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Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Belgi Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, the Association Agreements of Greece, which signed the first association agreement with the European Economic Community (EEC), and then Türkiye, which signed a similar agreement, were compared. It has been argued for a long time that the Athens and Ankara Agreements concluded by the EEC at that time were alike agreements, and that the Ankara Agreement was even “inspired” by the Athens Agreement. This article tries to reveal that although the aims and purposes of these Agreements are similar, they diverge considerably when examined closely both in spirit and wording. It is understood that the protection shown and the political support given to Greece played an important role in the major difference in their functioning and speed. The argument of the article is that the Athens Agreement was prepared from the very beginning by the EEC to bring Greece to full membership as quickly as possible. Indeed, thanks to this agreement, Greece entered the customs union with the EEC in 1968 and became a full member of the Union in 1981. The Ankara Agreement with Türkiye, on the other hand, appears to be a derivative agreement very close to the Athens Agreement at first glance, but it is an agreement with different important clauses and a “deliberately” weakened regulative power. As a result, the Ankara Agreement, which is still in force and forms the legal basis of the relations of Türkiye with the EU, neither at the time it was signed nor today has the proper content to carry Türkiye into full membership. It is not meaningful in this context to expect equal results from legal texts that differ in this way. This paper attempts to prove this assertion.

Copyright of History & Historian / Tarih ve Tarihçi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Tüm dünyada toplumların gelişmesi, aralarında iş birliğinin de gelişmesine yol açmıştır. Bu gelişimin nedeni kolektif eylemin onların büyümesindeki ana faktör olmasıydı. Bu bağlamda geçmişten günümüze konumları, pazarlık güçleri, insanlar arasında malların daha verimli dağıtımına büyük ölçüde katkı sağlayarak, iş birliğinin geliştirilmesine aracı olmuştur. Yıllar içinde belirli kurallar çerçevesinde belirli amaçları hedefleyen tüm dünya ülkelerine yayılan, birçok iş birliği ve yardımlaşma modelleri ortaya çıkmıştır. Kooperatifler bu iş birliği modellerinden biridir. Bu çalışma Yunanistan’ın ulusal tarım kooperatif mevzuatının en dikkate değer özelliklerine kısa bir genel bakış sunmayı ve kooperatif mevzuatının iyileştirilmesine yönelik önerilerde bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.

The issue of migration deeply impacts European countries. Greece is one of the countries on the migrants' route. While Greece is preferred by irregular migrants because it is the gateway to Europe and is located in the Schengen area, it is also examined as a case study due to the security measures it has taken on its land borders, such as pushing back and building a steel wall on the border. This article analyzes Greece's migration policy. The aim of the study is to seek an answer to the question of whether national security concerns of countries in the fight against irregular migration can go beyond the obligation to comply with the basic principles of human rights law. In particular, it focuses on human rights violations faced by irregular migrants crossing the Meriç (Evros) border. The study references academic literature and news coverage from national and international media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Alinteri Journal of Social Sciences is the property of Adem Yavuz Sonmez and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Belgi Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

İkinci Dünya Savaşı Almanya’nın 1 Eylül 1939’da Polonya’ya saldırması ile başlamıştır. 1940’ta İtalya’nın, 1941’de Almanya’nın saldırısına uğrayan Yunanistan, kısa bir süre içerisinde işgal edilmiştir. Yunanistan’ın işgali ile birlikte ülke içerisinde direniş amaçlı örgütler kurulmuş ve işgalci kuvvetlere karşı mücadele başlamıştır. Ancak savaşın sonuna doğru örgütler arasında başlayan iktidar mücadelesi, örgütlerin birbirleriyle çatışmasına sebep olmuş ve ülke bir iç savaşa sürüklenmiştir. İç savaş boyunca Batı Trakya Türkleri bir yandan komünist çete mensuplarının saldırılarına maruz kalırken, diğer taraftan da hükümet kuvvetleri ve sağ görüşlü çete üyelerinin tazyikinden kendilerini kurtaramamışlardır. Mücadeleyi sürdüren taraflardan her biri Batı Trakya bölgesini ve burada yaşayan Türkleri, kendi hedeflerini gerçekleştirebilmek için bir vasıta olarak görmüşlerdir. Türklerin yaşadıkları şehir, kasaba ve köyler baskına uğramış ve Türkler büyük can ve mal kayıpları vermiştir. Bu çalışmada arşiv belgeleri ve dönemin basın-yayın organları kullanılarak, Yunan İç Savaşı boyunca çetelerin Batı Trakya Türklerine yönelik baskı ve yıldırma faaliyetleri ile Türklerin bu faaliyetleri karşı tutumu ele alınmıştır.

The phenomenon of migration varies according to factors in many different dimensions, this study deals with irregular migration and the events that occur in this context. Turkey, due to its geopolitical position, is a transit country in the irregular migration issue, in comparison with neighboring countries, Turkey has become a transit country for migrants due to its relatively higher level of development compared to Middle Eastern countries located to its south and east, and its lower level of development compared to European countries. In this study, the results and reasons for Syrian refugee’s attempts to use Turkey as a transit country and cross to Greece over the Aegean Sea will be analyzed from the perspective of Barry Buzan’s ‘Regional Security Complex Theory. This study focuses on the problem of whether a regional security complex has emerged in the Balkans due to the migration movement resulting from the Syrian Civil War, using Buzan’s theory as a framework, between Turkey and Greece. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Research & Behavioral Sciences / Sosyal Araştırmalar ve Davranış Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Journal of Social Research & Behavioral Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of EUL Journal of Social Sciences / LAÜ Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of EUL Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Participating in the Great War alongside the Entente Powers in 1917, Greece formed its national demands at the table of the victorious states at the Paris Peace Conference, after the war ended in favor of the Entente. The Greek Prime Minister of the time, Eleftherios Venizelos, tried to use the goals he set for Greater Greece as a propaganda tool in all the political backstage of Paris. In particular, in the memorandum book he compiled in order to attract the Allies to his side, he demanded that the lands of Western Anatolia, which he claimed with ethnological and historical heritage, be left to Greece. Supporting these demands with exaggerated statistical information, he claimed that the Greek population in Western Anatolia was more than the Turkish population. In particular, Venizelos suggested that the Greeks in the region determine their own destiny and that Izmir be connected to Greece with the right of self-determination included in Wilson's principles. However, Greek national interests coincided with the national interests of Italy, another winner of the Great War. On the other hand, the importance of the Eastern Mediterranean in both the Greek organization in Europe and the British foreign policy made it necessary to leave the region unconditionally to Greece. The Supreme Council, which decided to leave Izmir to Greece in the Paris Peace Talks, where Italy was excluded throughout the conference, formed a new contract on 12 May 1919 regarding the occupation of Izmir. In this article, the only written memoir written by Greek Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos during the Paris Peace Conference is analyzed. Moreover, in this article, the secret and encrypted telegrams in the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Greek State Archives and the The Benaki Museum’s Historical Archive were examined and the decision to leave the Western Anatolian lands to Greece during the Paris Peace Conference was examined. The main findings obtained in the article are that the Greek foreign policy shaped in the shadow of the British foreign policy occupied İzmir as a result of a fait accompli decision. The aim of the Great Powers that support Greece against Italy is the Eastern Question and the desire to shape the Eastern Mediterranean policy according to their own interests, rather than the realization of the Megali Idea goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Travmalar birey yaşamı açısından olduğu kadar sosyal yaşamın da kaçınılmaz bir olgusudur. Bu anlamda, travma kökenli semptomlar bir sosyal grubun üyeleri tarafından ortak bir şekilde tecrübe edilebilir. Bu yüzdendir ki, bir ulusun üyeleri kimliklerini ilgilendiren sorunlara aynı anda tepki gösterirler. Bu çalışmada, ‘seçilmiş travma’ olarak İstanbul’un kaybının Yunan ulusunu şekillendirmedeki rolüne ilişkin İstanbul’u kaybetmenin yıldönümü olan 29 Mayıs 2022’te atılan Tweet’ler MAXQDA 2020 yazılımı aracılığıyla çekilerek netnografik bir analiz yapılmıştır. ‘Seçilmiş travma’ temel olarak bir ‘büyük grup’ tarafından büyük bir kaybın sonucunda sebep olmuş aşağılanmışlık duygusuna atıfta bulunur. Psikolojik bir terim olarak travma, ulusları hafıza çalışmalarıyla sosyal düzeyde ele alarak onları icat edilmiş topluluklar olarak görmeyi sağlar. Bu çalışmada da amacımız ‘seçilmiş travma’nın Yunan ulusal kimliğini nasıl şekillendirdiğini ortaya çıkarmaktır. Bunun sonucunda netnografik tasarımdan yararlanarak nitel bir çalışma yürütülmüştür. Netnografi internet ve etnografiyi birleştiren bir araştırma tasarımıdır. Sonuç olarak, Yunan ulus kimliğinin Türklerin sebep olduğu ve aşağılanmış hissetmeye sebebiyet veren bir ‘seçilmiş travma’nın neden olduğu daimî yas sürecinde olduğu ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu gerçeklikler sonucunda, Tweetlerde Türklerle bir mücadele içerisinde Yunan Helenizmininin Türkokrasi karşısındaki üstünlüğünü kanıtlamaya çalışarak aşağılık duygusundan kurtulmaya çalışan tutum olduğu görülmüştür.

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Economic & Social Research is the property of Abant Izzet Baysal University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study deals with the Cyprus crisis in Anglo-Greek relations and aims to analyze Britain's offer of the island to Greece during the war in exchange for Britain's participation in the war on its own front, its motivation for this offer and Greece's reaction to the offer. During the war, Britain twice attempted to dispose of Cyprus in exchange for an important interest. The first was during the Dardanelles operation of the Allied fleet and the second was when Bulgaria entered the war on the Allied front. In the run-up to and during the war, Britain had attempted to form an alliance consisting of Serbia, Greece, Romania, Romania and Bulgaria, but without success. Upon the failure of these alliance hopes, Greece, which had remained neutral in the war, turned into an important political actor for Britain, which should immediately enter the war. However, both attempts were rejected due to the division between Prime Minister Venizelos and the pro-German King Constantine. These critical decisions had a direct impact on Cyprus, Anglo-Greek relations, and the Ottoman Empire’s position in the war. The study is based on archival sources in Turkish, English and Greek, as well as international literature on the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Academic Studies of Turkish-Islamic Civilization / Türk Islam Medeniyeti Akademik Arastirmalar Dergisi (Timad) is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Osmanlı Araştırmaları is the property of Turkiye Diyanet Foundation Centre for Islamic Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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IMF programlarının demokrasi üzerindeki etkisi, uluslararası örgütler yazınında sıklıkla tartışılan bir konudur. Bir müzakere sürecinde IMF’nin kendine ait bir gündemi varken, seçmenler de hükümete kendi tercihleriyle ilgili işaretler verir. Bu ikisi örtüştüğünde demokrasi etkilenmez fakat birbirlerinden farklı olduklarında demokrasi üzerindeki etkiler, borç alan hükümetin IMF karşısındaki göreli gücüne bağlıdır. Bu makale, IMF programlarının yerel temsili kurumlar üzerindeki etkisine odaklanmaktadır. Çalışmada, IMF etkisinin uç bir örneği olarak 2010-2015 yılları arasında uygulanan Yunanistan programları analiz edilmiş, eski bakanlar, parlamento temsilcileri ve Troyka yetkilileri ile yapılan mülakatlara yer verilmiştir. Yapılan analiz, borç alan hükümetin IMF karşısında zayıf olduğu ve iktidar partisi ile IMF arasında bir anlaşmazlık olduğu zaman, IMF programlarının demokratik kurumların temsili işlevini kısıtladığını iddia etmektedir. Bunun, 2010-2015 yılları arasında Yunanistan’da yaşandığı gibi, borç alan ülkelerde parti sistemleri ve demokrasinin geleceği üzerinde sağ ve sol popülist partilerin “egemenlik” ihlalinden yararlanarak yükselişi ve temsili kurumlara olan güvenin azalması gibi önemli etkileri vardır.

There are several problems between Turkey and Greece that they can be examined under many separate headings. Problems such as continental shelf, territorial waters, airspace, and not least the Cyprus conflict, have become extremely difficult to deal with as both sides have their own legal arguments. These problems, which have been on the agenda especially since the 1970s, became political and diplomatic crises and continue to be so today as well. Even though it might be assumed that the existing problems have existed since the second half of the 20th century, the origins of these problems go back to the Ottoman Empire and the existence of Greece as an independent state. The main reason for this study is to shed light on the problem of the Aegean Islands—which are scattered in the form of islands, islets, and rocks right in front of the Turkish mainland in the Aegean Sea; remained under Turkish domination for 400 years; creates security concerns from a geopolitical standpoint and can be described as indispensable—and on Greece’s attitude towards the existing problems that goes against international law.

ÖZ: Tarih boyunca birçok devletin odak noktalarından birisi olan Kıbrıs adası, 20. yüzyılda Türk ve Rum halkı arasında ciddi olaylara sebep olmuştur. Rumlar kurdukları terör örgütü vasıtasıyla adada yaşayan Türkleri, zulüm ve katliam ile adadan gitmeleri için zorlamıştır. Yunanistan da adada yapılan zulümlere el altından destek olmuş, Türkiye de kendi ırkdaşlarını korumak amacıyla önce diplomatik girişimlerde bulunmuş, sonuç alamayınca da askeri müdahaleye başvurmuştur. Tarihe Kıbrıs Barış Harekâtı olarak geçecek olan bu müdahalenin hem içeride hem de dışarıda birçok yansıması olmuştur. Harekât gerek yerel basın gerek ulusal basın gerekse dünya basını tarafından yakından takip edilmiştir. Bu çalışmamızda, 20 Temmuz 1974 ve 14 Ağustos 1974 tarihlerinde Türkiye’nin, Kıbrıslı Türklerin canını, malını ve namusunu korumak amacıyla Kıbrıs adasına yaptığı askeri harekatın, kurtuluşun şehri İzmir’in yerel basınına yansımalarını ele alacağız. Kıbrıs Barış Harekatı’nın yapıldığı ilk günden harekatın bittiği güne kadar yaşanan gelişmeleri, İzmir halkının Kıbrıs’ta yaşanan askerî harekâtı yakından takip etmesini sağlayan Ege Ekspres, Ege Telgraf, Demokrat İzmir ve Yeni Asır gazetelerinin çerçevesinde değerlendireceğiz. ABSTRACT: The island of Cyprus, which has been one of the focal points of many states throughout history, was founded in the 20th century. it has caused serious events between the Turkish and Greek people in the Dec. The Greeks, through the terrorist organization they established, forced the Turks living on the island to leave the island with cruelty and massacre. Greece also secretly supported the atrocities committed on the island, Turkey first made diplomatic attempts to protect its own racists, and when it did not get results, it resorted to military intervention. This intervention, which will go down in history as the Cyprus Peace Operation, has had many reflections both inside and outside. The operation was closely followed by both the local press and the national press and the world press. July August 20, 1974 and August 14, 1974, Turkey, in order to protect the lives, property and honor of the Turkish Cypriots on the island of Cyprus, in this study, we will consider the reflections of the local press of Izmir, the city of liberation, we will consider. We will evaluate the developments from the first day of the Cyprus Peace Operation until the end of the operation within the framework of the Aegean Express, Aegean Telegraph, Democrat Izmir and Yeni Asir newspapers, which enable the people of Izmir to closely follow the military operation taking place in Cyprus.

Ioannis Metaxas was born in Cephalonia in 1871. At the age of twenty, Metaxas graduated from the Athens Military Academy with the rank of lieutenant and proceeded to the German Military Academy to further his studies. Metaxas, who served in the Balkan Wars, was promoted to the position of Chief of the Military Staff in 1915. After Venizelos came to power, Metaxas, who could not reconcile with Venizelos, left his duties, and embarked on political life in 1917. He served as the Minister of War in the Demircis Cabinet formed in 1936 and was later appointed as the Prime Minister. On August 4, 1936, General Metaxas became the Head of Government with extensive authority. The present study analyzed the visit of Greek Prime Minister Ioannis Metaxas to Türkiye on October 18-22, 1937, and his meetings and contacts in İstanbul and Ankara within the scope of this visit. Metaxas' negotiations in Ankara were of great significance for the course of Turkish-Greek relations and the unity of the Balkan Entente. Metaxas met with Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Prime Minister Ismet Inonu, and Deputy Prime Minister Celal Bayar during his visit to Ankara. Metaxas visited various sites and institutions in Ankara and was welcomed with interest, enthusiasm, and love by the people of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of PRAKSIS is the property of PRAKSIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The relations between the US and Greece are of great importance in terms of the international political structure that emerged after the Second World War. The basis of this importance lies in the strategic advantage of Greece in the US' policy of containment the USSR and then the Russian Federation. This advantage of Greece ensured that it was supported militarily and economically by the US during the Cold War period. Greece maintained this advantage in the post-Cold War period as well. However, Greece has taken steps to show that it has different alternatives when its relations with the US were in tension both in the Cold War period and in the post-Cold War period. This political attitude of Greece triggered the US to take steps in line with the reflex of protecting the alliance relationship. Thus, the US initiated a political loop that could shake the balance of the structure in the way of managing the distribution of capabilities in favor of Greece. This policy of the US has the potential to disrupt the alliance structure that emerged after the Second World War. In this study, the negative effects of the US-Greece relations on the structure will be analyzed with the focus on the distribution of capabilities of Structural Realism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Universal Journal of History & Culture is the property of Universal Journal of History & Culture and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) is the property of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of RUMELI: Journal of Islamic Studies is the property of Trakya University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Greco-Turkish War of 1897 broke out due to the annexation of Crete by the Greeks to instigate the Megali Idea and attacks carried out on the Ottoman borders. Greek administrators - who thought that they were superior to the Ottomans' were certain about winning the war; however, the war did not go as planned and in no time, the roads to Athens were lying naked in front of the Turkish soldiers. Meanwhile, big states, especially Russia, helped the Greeks, even eventually them to enter truce negotiations between Greece and the Ottoman Empire. The Empire employed volunteer soldiers as well as regular (nizamiye) and reserved (redif) officers alongside home guards (mustahfiz). Both Muslims and non-Muslims alike were drafted as volunteer soldiers. These volunteers ranged in age from children to elderly. Those whose applications were accepted were then sent to the fronts, accompanied off by big ceremonies and crowds - as well as large welcoming parties if they managed to return alive. They were also offered money, food, and clothing by the local authorities and local wealthy patrons. Both they the other soldier branches helped the Ottoman Empire succeed in battle around of its borders. Their loyalty earned them medals of different ranks alongside the special edition "Medal of Greco War." In this study, we shall delve into the world of the Greco-Turkish War's volunteers, and how they signed up, were dispatched, and came home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze the process starting from the history of Cyprus to the Cyprus issue and to explain the 1974 Cyprus intervention by revealing the dynamics of the issue. Cyprus represents a geography that was strategically important centuries ago. The island, which hosts many heterogeneous societies, was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in 1571. The island, which was transferred to England in 1878 thanks to the San Stefano Treaty, was left to the British in the official context with the Lausanne Treaty. However, in the course of time, the Enosis aims of Greece on Cyprus and the activities of EOKA have created unrest for the Turks on the island. The Turkish government intervened in Cyprus in 1974 so that the Turks on the island could live in peace. In the study, the process leading to the Cyprus issue was discussed in all its aspects, and then the 1974 intervention was mentioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, it is aimed to reveal the contributions of the Seven Islands to the Greek Revolution which started in 1821. The Seven Islands, the largest of which is the island of Kefalonia, has the traces of many civilizations throughout history due to its strategic location. First Venetian, then French and English domination in the islands led to the emergence of a different cultural and economic structure from continental Greece. The islands played an important role in the Greek Revolution as a result of the nationalism movement that was consciously encouraged especially during the French rule, and as a result of the military training given to the island people and the Greek bandits who escaped from the Peloponnese during the British rule. Kolokotronis, one of the leaders of the Greek rebels, applied the western-style war training he received in the Seven Islands against the Ottoman Empire in the Peloponnese. Considering Dionisios Solomos whose the author of the Greek National Anthem, also lived on these islands and wrote the anthem on the island of Zakynthos, it can be said that the Seven Islands stood out as an important military, logistics and cultural center for Greece both before and during the rebellion [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study originates from a medal found in the warehouses of the Yozgat Museum; this medal turned out to be the Greek example of the 'Inter-Allied Victory Medal’ and was coined in 1922 in about 200,000 units. This exemplar is therefore part of a commemorative series in which all the allied forces, at the end of the First World War, decided to remember the victory against Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire with the issue of medals which, despite having elements in common, were distinguished on the basis of the country of origin. Army personnel who had been wounded or killed in action, died of their wounds, or who had served at least three months of active service at the front in Macedonia between 9 September 1916 and the truce of 7 September 1918, in the Russian campaign between the day of departure and the day of embarkation in Russia or Romania for the return to Greece, at the front in Thrace until July 17, 1920, were entitled to it. The medal was accompanied by a 'Certificate' with the name of the consignee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the Turkish-Greek relations according to the Greece Ahkam Register numbered 104/4 in the Düvel-i Ecnebiyye Registers series in the Ottoman Archives. Therefore, the main source of the article is this register. The records in the Greek Ahkam Register cover the years 1890-1912. Thus, some issues such as consular issues that took place before and after the war in 1897 and which can be evaluated within the Turkish-Greek diplomatic relations were discussed. We can divide the records in the ledger into two parts. In the first part, there are some articles of the Consular Agreement dated March 20, 1901 and the Turkish-Greek Treaty of 1855. The protocol signed with the great states of Europe before the Consular Agreement is also among the diplomatic texts in this section. In the second part, there is the record of the consuls appointed by Greece to various cities of the Ottoman country. These representatives of Greece are listed in three different categories as vice consul, consul and general consul. The consuls of the Ottoman Empire in Greece are also the shehbender vekili, shehbender and bash-shehbender (chief consul). The Ottoman State issued a vekalet emri (proxy order), a zabıt emri (memorandum) and a berat for the Greek consuls. The places where Greece sent consuls consist of 50 different cities in the area from Tripoli to Rumelia. These are generally port cities. The main task of these Consuls is to solve the trade-related problems of Greek merchants and citizens. The Consular Agreement of 1901 consists of 27 articles. In this contract, the duties and privileges of the Greek and Ottoman consuls were discussed. However, contrary to the principle of equality in some matters, more privileges were given to Greek subjects and merchants. This is a manifestation of the big European powers supporting Greece. With the aforementioned contract, honorary consulates were abolished for both parties and professional officers were appointed as consuls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Maritime Faculty Journal (Dokuz Eylül University) is the property of Dokuz Eylul University Maritime Faculty Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Belgi Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Greek poet Georgios Zalokostas wrote a long poem, “To Mesologgion”, which deals with the siege of Missolonghi and the sortie of the besieged as a result of this siege and the fall of the city in 1826 as a historical event about. The poem in question is included in the First Athenian School, the first literary school of contemporary Greece, which was influential in Greece between the years 1830 and 1880. Indeed, after Greek independence, Greece’s main intellectual centers were the neighboring Ionian Islands and Athens, the capital of the new Greek Kingdom. During this period, while Greece was trying to create a new political, administrative and cultural life, the main element of the first literary school that emerged in the country was Romanticism. Some features of this school are the use of Katharevousa, the purest form of Modern Greek, the influence of French romanticism, pessimism and melancholy, rhetorical style, patriotic lyrical tone, and themes from the 1821 Greek Revolt. Georgios Zalokostas (1805-1858), born in Ioannina Syrrako, one of the poets of the First Athenian School, emigrated to Italy with his family due to the pressures during the reign of Tepedelenli Ali Pasha, where he studied Italian and Greek literature, and the law. He returned to Greece when the Greek revolt started in 1821. Zalokostas fought against the Turks and took part in the siege of Missolonghi in 1826. His participation in the siege of Missolonghi and his participation in the sortie to leave the besieged city also makes him a witness of this historical event and this testimony gives his poem a special quality. From 1851 to 1877, the intellectual life of Athens was dominated by poetry competitions, which became an important institution, proving the important place of poetry that occupied society. Zalokostas won the first prize in the “Ralleios” poetry competition organized by the University of Athens in 1851 with his poem “To Mesologgion”, which was about the Siege of Missolonghi in 1826. In this article, the Greek poet Georgios Zalokostas and his award-winning poem “To Mesologgion” will be examined within the framework of the mentioned literary school in the history of contemporary Greek literature. While the Siege of Mesolongi in 1826 is dealt with from a historical perspective, the geographical space, elements of Greek mythology, elements of Christianity, historical figures in the siege, and the “other” in the poem will be evaluated and discussed thematically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Universal History Studies is the property of Sabit Dokuyan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The island of Cyprus, which has been one of the focal points of many states throughout history, was founded in the 20th century. it has caused serious events between the Turkish and Greek people in the Dec. The Greeks, through the terrorist organization they established, forced the Turks living on the island to leave the island with cruelty and massacre. Greece also secretly supported the atrocities committed on the island, Turkey first made diplomatic attempts to protect its own racists, and when it did not get results, it resorted to military intervention. This intervention, which will go down in history as the Cyprus Peace Operation, has had many reflections both inside and outside. The operation was closely followed by both the local press and the national press and the world press. July August 20, 1974 and August 14, 1974, Turkey, in order to protect the lives, property and honor of the Turkish Cypriots on the island of Cyprus, in this study, we will consider the reflections of the local press of Izmir, the city of liberation, we will consider. We will evaluate the developments from the first day of the Cyprus Peace Operation until the end of the operation within the framework of the Aegean Express, Aegean Telegraph, Democrat Izmir and Yeni Asir newspapers, which enable the people of Izmir to closely follow the military operation taking place in Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]