka, Adem Zajim, Ibrahim Mehmed Redžić and others. They contributed to the removal of the energetic officer Šemsi Pasha from Peć and the removal of Peć's mutesarrif Suleiman Pasha, who was replaced by Alil Pasha, the former commissioner on the Serbian-Turkish border. Sultan Abdul Hamid and the Porta constantly favored the Albanians and instead of punishing the criminals, numerous decorations and ranks were awarded from Constantinople. The continuous support of the sultan and the Turkish authorities incited the Arbanas of Peć to new acts of violence. In just two years, 1900 and 1901, crimes of apocalyptic proportions took place against the Serbs in the Kosovo Vilayet, of which the most victims were in Peć kaza. The reason lies in the fact that, in addition to the Albanians terror, the victims were also exposed to daily attacks by the Roman Catholic Albanians, who were susceptible to Austrian propaganda. The Albanians leader Mula Zeka, was considered an Austrian mercenary and dominated the situation in the entire Peć kaza, where, according to the estimate of the consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština, there were no more than 1,500 Serbian families at the beginning of the 20th century. Exposed to terror, the Serbs of Peć kaza fled from their homesteads. Many of them fled to Serbia, and some moved to other places in the territory of the Kosovo Vilayet, where their fate was still uncertain. The emigration continued later and according to the assessment of the Serbs of Peć kaza from 1907, in the previous twenty years, 20,000 people emigrated to Serbia and Montenegro, instead of whom Mula Zeka settled 300 Arbanas families from Malesia.

Since Abdul Hamid's accession to the throne, the Ottoman Empire was sinking into a deep crisis that affected all segments of society. The weakening of the state was influenced by numerous factors, primarily financial, political, military and diplomatic, which led to territorial losses. Territorial and demographic losses were reflected in the reduction of income and led to greater decline of the state. Such a situation created constant dissatisfaction both among conservative circles, disappointed with the introduction of novelties under pressure from foreigners, and among liberals who were bothered by the autocratic rule of Sultan Abdul Hamid. Additional dissatisfaction was also present due to the unresolved national question, which caused frequent movements of numerous nations within the Empire. The accelerated collapse of the Ottoman Empire was noticeable in all its parts. In the Kosovo vilajet, as part of the Ottoman state, the first decade of the 20th century was marked by numerous movements of the dissatisfied population. The reasons for the outbreak of rebellions were various: bad economic situation, introduction of new taxes, attempts to collect old ones, loss of privileges, foreign influences, propaganda, etc. The situation in the Kosovo vilajet was further complicated by the behavior of the Albanians, who were exposed to the propaganda of the Ottoman state, which called them the defenders of the Empire. On the other hand, the great powers had a significant foreign influence, first of all, Austria-Hungary, from where the idea of independence was increasingly imposed on them. The Albanian rebellions most often were of a political character, but there were also those whose background was of a social nature. Everyday movements were also caused by the intolerance of the Albanians towards the Serbian population. The Ottoman authorities rarely took adequate measures against disgruntled rebels, except in cases when the movements threatened to take on larger proportions. In such circumstances, they sent detachments of soldiers, with the aim of appeasing the rebels as painlessly as possible. The degree of military involvement depended on the size of the movement. Larger rebellions, in addition to the army, also required the engagement of officers, capable and ready to tackle the problem. One of them who stood out for his willingness, energy and perseverance was Shemsi Pasha Biševac. He was born in the Rožaj area, in the village of Biševo in 1846. He received his education in Constantinople, and built his military career throughout the Ottoman Empire. He first stayed in Bosnia in 1866, where he received the rank of sergeant, then lieutenant and captain. He participated in the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878, in which he was also wounded. Military involvement, determination and experience were his main recommendation to the Sultan Abdul Hamid. Thanks to his participation in numerous actions of the Turkish army, Shemsi Pasha was promoted, and in September 1901 he was appointed commander of the 18th Nizam Division in Mitrovica. At the beginning of the 20th century, he was an eyewitness and active participant in the events marked by lawlessness and disorder in the Kosovo vilayet.The Porte, wishing to restore order, sent Shemsi Pasha to those regions. He arrived in Kosovo vilajet on April 16, 1900. According to the German-language press, due to his attitude towards the state, his conservative views, but also his energy and perseverance to restore order in the rebellious regions, he caused dissatisfaction among the Albanians, who were used to privileges, disrespect for the law and were ready to resist reforms. He was killed on July 7, 1908 in Bitola.

Albanian Roman Catholics, fandas, were settled in the Prizren and the Peć Sanjaks and in the area around Đakovica. Over time, their number increased with newcomers from the north of today's Albania and with high birth rates. In the areas where they were inhabited, they acted in an organized manner and, together with the Muslim Albanians, attacked the Serb population. They committed daily atrocities against the Serbs, who were forced to abandon or undersell their properties; they sought salvation outside the borders of the Ottoman Empire. The actions of the fandas, organized into groups, were well designed and supported by the Roman Catholic priests and the Austro-Hungarian representatives, which also aimed to displace the Serb population from Metohija. Numerous examples were noted that point to the coordinated action of Austrian diplomats and Roman Catholic priests in the Kosovo vilayet. Their help and support additionally encouraged the fandas to continue with even more frequent and stronger attacks on the Serbs in the Peć and the Prizren Sanjaks. Ottoman authorities were often powerless to oppose and prevent Albanian Mohammedans and fandas from committing atrocities. The Serbs turned to the consul of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština and the Russian consuls in Prizren and Mitrovica for help. Realizing that the fandas were persistent in their intention to displace the Serbian population, Consul Miroslav Spalajković proposed certain measures to the Government in Belgrade that could affect the improvement of the situation. His opinion was supported by the later consul, Milan Rakić. The consul's concern for the survival of the Serb population was justified and the reports to the Belgrade Foreign Ministry were replete with grim events describing numerous arson, killings, thefts, and large numbers of victims. The situation in the Kosovo vilayet had been further exacerbated by the resistance from the Albanians who opposed the reforms. The resistance and demand of Albanian Mohammedans were joined by Albanian Roman Catholics. However, some time later, after the incident in the mosque in the village Smonice in the Đakovica area, there was a conflict between the two sides, which spread to other parts. Until this conflict, the Albanian Mohammedans and fandas in Đakovica lived in relatively good relations. There were blood feuds among them, but they were resolved like all the others among the Albanians themselves. Among the conflicting parties, a new and important element appeared, the religious element. As an epilogue to the conflict and the fight between the two warring parties, there were many wounded and dead. Regardless of that, the oppression towards the Serbs had not decreased, so the Serbian consul in Priština came up with the idea to use the situation and request additional army forces be sent. The Mohammedan leaders resorted to the tried and tested method of tying besa, first in Peć, where they held a meeting and formed a committee for protection against evil deeds, which included four Serbs. After that, gatherings were held in other parts of the Kosovo vilayet, where, among other things, the issue of fandas was discussed. The Consulate General of the Kingdom of Serbia in Skoplje had information on the complete reconciliation of Mohammedans and Roman Catholics and the conclusion of a political agreement. A new situation in the Ottoman Empire soon followed-on July 24, 1908, the Constitution was proclaimed and the Young Turks took power. However, the Serbs of the Peć and the Prizren Sanjaks did not benefit from that, because crimes, murders, arsons, and the reactivation of the Roman Catholic Committee continued.

Thanks to the diplomatic work of Serbia and the engagement of its politicians, a consular convention was signed, on the basis of which consulates in the Ottoman Empire were opened. Among the open consulates, the consulate in Priština was of special importance for the Serbian people. Its consuls dealt almost exclusively with the difficult situation of the Serbian people, as evidenced by numerous reports sent to the Government in Belgrade. There were no other consulates in Priština and there was a great need for its work and protection of the large Serbian population north of the Šara Mountain. The position of Serbs in the area of the Priština consulate was hampered not only by the work of Turkish officials, but also by the anarchy and daily tyranny of Albanians, towards which the authorities were lenient. From its founding in 1889 until the liberation in 1912, ten consuls served in the consulate in Priština. It was not uncommon for clerks or dragomans to perform duties in the absence of consuls. Not only did they perform the service, but they also left very valuable written notes of that time, which occupy an important place in domestic historiography. The consuls of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština witnessed various atrocities against the Serbian population by Albanians. The Turkish authorities acted negligently and did not show the will to take appropriate measures against the rioters. That is why, from the very opening of the consulate, various proposals could be heard, which were sent to the Government in Belgrade. Some of them referred to bringing the consuls closer to the Albanians, establishing contacts and cooperation with the leaders of Albanians, abolishing the consulate and finally arming the Serbian population. The consuls often insisted that the domestic and foreign press be engaged, because they thought that its actions would influence Porta and the sultan to prevent oppression of the Serbian population which, under the pressure, left their property and emigrated outside the Ottoman Empire.

According to the administrative reform of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 19th century, the Gnjilankaza was part of the Prištinasandžak of the Kosovo vilayet. Kaza and the town of Gnjilane were of great importance for the Serbian population, which was compact and numerous in that area. It was precisely because of this that it was exposed to various atrocities and violence, which, according to Albanians idea, should have resulted in the emigration and reduction of the number of Serbs. Over time, Albanian crimes against Serbs in Old Serbia increased - it was recorded that there were 979 of them in the Gnjilankaza from 1889 to 1912, of which 151 were for the period from 1900 to 1903. Violence in Gjilan kaza was repeated every day, and Serbs, faced with confiscation of property, burning of houses, rape of girls and women, ban on carrying weapons, were forced to emigrate to Serbia or other places in the Ottoman Empire. The Turkish authorities did not take measures to restore order and protect the Serbian population. Failure to take measures and impunity against the perpetrators had the effect of increasing the number of atrocities, which encouraged lesser-known perpetrators, even the smallest and most ordinary Albanians, to continue destroying Serbs in full view of the authorities, not only in Gnjilan kaza, but in the whole of Old Serbia. There are numerous cases where the authorities looked favorably upon the rioters and cooperated with them on an almost daily basis. From time to time, the military actions undertaken did not bring the expected results, and the situation on the ground, after the suspension of the actions of the army and the gendarmerie, returned to its original state, after which an even greater anarchy reigned. From the Gnjilan kaza, and in general from the Priština sandjak, it spread and covered other parts of the Kosovo vilayet. The actions of the Turkish authorities, in this case the kaymakam of Gnjilan, who not only did not react to the complaints of the Serbs, but often stood in solidarity with the wrongdoers and supported such actions, went hand in hand with Abanian's misdeeds. The consuls of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština reported daily to the Government in Belgrade about the situation in Gnjilan kaza and Old Serbia in general, which through its representatives in the Ottoman Empire and in the capitals of the great powers tried to influence European opinion and cause their reaction. The Ottoman authorities wanted to demonstrate to Europe that they were interested in bringing order to Old Serbia, so the general inspector for the Rumelian vilayets, Hilmi Pasha, took some measures. However, his work was concentrated only on certain parts, but not on those where there was a need.

The May coup and the change of dynasties in the Kingdom of Serbia brought the state into an unenviable position. The aggressive Austro-Hungarian policy, which endangered Serbian interests, came to the fore. The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the mood that was present in the diplomatic circles of Austria-Hungary forced the Kingdom of Serbia to become active in the foreign policy field and get closer to Russia. Although there was a need and initiative of politicians in Serbia to organize a meeting between King Petar I Karadjordjević and Russian Tsar Nikolai II Alexandrovich Romanov, this idea did not materialize. Russia was busy in the war with Japan, but after resolving the issue in the East, it became more actively involved in the events in the Balkans. At that time, Russian plans related to San Stefano Bulgaria were an obstacle in the rapprochement between the Kingdom of Serbia and Russia. The ruler of Bulgaria Ferdinand pursued a changing policy that could very easily lead to rapprochement with AustriaHungary. In contrast, relations between Serbia and Austria-Hungary had strained, prompting Serbian diplomats to ask the Russian side for a meeting between the two rulers. The Government of the Kingdom of Serbia received great support from Nikola Hartving, the Russian ambassador to Belgrade who was appointed to this post in 1909. His understanding of Balkan issues coincided with Serbian interests. Thanks to the engagement of the Russian ambassador, but also thanks to Serbian diplomacy, for the first time in 1910, King Petar I Karadjordjević and Tsar Nikolai II met in Petrograd. Along with numerous politicians, the King was accompanied on that trip by Nikola Pašić and Milovan Milovanović, who asked the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alexandar Petrovich Izvolsky, for support in concluding the Balkan Alliance. At that moment, Izvolsky stated for the first time that injustice had been done to Serbia by the San Stefano Treaty and expressed the need to change it. Such an attitude of Russian diplomacy paved the way for Serbia's reliance on Russia, which represented its support for the creation of a Balkan alliance.

Anarchy, which had occupied Ottoman's Empire in its last decade, had a negative impact on the position of Serbian population. Porte did not take more decisive measures to improve the situation in the field, but their politics was founded on the favouring of Albanians. Such attitude of Turkish authorities had long-lasting consequences, and Albanian unbridleness was getting larger. Oppressions were committed every day, and the main objective of Albanians was to break off compact settlements inhabited by Serbs as it was Ibarski Kolašin. Being found between Albanian oppressors from one side, and non-interested Turkish authorities, Serbs started arming themselves more actively. They purchased rifles in Serbia, and were given assistance by their compatriots, who escaping from villains, inhabited territory in the area of the Kingdom of Serbia along the border. Besides them, they were getting to weapon via some Albanians, with a certain monetary compensation. Albanians, after knowing that Serbs are being armed from Serbia, hoped more actively of their destruction. They requested from Turkish authority's weapon investigation in Ibarski Kolašin, and after the search of Shemsi pasha, in January of 1901 they were not pleased. In the summer of the same year, Isa Boljetinac with the help of his partisans was searching for weapon through Kolašin's villages, by committing crimes over innocent people. During the stay of Isa Boljetini in these areas the Kolašin's region had been deserted, and not only men were on strike but women and children as well. The only salvation from Isa's atrocities at that moment was the presence of Russian consul Mashkov, who, by the intervention via his embassy in Constantinople, managed to obtain the publication of imperial decree on the breaking of the weapon search. The publication of imperial decree and d the retreat of Isa Boljetinac from Ibarski Kolašin did not bring peace to Serbs. Namely, Isa was not pleased with the booty he had got during the summer of 1901 so that he was persuading other Albanian villains to go on with the weapon search in Kolašin's region.

This paper discusses the crimes against the Serbs of Mitrovica and the surrounding area, committed by the Albanian criminals, among whom Isija Feratagić stood out. His atrocities significantly affected the position of the Serbian population and often led them to leave their households and emigrate to the Kingdom of Serbia. Turkish authorities were often uninterested in preventing the Albanians incidents, and military interventions mostly escalated into a conflict between the army and the Albanians. Such a situation had a negative impact on the lives of Serbs, not only in Mitrovica and its surroundings, but also in the entire province of Kosovo. The Serbian people in Old Serbia, with the support of the Government from Belgrade and the representatives of Russia, sent complaints to the Turkish authorities and the Sultan in Constantinople countless times, as well as to the representatives of the great powers. Under their influence, the Porte was forced to accept the implementation of reforms. Isija Feratagić, who in his actions was guided by personal interests and the lowest impulses, was pushed into the background and is no longer found in the reports of the consuls.

Kaza Mitrovica was part of the Priština Sandžak of the Kosovo vilayet until its liberation in the First Balkan War. Period from the opening of the consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština in 1889 until 1900 was marked by numerous murders and oppressions throughout Old Serbia, which did not skip Mitrovica. This situation deviated from the position of the city, which was located at the crossroads and at the end of the railway, whose starting point was Thessaloniki. In addition, Mitrovica was connected by road to neighboring towns, Novi Pazar, Peć and Priština, via Vučitrn. Thanks to that, it developed rapidly, the influx of inhabitants was higher and it represented the center of the northwestern part of the province of Kosovo. The newly arrived population in Mitrovica consisted of muhajirs fleeing Bosnia and Serbia, as well as Serbs who came from Metohija and other parts of Old Serbia due to violence. Also, numerous craftsmen and merchants settled in search of work and a better life. The city was the seat of a strong military garrison of the Turkish army, which did not react to prevent the tyranny of the Arbanas. On the contrary, the representatives of the civil and military authorities, in order to maintain an apparent peace, often negotiated with the greatest oppressors among the Arbanas. The relationship between the authorities and the villains was reflected on the Serb population of Mitrovica, which was exposed to various atrocities. The only help was provided by the consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština, while the representatives of the authorities, from local to district, usually remained silent. This attitude of the Turkish authorities towards the crimes led to general insecurity and unrest among Serbs, who emigrated in large numbers to Serbia.

The role of Isa Boletini in the time of the opening of the Russian consulate in Kosovska Mitrovica was of crucial political importance for the Serbian people living there. It was the time of intense Albanians' oppression, which went unnoticed or ignored by the Turkish authorities. In the beginning, Isa Boletini was the protector of the Serbian population, whose consuls in Priština reported no crimes committed by him. Meanwhile, his actions reversed course. His activities were aimed against the Serbian people and the Turkish authorities, who in turn started losing their standing with the Albanians. With the growing support from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Albanians leaders organized numerous gatherings, which adversely affected the Serbian population. Those gatherings resulted in gradual renunciation of obedience such as avoiding to pay the Ottoman tax to the Sultan. Albanians opposition to the Russian consulate in Mitrovica rose to prominence. Consequently, the Russian representatives urge Constantinople to request for the Isa Boletini be removed from Mitrovica. The Sultan yielded to the Russian request, while Isa Boletini resisted and tried to bargain for himself, but eventually left for Constantinople. He hoped that the support of the local Albanians leaders would assure his swift return. His absence did not improve the position of the Serbian people, who were continually exposed to extortion and taxes.

The author points out the Austro-Hungarian influence on the Catholic Albanians-fandas in Prizren and Peć sanjak in the early 20th century. Austro-Hungarian activity in this field intensified after the Serbo-Turkish wars and the Congress of Berlin. Violence against the Serbian population had since become more frequent, aided by the fandas that have the support and protection of Roman Catholic priests and Austro-Hungarian diplomats. The Catholic Albanian people commit various forms of zulum over Serbian people, who powerless before them abandoned their properties. A large number of Serbian properties were getting new owners -fandas, that were settled with the permission of the beys. The Austria-Hungary, wishing to cause as much disorder as possible, incited the fandas and Mohammedan Albanian people against the Serbian people, in whom they saw the main obstacle to the achievement of their aims and the occupation of these regions. The situation demanded greater involvement of Serbian and Russian diplomacy in protecting the thinned-out Serbian population in Peć and Prizren sanjak.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire started weakening largely. This weakening was influenced by difficult economic situation accompanied by stronger diplomatic activities of the European powers. Wishing to save the state from the collapse, the Young Turk movement had forced the Sultan Abdul Hamid to concession, which led to changes on the throne. The Young Turks reinforced their activity in all parts of the Ottoman Empire and many great plans lied ahead, which had foreseen reform of the state and society including internal consolidation of the country as well. The Young Turk regime representatives propagated the idea of equality of all people, which would have the same rights and duties as well. The ideas and work of the Young Turks came across a resistance of some Albanian leaders, among which was Isa Boljetinac, known as per his crimes over Serbian population of Mitrovica casa. He was known as an influential man and he enlarged his activity out of this territory, which often served, after numerous conflicts with Turkish authorities, as the hideout. As the prominent opponent of the Young Turk regime, the conflict with authorities and Albanian movements, which marked that time, was experienced as the struggle for old privileges such as: carrying of arms, non-paying of taxes, non-interference of Turkish authorities into their relationships and, especially, non-service in the army. Determination to persist in the struggle for the return of privileges led Isa Boljetinac to get in touch with the consul of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština, from whom he requested arms, munitions, and money. Consul thought that the fulfilment of his requests had influenced the improvement of the position of Serbs and eventually some subsequent support so that he had approved of them. Nevertheless, before the outbreak of the Balkan Wars, Isa was not clear in his answers and it was evident it could not be counted on his alliance.

Dissatisfaction of the Albanian population in Old Serbia and Macedonia during 1910 and 1911 turned into open conflicts with Turkish authorities. These conflicts resulted in a large number of wounded and killed, and a lot of houses were burnt and destroyed. Turkish authorities, knowing that the Albanians represent a fortress in the preservation of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans, decided to organize a sultan's visit to this part of the state. The visit represents the achievement of the idea of Youth Turkish Committee which had the intention to calm down the Albanian population from one side, and to avoid the interference of great powers in internal questions of the state from another side. During his seventy days journey through Old Serbia and Macedonia Sultan visited Thessaloniki, Skopje, Priština and Bitolj, where he was receiving religious and civil representatives of all nationalities including the representatives of foreign countries in those places. Preparation which were done for the arrival of Sultan supposed, among other things, the participation of the Serbs. The presence of the Serbian military delegation in Thessaloniki was for Turks the expression of peaceful politics of the Kingdom of Serbia toward Ottoman Empire. Sultan's visit to Old Serbia and Macedonia and touring of Murat's turbet, where the decree on amnesty of all political culprits being in the country or outside was read, did not completely satisfy the Albanians. Their dissatisfaction affected Serbs the most. The Albanian fury increased every day and the requests multiplied. They included the appointment of the Albanians for administrative, military and judicial officers in the areas where they live, doing military service in their country, opening of schools in "the whole Albania" in which the teaching process will be conducted in Albanian language with Latin alphabet, building of roads and railways through Albania. These requests openly led toward the autonomy and creation of new state, which will come true after the First Balkan War in 1912 with dedication of Austria-Hungary and Italy.

Albanian rebellions in Kosovo villayet commenced in 1910 were continued in the next 1911 year. The dissatisfaction of the Albanians caused by the action of Turgut pasha were being reinforced and influenced to their further organization and readiness for new rebellions. A great number of Albanian emigrants among them there were their leaders at the beginning of the year found hideout in the territory of Montenegro, they had been preparing for further actions from. Osman's Empire was to be found during 1911 in great crisis and in conflict with Italy, which had a considerable impact on Albanian population and their further plans. Taking into account the fact that they are becoming a decisive factor of the Empire survival, the Albanians searched for help from Austria-Hungary, Italy and some Balkan countries. Each of these countries looked on the newly appeared situation, clash of rebels and Turkish authorities, as a possibility to make use of it for its purposes. The key role among them had Austria-Hungary, which engaged for those aims a large number of agents and put aside a lot of money. Anarchical and ruby state suited it well, and it spurred the Albanians for such state, which extended their requests in front of Turkish authorities. These requests became more multiplied and in the agenda was the one including the approval for weapons carrying. The clash of the Albanians with Turkish authorities had a negative impact on Serbian population in Kosovo villayet, which did not stop complaining on their position, whose complaints were completely justified. The clash of the Albanians with the authorities will be continued in the further year 1912, which will be marked with the rebellions of new Young-Turkish regime.

New Youth-Turkish movement tried to introduce some novelties and carry out the collection of the remaining tax liabilities which faced with the non-approval of the Albanians in Kosovo villayet. The Albanians opposed the introduction of new cash benefits including the payment of the already existing ones. The endeavour of the Turkish authorities to implement their thoughts faced with great resistance among the Albanian population, which escalated during the first half of 1910and turned into open conflict with Turkish army. The first greater conflicts broke out between Đakovica and Peć, and enlarged afterwards to Kosovsko Pomoravlje and Lab. The passivity of the Turkish authorities and army as well as the avoidance of conflicts with the Albanians led to the appearance of more mutually non-connected rebellions. The number of regular Turkish units at this area at the beginning of the uprising was small. The bodies of the central power avoided conflicts and tried to reconcile the Albanians but, as the movement was getting wider and expanding, there were the influx of Turkish army from other parts of the Ottoman Empire and its concentration in the rebelled parts. Shefket Turgut pasha was the army commander whose dedication to the tasks execution led to the preponderance over the rebelled Albanians. He had managed to eliminate all resistance-related points so that until the end of May the army established order and peace at the rebelled territories after that it came about the disarmament of the Albanians. Nevertheless, the disarmament was not carried out properly due to the fact the Youth-Turkish regime after military victories wanted to make a bargain with the Albanians and got them for their ideas - 'to stay as the rampart of the Empire in Europe', as they used to be during the sultan Abul Hamid. Although some leaders of the rebellions and their partisans had been prosecuted in Thessaloniki and Skopje, the penalties were mild, and some of them were released home at the end of the year. Differently from them, Serbian teachers accused of arms possession stayed in the prison any longer waiting to be taken to the court. During the first half of 1910, Albanian rebellions showed all weak points of the Ottoman Empire, which were to be found in unenviable financial position. The events in Old Serbia had been followed with attention by the surrounding Balkan states including great powers, out of which some took part in these events.

At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, Old Serbia and Macedonia, as a part of the Ottoman Empire, were the matter of interest for numerous foreign and domestic travelogue writers and scientists. After opening the consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia in the European part of Turkey, the researchers from Serbia were provided with better conditions for studying these areas. One of many who visited these areas was Ljubomir Stojanović, a professor, a scientist and a politician. Although his travel was supposed to have primarily a scientific character, with the aim of better understanding of certain philological and ethnological issues, what can be concluded from the report he sent to the foreign affairs minister is that the emphasis was placed on political circumstances. In his report from 1890 Stojanović did not only present the factual state in the area, but he also offered concrete solutions for certain issues. His suggestions and ideas correspond to the opinions of the consuls of the Kingdom of Serbia in Thessaloniki, Skopje and Bitola. It was evident that after 1870 and the foundation of the Bulgarian Exarchate, Bulgarian propaganda increased in the area, thanks to the numerous supporters and the money intended for this purpose. After the 19th century, the Kingdom of Serbia started to work more actively on spreading national propaganda in Old Serbia and Macedonia. Its consuls, Vladimir Karić, Dimitrije Bodi and Kosta Hristić, whom Stojanović met during his journey, informed the government in Belgrade about the significance of Serbian propaganda beyond Serbian borders and agreed that it could be achieved in several ways: by educating a larger number of teachers, by opening Serbian schools, by introducing Slovene language in the church instead of Bulgarian and Greek and by colonising Old Serbia and Macedonia with population from Serbia.

Serbian national identity was mostly constructed through narration on Kosovo battle, which underlined its strong religious dimension. Starting from the fact fiction is an integral element of identity forming, in this paper the story 'Kosovo 1389' of Nele Karajlić is analysed, in which through the surreal interconnection of history, myth and fiction is offered a possible vision of the events in Kosovo field. How would world history look like if Serbs did not look for salvation in the 'enlightened' Europe but that they made alliance with the Turks, is one of dilemma being re-actualized by this story by means of creation of parallel, virtual-narrative world. A psychological postmodern preoccupation of alternative visions of the future was expressed through counter-factual outcomes of the past in it. While imagological approach enlightens family reconsideration of Serbian national identity fundament, and artistic disassembly of Kosovo myth and its symbolic abuse - since by approaching of 'us' and 'them' firstly as per the line of the identical human weaknesses, the narrator demystifies the view of historical tradition based upon the opposition of 'we' (Christian Serbs) and 'they'(Muslims Turks) - narrative analysis reveals the existence of virtual inward actual historical narrative and shows that its main function is the highlighting of humanistic identity as the narrative one of the story.

At the end of the 19th century, diplomatic activity of the Kingdom of Serbia was reinforced. It had especially come to the fore when in 1886 Stojan Novaković was appointed as the deputy in Constantinople. He, as an experienced diplomat, realized the significance of the national idea spreading, and worked actively to that end. After the signing of consular convention, and opening of Serbian consulates in Osman's Empire, conditions for the opening of larger number of schools were created for which the permissions from Turkish authorities were to be acquired. As the number of Serbian pupils increased, and the numbers of schools as well, the issue of books supply was raised, which was not easy at all in that time. Turkish government issued the permission in 1890 that books for Serbian schools should be printed in Constantinople. All books which were to be printed had to pass the censorship of the Educational Committee. Thanks to the reinforced Serbian diplomatic activity in spreading the national idea, some shifts were made, which led representatives of Serbs in Osman's Empire to the idea of opening bookstores. Almost in the same time, bookstores in Priština, Prizren, and Thessaloniki were opened. The bookstore in Thessaloniki bore the official title the Serbian bookstore, and managed to work and survive despite the propaganda of Bulgarian exarchists which tried to thwart its existence frequently by associating with Turkish authorities. The business activity report was filed to the Consulate, which regulated its activities through contracts and measures.

After liberation wars 1876-1878 and the Berlin Congress, numerous Serbian inhabitants were still under the Turkish occupation. With an aim to ensure them a better legal position, Serbia strengthened its diplomatic activities with obvious results. Between the two countries a temporary Consular Convention which enabled Serbia to open a consulate in Turkey was signed. A consulate in Priština, with great efforts, was opened in 1890, and Luka Marinković was appointed as the first consul. The opening of the consulate for the Serbs meant a real presence of Serbia in Kosovo, while the Arbanasi considered a Serbian flag on the building as a hint of the Ottoman Empire demise. Success of Serbia in this diplomatic aspect aroused fury and dissatisfaction of the Arbanasi and the local authorities, which culminated in the murder of the consul Luka Marinković. They, with the aim of depriving Serbs of any protection, planned an action successfully persuading a Gypsy to realize it for them. The government of Serbia and its representatives both in Turkey and other European capitals faced a difficult task to shed light on the murder and bring back dignity to Serbia as its reputation was thus tarnished. The greatest credit for this goes to Stojan Novaković, the envoy of Serbia in Constantinople. Novaković's efforts to make representatives of other countries in Constantinople to take interest in this task, which was of great importance to Serbia, were fruitful. Solving the case of consul Marinković's murder took time, Turkish authorities did not have will or real wish to solve it. On the contrary, sultan and Porta never meant to solve it by diplomatic way, so they left it to the court, which often worked at the Serbs' expense, anyway. Only after intervention of the representatives of the Great powers in Constantinople, the sultan agreed to pay the wife of the murdered consul a financial compensation, thus closing the case.

Austria-Hungary, after the Berlin's Congress 1878, in which it had got the right to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina, worked intensively on the spread of its state, and wished to reach the sea exit. The main obstacle on that road were Serbs from Old and South Serbia. The three points in Old Serbia had had a special importance for Austrians, from where they were acting, and which represented the source of information for their political-advertising work: Pljevlja, the seat of the occupation authorities governing as the part of Novopazarski sandzak, Skopje, the seat of the consulate, and Prizren in which consular branch office was to be found. For Austria's objectives, and the politics of Drang nach Osten Pljevaljski sandzak was of great importance, since it had been in the proximity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and also represented the shortest way leading through Mitrovica to Thessaloniki. In that part of Osman's Empire Austria had had its military crew, and civic agents in Pljevlja, due to which the work in that area was the strongest and the most intensive. On the importance of Pljevaljski area for Austria-Hungarians speaks the fact the most skilful officers from the lowest to the highest grade were directed there. In very short period Pljevlja, from a modest place is turning into a town having leading role in the whole area. Craftsmen and commerce are growing, and population number is being increased until 1908, where immigration in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and America commenced. Serbian population in Old Serbia, and generally in Pljevaljski sandzak was burdened with the introduction of new taxes, besides the existent ones, which led to the outbreak of new uprisings against Turkish authorities, which had been accompanied by Austria-Hungary without any doubts. By spreading rumours, and using different means, it managed to gain for itself supporters, either from Serbian or from Turkish side. For political-advertising work on the field, some individuals were gaining proliferations for Austrian army under very favourable conditions. In its activity Austria-Hungary did not choose the means in order to gain the objective. It stopped its activity temporarily by the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where it had withdrawal its troops from Pljevaljski sandzak.

Being neutral at the beginning of the WWI, Bulgaria like its ally Austria-Hungary started manifesting expansionist politics in the Balkan afterwards. This fact had been supported by the Central Powers, since they realized the importance of Bulgarian participation in the war. The main condition for Bulgarian entering the war was Macedonian issue. In October 1915 Bulgaria declares a war against Serbia and joins the Central Powers. The situation in Serbia and Albania was not stable. Although it had proclaimed its neutrality, the territory of Albania was the battlefield. Claims toward Albania were requested by Italy, Austria-Hungary, France, Serbia, Greece, and Bulgaria. Serbia was in great preparations for the war, and had great problems with Albanian population in Kosovo. They supported Austro-Hungarian politics in Kosovo and Metohija. Serbia managed in the first months of the war to resist the attacks of the Central Powers, but due to the German-Austrian offensive largely supported by the Bulgarian troops, was due to retreat. The territory of Kosovo was divided between Austrian and Bulgarian troops. The basic aim of Bulgaria was to overtake Macedonia and disconnect of Serbia from the area of Salonika. Nevertheless, by the division of Kosovo and Metohia itself, Bulgaria expressed its expansionistic claims. It confronted Austria-Hungary by establishing the administration in Pristina and Prizren. The target was Đakovica as well. Besides, Bulgaria wanted to make a breakthrough at the Adriatic coast via Albania. The dispute was resolved in a compromise manner. Bulgaria got administration in Pristina and Prizren, but retreated its troops from Elbasan and Đakovica. The mentioned dispute slowly loomed the rift in the alliance, and the Bulgarian defeat in the battle at Dobro Polje marked almost the end of the war. From that battle onwards Bulgaria, Austria-Hungary, Germany and Ottoman Empires were willing to conclude a truce and end the war finally. Finally, it may be noticed that life of Serbian population was much more difficult under Bulgarian occupation comparing to the one of Austria-Hungarian. A great deal of Srbs were captured and killed. Bulgarians destroyed all indicating to the Serbianism such as books, libraties wishing to crush Serbian people with the aim of bulgarization.

The avoidance of Porta and sultan to fulfil their duties taken at Berlin's Congress, especially in the way of the improvement of Christians position led to the rebellion of Armenians and Cretans including the war with Greece. The pressure of great powers additionally disturbed the Albanians, already being embittered due to the outcome of the war. Their participation in Greek-Turkish war enabled them to keep the arms and use it against, following their opinion, culprits for the condition in which Osman Empire was being found in. It came about the increase of oppression, which Serbian diplomacy tried to settle by intensive activity. On the other hand, it occurred the process of homogenization of the Albanian people. That process was under the influence of Austro-Hungarian propaganda, to which Serbs from Old Serbia had been a main obstacle for its plans acquisition. After separate movements, it came about the assembly in Peć at the beginning of 1899. This town had been designated as gathering place since Mula Zeka lived and had a great stronghold in it - a main exponent of Austro-Hungarian politics in Kosovo villayet. The decisions of the assembly went on the politics of Prizren's League, but did not have the same strength. And as the Prizren's League ended by the conflict between the Albanians and regular Turkish army, in the same manner this one was finished, but with minor military conflicts.

Great powers saw the area of Old Serbia at the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century as a suitable field for their objectives accomplishing. The most interested for the events at this area were Russia and Austria-Hungary. Although these two adversaries signed mutually two contracts: 1897 and 1903 on the status quo preservation in the Balkan, Austria-Hungary was waiting for the right moment to invade this area. At the beginning of 1904 Russian influence was weaken due to the war which it had entered with Japan. The defeat it experienced and revolutionary movement spreading over Russia enabled Austria-Hungary to reinforce its position in the Balkan and Old Serbia in general. In order to accomplish its objectives, it found a suitable instrument in Albanian population, who reinforced the oppression against Serbian population. For only two years, from September 1904 to September 1906, there were 621 murders, 53 violations over Serbian girls and women, 135 cases of violent transfer into Islam, and blackmails which had been executed were assessed to 7.000 liras or 161.000 dinars. Due to general insecurity and life deterioration 1.628 people were forced to run away in Montenegro or Serbia. Austria-Hungary made a great use of the Russian business in the Far Eastusing different methods. Money and arms sending, bribery of Albanians including rumour spreading via their friars in the field are some of examples of the proven tactics Austria-Hungary were using. Albanians considered Russia as the main culprit for reforms implementation, which they had opposed severely. Thus, they made a great use of each opportunity to get revenge on Serbs, who remained without stronger protection of Russia, which they needed a lot. Situation in the Far East and the Russian defeat in the war with Japan, although it does not indicate a direct connection with Serbs, had indirect consequences on the position and suffering of Serbian people in Old Serbia.

Living and working in 'the earning south', Grigorije Božović was the witness and participant of many events, which served him as the motive for his work, and especially story. One of the characteristic historical motives attracting Božović was moving into another faith. This process had swept Serbs in a wide area and in the long period of time, but due to the lack of sources it was weakly documented, so that Božović's work is more historical and precious. By his literary work Božović highlights this process in the area of Old and Southern Serbia in the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century. Realism and documentary of Božović's work confirm the example of moving into another faith of the family of Lekovac and Institut za srpsku kulturu - Priština/Leposavić Parish, being given through some stories, and written down in the works of historians.

In the middle of the last decade of the 20th century the situation in Osman's Empire complicated by the escalation of the three most important issues: Cretan, Armenian and Macedonian. Although remote from geographical point of view, these issues were much closer than it had been seen at first sight. Circumstances on the one issue caused some occurrence within another one. Cretan question was passing through the history of Osman's Empire from the Greek uprising in 1821 until 1913, when it had been settled finally by the annexation of Crete to Greece. Nevertheless, the final phase of this question happened in 1895 when the uprising of the Cretans broke out once again, who had requested the promised and regulated rights. Mutual bloody conflicts led to the intervention of Turkey, Greece and other great powers. Although great powers wished to keep the policy of status quo, Greece and Turkey tried to take advantage of the new situations. The war broke out and it was fought in the mainland of the Greece. Greece was defeated, but by the intervention of great powers it was signed the peace as per the principles of status quo. The escalation of Cretan question led to the alterations in the politics of Balkan states. Serbia and Bulgaria, and partly Montenegro, tried to stay involved into the circumstances, looking for adequate opportunity to get involved into the liberation of their compatriots who were under the Ottoman rule. These states were severely warned by great powers not to be involved into war events. Christian states, first of all Serbia, was carefully viewed by the Albanians from Kosovo villayet, being given incentives by the stories from Austria-Hungary that the only guilt for their adversities belonged to Serbian side. The war between Turkey and Greece reflected directly to the events in Kosovo villayet. Withdrawal of armies from the Kosovar towns barracks and armament of Albanian volunteers had impact on the Serbs position deterioration in Old Serbia. Unruly and armed groups of outlaws, angry due to frequent invitation and the created situation, none was able to keep under control. They manifested their anger against Serbs.

In the paper, the author speaks about the suffering of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija in the period from the Berlin Congress to the Balkan Wars in the context of solving the Serbian issue. The difficult position of the Serbian people imposed itself as a primary task in the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbia. Complex diplomatic relations influenced the Government in Belgrade to consider several ways to resolve the Serbian issue within the framework of the Eastern issue. In addition to the Ottoman authorities, the obstacles in the implementation of the plans were represented by the Albanians, but also by the interests of certain great powers, primarily Austria-Hungary. The realization of imagined ideas about the protection of the Serbian people in Old and Southern Serbia gave short-term results, but they contributed to the final liberation from Ottoman rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]