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The article focuses on the personal and historical reflections of the author, Damjana Mraović-O'Hare, as she connects her experiences during the Yugoslav Wars with themes of authoritarianism and societal collapse in Paul Lynch's Prophet Song. Topics include the erosion of rationalism and intellectual discourse in times of political upheaval, the parallels between fictional and real-world totalitarianism, and the disillusionment with international institutions' failure to prevent conflict.

The article examines the life-stories of three young people who were born in Switzerland, but whose parents fled Bosnia due to the Yugoslav disintegration wars. These biographic portraits present three different ways of relating to and identifying with the country of origin, and (dis)engaging with its violent past. The paper highlights the ways in which young people are exposed to histories of violence and how these become personally relevant to them. One way of relating to this violent past is through family histories and memories, but these often remain obscure and fragmented. At the same time, young people encounter the legacies of the conflict outside the family and the home: in different diasporic and non-diasporic social spaces. The paper identifies the crucial role of diasporic divisions resulting from the conflict, social encounters in different contexts, and exposure to alternative historic narratives, in the development of young people's sense of belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legal narratives about collective violence have given an outsized explanatory role to propaganda in conflicts such as the Rwandan genocide and the Yugoslav Wars. While post-conflict ethnographies have examined what Rwandans remember about propaganda and collective violence, similar studies have not been undertaken in territories of the former Yugoslavia. The present ethnographic study fills this gap. After introducing the theoretical and empirical problems that have stemmed from recent speech crime trials in international criminal law, I examine the causes of collective violence in the Yugoslav Wars as remembered by former combatants, survivors, and the greater populations of post-conflict regions in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia. I show that remembered causes, including the role of propaganda, vary significantly between former combatants and the greater populations. Nevertheless, local perspectives, especially among former combatants and survivors, converge on the effects of populist movements following Yugoslavia's economic crisis and the rise of ethnic, religious, and nationalist leaders who engaged in inflammatory rhetoric and misinformation to mobilize war efforts. This article thus corroborates key findings from other post-conflict ethnographies which show that propaganda plays a secondary but significant role in the cultural manufacturing of state-sponsored ethnicity and cultural logics of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Serbia is a country with a long tradition of emigration. The increase in the number of displaced people sharply rose in 1992 when all the diplomatic options to preserve Yugoslavia had failed. The ensuing ethnic conflict resulted in mass mobilization by young adults who were required to go to war, mainly against their will. The main purpose of the paper is twofold: to draw attention to the key challenges that displacement plays on individuals and to show how traumatic events, such as the war in Ukraine, can mobilize historical traumas. To elicit deeper and new understandings of how displacement impacts people, conversations with my elementary school classmates of Hungarian ethnic origin, including those who were serving the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) between 1991 and 1992, were analysed through the lens of the author's autoethnographic positioning. It shows how life stories are co-produced through narrative inquiry and, by 'co-reflecting' on the past, it shows how they are simultaneously positioned within social categories of intersectionality, such as gender, social inequality, stayed and displaced. These reflections offer a broader understanding of how qualitative research can enrich existing knowledge of the effect of this specific conflict, and ethnic conflict in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Petrit Halilaj's highly sensitive works, ranging from local to universal, are rooted in documents, stories, and memories related to the history of Kosovo. The artist often presents objects, relationships, places, and people from his memory by creating spatial installations. The trauma of displacement is an experience that not everyone can bear, and as one of the many artists who question this issue, Halilaj presents a bold and evolving interface in the context of contemporary art. Today, millions of children all over the world, especially in Ukraine, have to flee from brutal wars. What Halilaj reveals after his traumatic experiences can be considered as an indication that what is inside him is much more than war. Halilaj's work clearly points to everything he has experienced about heritage, identity, and liberation. His work asks questions about identity, trauma, and origins because it questions where he comes from and how memories shape his understanding of the world around him while also serving as descriptors of the potential that personal memory has to gradually rewrite collective memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The escalation of the Soviet–Yugoslav conflict and the tense Hungarian–Yugoslav relationship had a fundamental impact on the lives of those living near the Hungarian–Yugoslav border. The aim of this study is to examine how the conflict affected the daily lives of those living near the border, examining the area from today’s Slovenian–Austrian–Hungarian border triangle to the confluence of the Drava and Mura rivers. The article sheds light on the various forms of border incidents, it shows how the conflict made the daily lives of those living near the border difficult, and it briefly illustrates the spying activities. The conclusions are primarily based on the papers of the National Border Guard Command kept in the National Archives of Hungary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study highlights personal individual stories and emotional experiences of Former Yugoslavia war survivors through conducting semi-structured interviews with four participants, two male and two female. Each of the participants were asked questions relating to their lives before, during, and after the war. Their responses showed that their lives changed dramatically upon the commencement of conflict and that they mostly ceased to be productive members of society. This could in part be attributed to insufficient access to mental health services which was prevalent throughout the reported experiences. All four participants were significantly affected by conflict, this suggests studies are warranted to accurately identify what is likely a large percentage of survivors suffering post war psychological issues. The number of individuals requiring assistance to address mental health issues arising from conflict is likely underestimated which may hinder integration efforts. A surprising finding was that all four participants were grateful for the opportunity to tell their stories rather than being hesitant as initially expected, indicating an openness to recounting trauma which may assist future studies. Overall, the findings for this study also have future implications for the long-term treatment and integration of refugees within other host countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the concept of post-traumatic stress disorder was developed and debated during the wars of Yugoslav succession 1991–1995. It focuses on the rich, wide-ranging, and complex psychiatric and psychotherapeutic discussions of war trauma in the post-Yugoslav space, arguing that arguments about PTSD became a site for expressing political tensions, controversies, and anxieties that could not otherwise be addressed or identified. This research explores how Yugoslav psychiatrists tailored the language of PTSD to their own particular clinical and political needs, infusing it with local assumptions and experiences, often radically changing its original meaning and intentions in the process. Moreover, the article engages with discourses of psychological trauma in Eastern Europe and the socialist world, which remains a neglected topic. It examines how the post-WWII and socialist-era psychiatric discourse and silences were reinterpreted and worked into the psychiatric-political attempts to make sense of the wars of Yugoslav succession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the authors examine the policy changes of the government of Germany with respect to mass atrocities committed by other countries by focusing on its involvement in the Kosovo War in the 1990s. Also cited are the parliamentary debates, media coverage and church statements in Germany about intervening against mass atrocities, and how Germany's North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies, the U.S., France, and United Kingdom (UK) forced it to take a stand in the war.

Copyright of Doitsu Bungaku is the property of Iudicium Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on field research, this article studies the role of ghost narratives about the dead killed in the genocide of the Bosniak people in Srebrenica. It focuses on three clusters of belief narratives spread among the Bosniaks: narratives about ghosts of the unburied dead; narratives about the dead buried in the cemetery for the victims of the massacre; and narratives about a murdered imam appearing at the site of a demolished mosque, calling the faithful to prayer. The article argues that these stories are the effects of the persistent denial of the genocide by the Serbian population and of a strong sense among Bosniaks that justice has not yet been properly restored nor the perpetrators adequately punished. Ghost narratives play a significant role in the war discourse: through them, the Bosniak inhabitants of the Srebrenica region, lacking social and political power in the Serb-dominated territory, are able to articulate and maintain their memory of the massacre, reclaim the space, acquire some sense of control over the situation, and thus, ultimately, acquire some empowerment. Moreover, ghost legends occasionally prove vehicles for the transmission of ideological messages in the post-war identity processes of the Bosniak ethnic community in Bosnia and Herzegovina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes circumstances tied to the implementation of the Dayton Agreement's provision for the reunification of Sarajevo. Three months after the signing, Sarajevo was again a united city territorially, but pre-war inhabitants of Sarajevo who identified themselves as Serbs were almost entirely absent from the reunited town under the control of the Federation government. This article addresses the causes of the flight of the Serbs, who had been living in Sarajevo's suburbs before the start of the Bosnian war and stayed, in their view, to defend their homes. I argue that the incentives that led a majority of Sarajevan Serbs to leave the city and its surroundings were the result of actions not only of the Serb leadership but also of Bosniak leaders and the international community. Our analysis is complementary to the scholarship examining the impact of massive population migrations and displacement in the aftermath of conflicts. I analyze the dynamics of Sarajevo's unification within the Federation and its consequences, demonstrating that once a partition is accepted at a higher level, it is almost impossible to prevent its emergence on a local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Educational practices that developed under the conditions of the military siege of Sarajevo during the Bosnian War (1992 – 1995) are examined. Analyses of interviews with teachers and students are juxtaposed with archival documentation to reveal the mode of educational activities and the structure of the curriculum implemented. By exploring how different conceptualisations of space and time rendered by the condition of the siege prefigure different human activities, the development of educational infrastructures across the besieged city are traced chronologically. The analyses highlight two educational forms: War Schools a network of makeshift mixed-age underground classrooms and Radio School daily educational broadcasts—together with the curricular innovations they engendered. Departing from a focus on individual outcomes such as deficits, trauma, and aggressive behaviours, this work instead argues that collective educational activities have the ability to constructively mediate threatening external circumstances and support young people's psychological capacities even during the times of crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Max Weber reflects on the differentiation processes in modern society and Emile Durkheim, in 1897, also dedicated himself to identifying segmented and functional differentiation in society. It mentions Durkheim did not dedicate himself to the analysis of ethnic communities and Max Weber considered ethnicity a pre-modern element, these works are points of reference in the debates on ethnicity in the sociology of the 1980s and 1990s. It also mentions battles dominated the research areas on (a) ethnic conflicts in the late nineties such as the civil war in the former Yugoslavia (1991-2001) or the genocide Rwanda in 1994.

The article discusses the temporary protection status to protect refugees from human rights abuses and armed conflict by examining the Yugoslavian conflict in the 1990s. Also cited are Croatia and Slovenia's declaration of independence from Yugoslavia that led to the Yugoslav Wars, the failure by European Union (EU) member countries to use the status to protect refugees from the Yugoslav Wars, and the reasons why the status should be used in the case of the Syrian refugees.

When the odds of achieving world peace seem so long, do hopes for peace amount to anything more than wishful thinking? In this paper, I introduce the idea of meaningful hope, which can help us to understand hopes for peace as genuine hopes. When we act on meaningful hope, we draw on the value of the hoped-for future, and we give our hopeful activities a meaning that they would otherwise not have had. If my account is true, then meaningful hope—by moving us away from probabilistic reasoning about the future—loosens the grip that non-ideal conditions hold over how we live, and gives us a way to move towards living a life of our choosing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the legacy of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which operated from 1993 to 2017. Also cited are the tribunal's success in prosecuting Bosnian Serb rebel political leaders Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, and a comparison of the ICTY with the International Military Tribunals at Nuremberg, Germany, and Tokyo, Japan.

Transitional justice processes seek to address the legacy of past human rights abuses. This article focuses on the emotional dimensions of legacy. It argues that war crimes and human rights abuses leave important emotional legacies that have not received sufficient attention within transitional justice theory or practice, and underscores that any process of 'dealing with the past' is necessarily incomplete if powerful emotions connected to that past are overlooked. Drawing on the author's fieldwork in the Bosnian village of Ahmići, the article aims to demonstrate that the neglect of emotional legacies — which it links to the concept of therapeutic jurisprudence — represents a missed opportunity to explore how the meta emotions that people share constitute potential new bases for building reconciliation in post-conflict societies such as Bosnia-Herzegovina. Reflecting more broadly on the relationship between truth and reconciliation, it emphasizes the utility of alethic truth as a concept that accommodates and draws attention to common emotions — and thus points to unexplored dimensions of the relationship between truth and reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the essay the author analyses the problematics of genocide based on correspondence between Filip David and Mirko Kovač Kiedy kwitnie zło. Książka listów 1992-1995 (When evil flourishes. A book of letters 1992-1995) to later juxtapose it with studies on Shoah. She ponders the generational perspective of people whose lives were tarnished by the Nazi-Germany occupation (Filip David - born 1940, Mirko Kovač - born 1938). The article most of all aims at reconstructing the stances of the two authors of letters and showing genocide as a realm of incessant discussion, vague affects, unsystematized knowledge. The author undertakes an attempt to reconstruct only some of the topics and contexts accompanying the issues discussed in David's and Kovač's letters, particularly: the soul-searing descriptions of the Bosnian War of 1992-1995. She shows that the language facet of violence proves to be a challenge to reflecting on literature in the correspondence between the two intellectuals. When faced with the disintegration of hitherto social order in the former Yugoslavia, the nationalist discourse, as social studies and research on genocide suggest, prepares the ground for activation of violent behaviours, justifies them, and plays a key role in fomenting the genocidal repression. As a result of the said processes, the authorities create and reinforce nations' cultural self-images, tighten the control over ethnic purity of collective identity, instigate conflicts between neighbours based on "the blood and soil myth," cherry-pick the xenophobic discourse of the past, and force through with ethnical interpretations of culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

However much interest the Yugoslav conflicts of the nineties seem to have sparked within the broader academic community, some relevant topics are still found to be missing or underresearched. The forced mobilization during the Milošević regime that culled men of almost all age in order for them to fight for their country is one of them. With the recently published Untold stories of the victims of the forced mobilization, some new light has been shed on the cullings of the 1990s. This article explores those stories, including recently emerged transcripts from the governmental sessions discussing them, and puts them through a historical lens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advocates of wartime international criminal tribunals (ICTs) hope that such tribunals can deter combatant atrocities against civilians. Yet, more than twenty-five years after the establishment of the first wartime ICT—the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY)—wartime ICTs' role in deterring such violence remains a matter of debate. Insights from criminology, as well as research on civil conflicts and international legal compliance, suggest that ICTs are most likely to deter government and rebel forces from committing atrocities against civilians when all three of the following conditions are present: (1) ICT officials have secured sufficient prosecutorial support, (2) combatant groups rely on support from liberal constituencies, and (3) combatant groups have centralized structures. Case studies of the ICTY's impact on fourteen combatant groups from the Yugoslav conflicts—combined with hundreds of field interviews with war veterans and others—confirm this prediction. The ICTY's record thus sheds important light on how and when contemporary wartime ICTs—including the International Criminal Court—might succeed in deterring combatant atrocities against civilians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologija/Sociology: Journal of Sociology, Social Psychology & Social Anthropology is the property of MOD International and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Scholars have long debated the impartiality of the ICTY. Some argue that the Tribunal is biased while others argue that it fairly and impartially seeks justice for all the victims of the war. The present study offers a narrower approach to the question of possible bias by examining whether certain case variables were associated with case outcomes. The results show strong evidence of an association between the ethnicity of the accused (and of the victims) and the verdict and years sentenced, which calls into question the Tribunal's impartiality. Nonetheless, the main goal of this study was not to question or dispute its decisions but to assess the validity of certain grievances against the Tribunal. For instance, the Serbs feel the Tribunal has not delivered justice for their victims and—as a result—their 'collective suffering' has been disavowed by the other communities in the region as well as by the West. Western political elites have largely rejected the validity of the Serbs' claim and have attributed their belief to a denial by the Serbs of their role in the war. Unfortunately, the contentious nature of this debate has contributed to the lack of peacebuilding and reconciliation efforts in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tradition of international criminal tribunals which started with the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals was returned with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. As a result of the bloody wars in the territory of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, the Security Council of the United Nations decided to establish the ICTY as an ad hoc tribunal, that was approved by the resolutions 808 and 827. The main purpose of the paper is to highlight the features of the ICTY during its mandate from 1993 to 2017. For the realization of this research are used qualitative methods, based on the bibliography that is related with international criminal law, with special emphasis with the activities of international criminal tribunals. Furthermore, some data are also collected from the credible internet sources, which have valuable information about the procedures of the ICTY and for the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals. The results of the study demonstrate that during its mandate, the ICTY was accompanied with a lot of successes which distinguish it from the other international criminal tribunals. At the same time, the ICTY has also a lot of failures, which have come as a result of various political influences within it. The conclusions of this paper aim to increase knowledge about the activity of the ICTY, by offering important information for its establishment and organs, and for its main successes and failures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bosnian-German writer Saša Stanišić's debut novel, Wie der Soldat das Grammofon repariert (2006), is a transnational Bildungsroman that portrays a young male protagonist's coming of age amidst the start of the Bosnian War and his family's decision to seek refuge in Germany. Yet, despite the protagonist's challenging circumstances, the author depicts tragedy through a comedic lens. Drawing on recent theories of narratology, multilingualism, migrant literature, trauma, humor, and popular culture, this article performs close readings of select passages to explore how Stanišić's multilingual practice utilizes humor in order to narrate the protagonist's development and his process of working through trauma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers art works made by the author over a gap of twenty years in response to the siege of Sarajevo (1992–1996). The first works were inspired by the then BBC War Correspondent, Martin Bell in his radio broadcast of 1996 in which he reflected on the tragedy of the Bosnian War. The second group of works were made as part of the AHRC funded project Art & Reconciliation and were the result of visiting Sarajevo for the first time in 2018. For this the author drew upon his experience of using collections and archives as source material, here drawing from the collection of the Museum of History in Sarajevo where the final exhibition was staged. The author reflects on the role of the artist in tackling issues of conflict when not an eyewitness and draws parallels with examples such as Michael Tippet's oratorio A Child of Our Time and Bob Dylan's The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll. The paper also considers how knitting can be used to construct a form of alternative memorial and how his own personal experiences and memories can form the foundations for new work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the issue of interpreters' positionality as outsiders to the forces' personnel and insiders to the local communities. Twenty local interpreters who worked in the different peacekeeping operations (PKOs) in the Bosnian War, and seven members of the forces' personnel were surveyed on their personal and professional background, their experiences with working conditions and training as well as the particularities and challenges of PKOs. The results indicate that the status, motivations, hiring procedures, and working conditions of the interpreters changed under the different PKOs, and that this had an impact on the positionality of the interpreter. The findings suggest that specific training programs are needed to better train interpreters to work in PKOs, and that consideration should be given to the issue of how to better train peacekeeping forces to work with interpreters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Yugoslav wars of the nineties, Serbia seems to have fallen out of the spotlight in scholarly research. Attempting to counter this, in this article, we tackle the media suppression by the 1998-99 Ministry of Information led by Aleksandar Vučić, nowadays serving as Serbia's President. Repositioning the spotlight from Slobodan Milošević to Aleksandar Vučić, we confront the numerous attempts of media suppression and censorship in the late nineties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a perspective rooted in intellectual and cultural history, the author accounts for the profound disciplinary transformations undergone by ethnology as practised at the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research (IEF) in Zagreb, Croatia, during the early 1990s. In a context shaped by the Yugoslav breakup and the outbreak of war, and also as a result of theoretical transformations that had taken place in Croatian ethnology during the previous decade, many researchers at this institute undertook a new ethnological practice that involved among other things the questioning of the notion of objectivity and the redefinition of the political role of the ethnologist. The author analyses these changes in terms of converging factors, namely the theoretical influences coming from American, French, and German scholarship, the disciplinary crisis caused by a self-perception of social marginality, and the radical and violent sociopolitical transformations of the early 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper introduces the concept of narrated silence among rape survivors from the Bosnian war to argue how supposedly unique survivors’ responses have in fact empowered the understanding of sexuality and existing sexual scripts. By using excerpts from scholarly monographs, novels, and feature and documentary movies, the author displays the universal and standardized formats for how we voice, discuss, and think of silence after war rapes across different genres. The continuum of narrated silences reduces survivors to speechless and voiceless spectacles of victimization, which contributes to the preservation of a historic legacy of sexual scripts and the normalization of gender-based violence, abuse, and nonconsensual sexual intercourse among the post-war generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the problem of how to interpret competing, clashing or contradictory news frames in coverage of war and conflict, focusing on the reporting of the 1992–1995 Bosnian war. ‘Ethnic war’ and ‘genocide’ featured as competing news frames in news coverage of Bosnia and several subsequent conflicts, and are often understood to be contradictory in terms of their implied explanations, moral evaluations and policy prescriptions. The author questions the assumptions that many journalists and academics have made about these frames and the relationship between them. He asks how we can make sense of clashing or contradictory scholarly analyses of these competing frames and considers a number of broader issues for framing analysis: the significance of historical context for understanding the meaning of particular framing devices, the importance of quantification in framing analysis and the role of influential sources in prompting journalists to adopt particular frames. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses several aspects of animism. It explores how animism has changed through his work, from originally a religious phenomenon into a body of philosophical questions. It mentions Skolts as a Sami ethnic group whose traditional economy consists of reindeer husbandry, hunting and fishing and information on Bosnian War.

This article explores the dynamics of social cohesion on the frontline. It attempts to show how micro-level solidarities largely depend on macro level organisational processes. I argue that frontline social cohesion is often the product of social development linked with the organisational structure. This general argument is applied to the case studies of two armed forces involved in the 1991-1995 Wars of Yugoslav Succession - the Croatian Army (HV) and the Bosnian Serb Army (VRS). Drawing on in-depth interviews with the former combatants I show how HV social cohesion played an important role in winning the war and how these networks of micro-level solidarity were shaped by long term organisational development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Loosely structured life history interviewing is increasingly the oral history method of choice when interviewing survivors of mass violence. Ideally, it gives the interviewee space to explore and express her or his memories and the connections between them, while emphasizing the context of the experience of violence within a larger life lived. There is, however, an inherent tension in setting out to interview someone about her or his life, as he or she understands it, while being, at the same time, specifically interested in her or his experience of violence. The latter interest immediately categorizes, directs, and betrays a particular understanding of the former: namely, that a person’s life can be interpreted through the lens of one particular set of experiences within it. This article examines two oral history projects that I conducted with survivors of atrocity—one with survivors of World War II and the Bosnian war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and the other with Holocaust survivors in Montreal—to explore the limits of framing lives within the context of violence, and to ask how they might be overcome methodologically, ethically, and philosophically. In these projects, some interviewees struggled with not being survivors “enough” to merit being interviewed, and others felt that they were so much more than survivors that such a framing frustrated them. How can we understand someone’s experience and memory of violence without defining her or him, and the interview space, by it? Is a life history project that is interested in memories of atrocity necessarily restrictive and directive, no matter how broadly it tries to present itself? As we oral historians are increasingly concerned with how we understand, interpret, and represent the people to whom we listen, it is crucial to consider this question of framing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Joe Kubert's Fax from Sarajevo, the chapter 'The Rape Camp' deals with the mass rape of women by Serb troops during the Bosnian War. Kubert's rape narrative displays a tension between presence and absence that is analysed on different (extra)textual levels. Formally, the two incentives interact when Kubert inscribes the sexual violence on the page but acknowledges its visual limitations by constructing it as an act that can be read from the faces of the people involved and through the use of language. On a narrative level, the chapter's disconnect from the rest of the story marginalises its content and does not explore the longlasting effects of rape, though Kubert briefly refers to genocidal rape at other points in the graphic novel. Furthermore, the tension between presence and absence in Kubert's rape narrative is informed by a cultural backdrop of excessive images of sexual violence. The article argues that this oscillation between inscription and elision in Fax from Sarajevo works productively, as it demonstrates a reflexive awareness of the risks of visualising rape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on how U.S. coercive diplomacy, including economic sanctions and diplomatic ultimatums, contributed to the outbreak of the Yugoslav Wars by applying a double standard on self-determination, supporting secessionists while threatening Serbs, and exacerbating tensions in region.

The article presents the author's views on stories of families who suffered in the Bosnian war. Various topics discussed include transformation in stories after retelling in large social groups, mythologies in these stories, their common aspects, emotional aspects of the stories and their influence on other generations.