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Background: Over the past three decades, a range of international stakeholders have highlighted the possibility that genomic research may impact stigma associated with psychiatric disorders. Limited research has been conducted in Africa to investigate this relation. Method: In the present study, using focus group discussions, we explored the relation between genetic attribution and stigma among 36 Xhosa people with schizophrenia. We addressed three main questions: (1) What causal beliefs do Xhosa people with schizophrenia use to explain their illness and to what extent do genetic explanations play a role in these beliefs? (2) What are the internalised stigma experiences of Xhosa people with schizophrenia? (3) How do genetic explanations relate to stigma experiences, if at all? Results: Most participants were able to define genetics and some linked genetics to disease causation. Despite adequate knowledge of genetics and an emphasis on genetic explanations of schizophrenia in the study, most participants held a multitude of causal explanations including: psychosocial, environmental, and cultural. Moreover, participants rarely mentioned disease cause when describing their stigma experiences. Discussion: For this population group, there was no straight-forward relation between a genetic attribution and stigma. Therefore, we did not find evidence that genetic attribution may significantly increase stigma. Although North American and European literature provides conflicting evidence regarding this relation, there is increased consensus that biomedical explanations for psychiatric disorders may reduce blame. This study found evidence supporting that consensus. This study provides an empirical foundation to inform ongoing work on the psychosocial implications of psychiatric genomics research in non-Western contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tracing the history of the Kowie River in the Eastern Cape, Jacklyn Cock writes: "For me, the Kowie ... connects a personal and a collective history, the social and the ecological, the sacred and the profane" (Writing the Ancestral River. Johannesburg: Wits University Press, 2018, p. 4). She goes on to detail the initiation and induction practices of the Xhosa people indigenous to the Kowie, and then the historical dispossession of these people after the Battle of Grahamstown in 1819. The colonial construction of a harbour in 1838 was, much later, followed by the capitalist development of a marina in 1989. These "developments" caused both ecological damage to the Kowie and economic devastation for the Xhosa. In this article, Cock's book is juxtaposed against another river-based text, Dominique Botha's debut novel False River (Cape Town: Umuzi, 2013), which centres on the farm Rietpan in what was formerly the Orange Free State. Because water is so scarce in South Africa, rivers are divided and violently contested. Botha's text shares with Cock's book not only a history of colonialism in which indigenous people are dispossessed, but also an ecological vision that offers social solutions to this violence. Cock writes: "Perhaps we can connect with our very different histories through our ancestors, and with nature and justice through rivers" (144–45). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Although the relationship between cultural beliefs and schizophrenia has received some attention, relatively little work has emerged from African contexts. In this study we draw from a sample of South African Xhosa people with schizophrenia, exploring their cultural beliefs and explanations of illness. The purpose of the article is to examine the relationship between this cultural context and the content of delusions. Methods: A sample comprising 200 Xhosa people with schizophrenia participating in a South African schizophrenia genomics study were interviewed using the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV Axis I Disorders (SCID-I). Participant delusions were thematically analyzed for recurring themes. Results: The majority of participants (n = 125 72.5%) believed that others had bewitched them in order to bring about their mental illness, because they were in some way jealous of the participant. This explanation aligns well with the understanding of jealousy-induced witchcraft in Southern African communities and highlights the important role that culture plays in their content of delusions. Conclusions: Improved knowledge of these explanatory frameworks highlights the potential value of culturally sensitive assessment tools and stigma interventions in patient recovery. Furthermore such qualitative analyses contribute towards discussion about aspects of delusional thought that may be more universally stable, and those that may be more culturally variable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reaching universal HIV-status awareness is crucial to ensure all HIV-infected patients access antiretroviral treatment (ART) and achieve virological suppression. Opportunities for HIV testing could be enhanced by offering self-testing in populations that fear stigma and discrimination when accessing conventional HIV Counselling and Testing (HCT) in health care facilities. This qualitative research aims to examine the feasibility and acceptability of unsupervised oral self-testing for home use in an informal settlement of South Africa. Eleven in-depth interviews, two couple interviews, and two focus group discussions were conducted with seven healthcare workers and thirteen community members. Thematic analysis was done concurrently with data collection. Acceptability to offer home self-testing was demonstrated in this research. Home self-testing might help this population overcome barriers to accepting HCT; this was particularly expressed in the male and youth groups. Nevertheless, pilot interventions must provide evidence of potential harm related to home self-testing, intensify efforts to offer quality counselling, and ensure linkage to HIV/ART-care following a positive self-test result. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Advances in genomics research have raised several ethical concerns. One concern is the potential impact of genomics research on stigma experienced by people affected by a disease. Studies have found that the type of illness as well as disease causal beliefs impact on the relation between genetic attribution and stigma. This study explored the potential impact of genetic attribution of disease on stigma among Xhosa people with Rheumatic Heart Disease (RHD). Methods : Study participants were 46 Xhosa people with RHD living in the Western Cape Province of South Africa. Using video vignettes in 7 focus group discussions we explored whether and how genetic attribution may impact on disease-stigma. Vignettes introduced participants to non-genetic and genetic causal explanations and were followed-up with a series of open-ended questions eliciting their perceptions of non-genetic disease causes as well as genetic causation and its impact on internalised stigma. Results: This study found that Xhosa people with RHD have a general understanding of genetics and genetic attribution for disease. Additionally, and not withstanding their genetic knowledge, these participants hold multiple disease causal beliefs including genetic, infectious disease, psychosocial, behavioural and cultural explanations. While there was evidence of internalised stigma experiences among participants, these appeared not to be related to a genetic attribution to the disease. Discussion: The findings of this study provide clues as to why it is unlikely that a genetic conceptualisation of disease impacts internalised stigma experiences of Xhosa people. The causal explanations provided by participants reflect their cultural understandings and their context, namely, living in low-income and poverty-stricken environments. Divergence in these findings from much of the evidence from high-income countries emphasises that context matters when considering the impact of genetic attribution on stigma and caution against generalising findings from one part of the globe to another. • Exposure to genetic explanations did not impact stigma experiences of these Xhosa people. • People strategically considered genetic attribution alongside other causes. • Disease-stigma intersects with multiple stigmatising identities. • Socio-political, economic and cultural factors seem more likely to influence stigma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]