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In Disruption, Michael De Groot argues that the global economic upheaval of the 1970s was decisive in ending the Cold War. Both the West and the Soviet bloc struggled with the slowdown of economic growth; chaos in the international monetary system; inflation; shocks in the commodities markets; and the emergence of offshore financial markets. The superpowers had previously disseminated resources to their allies to enhance their own national security, but the disappearance of postwar conditions during the 1970s forced Washington and Moscow to choose between promoting their own economic interests and supporting their partners in Europe and Asia. De Groot shows that new unexpected macroeconomic imbalances in global capitalism sustained the West during the following decade. Rather than a creditor nation and net exporter, as it had been during the postwar period, the United States became a net importer of capital and goods during the 1980s that helped fund public spending, stimulated economic activity, and lubricated the private sector. The United States could now live beyond its means and continue waging the Cold War, and its allies benefited from access to the booming US market and the strengthened US military umbrella. As Disruption demonstrates, a new symbiotic economic architecture powered the West, but the Eastern European regimes increasingly became a burden to the Soviet Union. They were drowning in debt, and the Kremlin no longer had the resources to rescue them.

This book explores the emergence of Yugoslav globalism and how it was influenced by the early Cold War, the changes once Yugoslavia established itself as a nonaligned leader, and what the decline of Yugoslav globalism reveals about the waning Cold War and the history of internationalist diplomacy.Although Yugoslavia was correctly defined as a regional power, it is not true that Tito's influence was confined to the Balkans alone. Even before the 1948 split with Stalin, political elites and intellectuals imagined socialist Yugoslavia as a model for international comity and development. Subsequently, due to dramatic changes in the climate of international diplomacy, Yugoslav globalist outreach found an audience and altered the course of early and fateful superpower stand-offs. In turn, such globalism was a significant part of Tito's stewardship of nonalignment. This is a story that has never been fully told. Yugoslavia, Nonalignment and Cold War Globalism fills this gap in discussions of the emergence of globalist discourse in the post-1989 era.This volume is aimed at scholars and students of the Cold War and Tito's era in Yugoslavia, as well as general readers of history interested in leadership and the role of regional powers in world politics.

The early 1970s were a crucial period in the political and intellectual climate of France. The newspaper Libération was founded in the wake of the protest movements of 1968, and the country was gripped by industrial, political and civil unrest on a huge scale. Behind all this were deep debates about the nature and justification of revolt, class conflict and consciousness, and the nature of what it meant to be free.It is Right to Rebel, available in English for the first time with a new Preface by Philippe Gavi, is a fascinating discussion between three thinkers about this extraordinary period. The book comprises extensive conversations between the philosopher and writer Jean-Paul Sartre, journalist and co-founder of Libération Philippe Gavi, and political radical and Maoist Pierre Victor, all conducted between 1972 and 1974. In these conversations Sartre works out his relation between socialism and freedom, providing fascinating background to his tortured relationship with the French Communist Party. Together with his interlocutors they explore and debate what should be the basis of ethics, the nature of oppression and racism, including immigration, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Chilean military coup in 1973 and more. A recurring theme is their exploration of two major questions: what should ethics be based on, and what makes for a revolutionary?It is Right to Rebel is a fascinating insight into the philosophical and political background to Sartre's thought as well as the two lesser-known figures of Gavi and Victor, who play political foil to Sartre's measured philosophical stance. It is a fascinating, rich new resource for anyone studying Sartre, political theory, and French politics and political history.

The post–World War II period is typically seen as a time of stark division, an epochal global conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union. But beneath the surface, the postwar era witnessed a striking degree of international cooperation. The United Nations and its agencies, as well as regional organizations, international nongovernmental organizations, and private foundations brought together actors from conflicting worlds, fostering international collaboration across the geopolitical and ideological divisions of the Cold War.Diving into the archives of these organizations and associations, Sandrine Kott provides a new account of the Cold War that foregrounds the rise of internationalism as both an ideology and a practice. She examines cooperation across boundaries in international spaces, emphasizing the role of midsized powers, including Eastern European and neutral countries. Kott highlights how the need to address global inequities became a central concern, as officials and experts argued that economic inequality imperiled the creation of a lasting peace. International organizations gave newly decolonized and “Third World” countries a platform to challenge the global distribution of power and wealth, and they encouraged transnational cooperation in causes such as human rights and women's rights. Assessing the failure to achieve a new international economic order in the 1970s, Kott adds new perspective on the rise of neoliberalism. A truly global study of the Cold War through the lens of international organizations, A World More Equal also shows why the internationalism of this era offers resources for addressing social and global inequalities today.

Offering a global account of the'long'World War II, this book challenges conventional narratives that picture a clearly defined war period (1939-1945) followed by a distinct postwar era dominated by the encroaching cold war. Arguing instead that while some aspects of the war did end abruptly in 1945, in many corners of the world'war'bled directly and raggedly into the'postwar'such as Allied Occupation in Italy, the civil war in Greece, the rise of US hegemony and struggles for national liberation in India. From World War to Postwar shows how critical developments in the latter half of the 20th century were a direct result of the Second World War, and reconceptualizes the conflict as an intersecting series of regional wars as well as an overarching world war. Offering new ways to think about how'the war'shaped the second half of the 20th century, this book reaches into those regions often overlooked in the study of WWII. Showing how wartime relations between the US and Latin America played a crucial role in the worldwide development of US hegemony, how WWII accelerated the retreat from Empire in Sub-Saharan Africa and how it encouraged the growth of anti-colonialism in regions around the world, Buchanan offers a truly global account of the outcomes of the largest conflict in human history, and challenges the temporal boundaries in which we view it.

It is often said that the special bond between Britain and the USA was forged in war between Roosevelt and Churchill. But the closer link in many ways was that between Churchill and Eisenhower, since it existed both in wartime 1941-1945 but also again in very different circumstances between 1951 and 1955, when Churchill was Prime Minister and Eisenhower was briefly the first Supreme Allied Commander NATO before going back to the USA to win the 1952 Presidential race and overlap in the White House with Churchill's peacetime premiership from 1953-1955. And in 1945-1951 Churchill by his speeches and Eisenhower by his tenure as first ever Supreme Allied Commander Europe were continuing to create the new and stable global world order that held until now.In other words theirs was a much longer relationship than that between FDR and Churchill, and spanning peace as well as war. And it was the Eisenhower and Churchill relationship that essentially created the world order that lasted down until current times. Churchill and Eisenhower can also be seen as a passing of the baton, from Britain as the fading superpower to the dynamic new world of the USA. Churchill's relationship with Eisenhower spans this transition perfectly and is the ideal prism through which to witness this change, in terms of how the balance between the UK and USA altered both as countries and in personal terms between the two men themselves.

No studies currently exist on consuls and consulates (often dismissed as lowly figures in the diplomatic process) in the Cold War. Research into the work of these overlooked'poor relations'offers the chance of new perspectives in the field of Cold War studies, exploring their role in representing their country's interests in far flung and unexpected places and their support for particular communities of fellow nationals and itinerant travellers in difficulties. These unnoticed actors on the international stage played far more complicated roles than one generally imagines.. Contributors are: Tina Tamman, David Schriffl, Ariane Knuesel, Lori Maguire, Laurent Cesari, Sue Onslow, Pedro Aires Oliveira, David Lee, and Marek Hańderek.

Though it ended more than thirty years ago, the Cold War still casts a long shadow over American society. Red Reckoning examines how the great ideological conflict of the twentieth century transformed the nation and forced Americans to reconsider almost every aspect of their society, culture, and identity.Using an interdisciplinary approach, the volume's contributors examine a broad array of topics, including the Cold War's impact on national security, race relations, gun culture and masculinity, law, college football, advertising, music, film, free speech, religion, and even board games. Above all, Red Reckoning brings a vitally important era back to life for those who lived through it and for students and scholars wishing to understand it.

Three wars have dominated world events in recent years: The conflict which erupted between the United Kingdom and Argentina over the Falkland/Malvinas Islands; the multinational conflict in Lebanon involving Irsaeli, Syrian, and FLO forces in Lebanon; and the savage struggles between ground and air units of the Iranian and Iraqi forces. The scale and intensity of these wars, their potential for global conflict, make them crucial for an understanding among citizens in general, and defense and political analysts in particular.The authors and contributors to this most unusual volume come to several common conclusions: professionalism is a crucial factor in military effectiveness, but not necessarily dependent on modes of recruitment; high technology is crucial, but only in relation to the quality and training of the personnel; public support is necessary to sustain military morale in democratic and authoritarian regimes alike. These are only some of the incisive findings registered and explored in The Regionalization of Warfare.The volume a'ssembles experts not only on these three major regional and interregional conflicts, but on current U.S. defense policies; Soviet strategic interests in Middle East and Persian Gulf conflicts; and a series of papers on lessons learned and unlearned as a result of these'small wars'of the early 1980s. For those interested in military history, global strategy, and regional rivalries, this -collection of finely written, sophisticated papers will prove to be of intense concern.

In The Ideological Scramble for Africa, Frank Gerits examines how African leaders in the 1950s and 1960s crafted an anticolonial modernization project. Rather than choose Cold War sides between East and West, anticolonial nationalists worked to reverse the psychological and cultural destruction of colonialism.Kwame Nkrumah's African Union was envisioned as a federation of liberation to challenge the extant imperial forces: the US empire of liberty, the Soviet empire of equality, and the European empires of exploitation. In the 1950s, the goal of proving the potency of a pan-African ideology shaped the agenda of the Bandung Conference and Ghana's support for African liberation, while also determining what was at stake in the Congo crisis and in the fight against white minority rule in southern and eastern Africa. In the 1960s, the attempt to remake African psychology was abandoned, and socioeconomic development came into focus. Anticolonial nationalists did not simply resist or utilize imperial and Cold War pressures but drew strength from the example of the Haitian Revolution of 1791, in which Toussaint Louverture demanded the universal application of Europe's Enlightenment values. The liberationists of the postwar period wanted to redesign society in the image of the revolution that had created them. The Ideological Scramble for Africa demonstrates that the Cold War struggle between capitalism and Communism was only one of two ideological struggles that picked up speed after 1945; the battle between liberation and imperialism proved to be more enduring.

In this book, Austrian political scientist Arno Tausch, born in 1951, looks back on five decades of political science. Was the current global crisis preventable? Tausch, who has had a long career in academia and administration and is now Visiting Professor of Political Studies and Governance at the University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa, tries to show in his scholarly memoirs that the unequal relations between centres and peripheries that he has analysed over five decades, as well as the long conflict-ridden cycles of the world economy and world politics, could have been avoided, and Putinism and nationalism and the end of peace and social justice in the West are also linked to the neoliberal model of society in the West, which he learned to reject as a student of Nobel laureate Friedrich August Hayek in Salzburg from 1969 to 1971. He is one of the few political scientists in the world who, since 1991, has persistently warned against the hardening of Russia's course, including in leading Russian academic journals. In 1991 he wrote his book'Russia's Treadmill', the predictions of which have come true in an almost eerie way. But neo-liberal economic policy also corresponds 1:1 with the foreign policy vision of the'neocons', whose policy of NATO expansion first fuelled those destructive forces in Russia like an accelerant, leading to today's world crisis over Ukraine, which could end in a global nuclear catastrophe. The world must leave behind neo-liberalism, and return to political and economic concepts such as those of Michal Kalecki, Kazimierz Laski, Kurt Rothschild and Josef Steindl, whose basic structures he became acquainted with in the 1970s and which are still valid today: demand as the engine of growth, a stable or rising wage share, the growth of the public sector, fiscal coordination, international cooperation, coexistence and the rule of law within the framework of the 1975 Helsinki Accords.

During the 1980s, millions of ordinary individuals around the world mobilized in support of nuclear disarmament. Although U.S. President Ronald Reagan and Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev were not part of these grassroots movements, they too wanted to eliminate nuclear weapons. Nuclear abolitionism was a diverse and global phenomenon.In Dreams for a Decade, Stephanie L. Freeman draws on newly declassified material from multiple continents to examine nuclear abolitionists'influence on the trajectory of the Cold War's last decade. Freeman reveals that nuclear abolitionism played a significant yet unappreciated role in ending the Cold War. Grassroots and government nuclear abolitionists shifted U.S. and Soviet nuclear arms control paradigms from arms limitation to arms reduction. This paved the way for the reversal of the U.S.-Soviet nuclear arms race, which began with the landmark 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty. European peace activists also influenced Gorbachev's “common European home” initiative and support for freedom of choice in Europe, which prevented the Soviet leader from intervening to stop the 1989 East European revolutions. These revolutions ripped the fabric of the Iron Curtain, which had divided Europe for more than four decades.Despite their inability to eliminate nuclear weapons, grassroots and government nuclear abolitionists deserve credit for playing a pivotal role in the Cold War's endgame. They also provide a model for enacting dramatic, positive change in a peaceful manner.

Débouchant directement sur l'actualité la plus immédiate, cet ouvrage présente une synthèse globale des relations politiques internationales depuis 1945.La fin de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale marque une césure majeure dans les rapports entre nations. Face au déclin des États européens, on assiste à l'ascension des États-Unis et de l'Union soviétique, qui visent à constituer autour d'eux des blocs homogènes. Tandis que se développe la guerre froide, les peuples colonisés s'émancipent de la tutelle de l'Europe. Il n'y a plus guère de lieu sur la planète qui ne participe peu ou prou aux relations internationales.Des années 1960 aux années 1980, le monde bipolaire fait place à un monde multipolaire, où aux lieux traditionnels de conflits s'ajoutent de nouveaux terrains d'affrontement et de nouveaux enjeux.Les événements révolutionnaires des années 1989-1991 mettent un terme à la guerre froide. Dominée par l'hyperpuissance américaine, la communauté internationale est à la recherche d'un nouvel ordre mondial que le 11 septembre 2001 rend encore plus improbable.Le début du XXIe siècle est marqué par le phénomène de la mondialisation et l'ascension des puissances émergentes, en particulier de la Chine. Loin des espoirs de paix de la décennie 1990, les défis à l'ordre international replongent le monde des années 2010 dans un cycle de tensions et de violences.Les chocs provoqués par la pandémie de Covid-19 et la guerre en Ukraine (2022) ont pour effet de fragmenter un monde dont les problèmes transnationaux exigeraient des solutions multilatérales.

Raymond Aron and His Dialogues in an Age of Ideologies examines the thought and rhetoric of one of the most interesting yet underappreciated thinkers of the twentieth century. This book investigates Raymond Aron's conversations on politics during the Cold War with well-known contemporaries Jean-Paul Sartre, Friedrich Hayek, and Charles de Gaulle. Through these dialogues on the subjects of Marxism, freedom, and nationalism, we see the prudence of Aron's politics of understanding as well as the emphasis he places on and virtue he demonstrates in public discourse. Aron shows us not only how to think politically but also how to engage in constructive public debate. He stands as a model for us to emulate in our own age of ideologies.'In this lucid, thoughtful and elegantly written work, Nathan Orlando highlights the toughminded moderation and dialogic wisdom of the great twentieth century French political thinker Raymond Aron. Whether responding to Jean-Paul Sartre's incoherent efforts to merge existentialism and Marxism, authenticity and terror, or Friedrich Hayek's thoughtful and humane, if too doctrinaire, defense of the ‘constitution of liberty,'Aron embodied high prudence at work in the great drama of the twentieth century. And in his qualified admiration for the person and statecraft of Charles de Gaulle, Aron admirably demonstrated how moderation and political responsibility can and should fit together. Nathan Orlando is to be commended for bringing Aron's model of humane and balanced political judgment to life once again.'—Daniel J. Mahoney, Professor Emeritus at Assumption University and Author of The Liberal Political Science of Raymond Aron'In an era marked by ideological fanaticism and intellectual folly, Raymond Aron exemplified political wisdom—the ancient virtue of prudence. Nathan Orlando's important book—itself filled with prudential judgment—exhibits mastery of Aron's vast body of work, using the French thinker's dialogues with Friedrich Hayek, Jean-Paul Sartre, and Charles de Gaulle as a way of illumining fundamental questions of political life. Orlando's study provides an ideal introduction to Aron's thought.'—Brian C. Anderson, Editor of City Journal and Author of Raymond Aron: The Recovery of the Political and other books'In Raymond Aron and His Dialogues in an Age of Ideologies, Nathan Orlando draws an original and compelling sketch of how the philosophical became the personal in the life and work of Raymond Aron. More specifically, Orlando puts flesh and bones on Aron's concept of prudence and illustrates the ways in which prudence was a lodestar in Aron's political and personal life, allowing him to navigate not only current events but the challenging personalities of friends and critics such as Jean-Paul Sartre, Friedrich Hayek, and Charles de Gaulle. Raymond Aron and His Dialogues is a heroic accomplishment and a wonderful addition to the burgeoning literature on Raymond Aron.'—Reed Davis, Professor Emeritus at Seattle Pacific University and Author of A Politics of Understanding: The International Thought of Raymond Aron

The Adversaries (1981) examines the post-war world that both the US and the Soviet Union tried to mould in their own images. Their faith in their respective systems came at the cost of a political, economic and military clashing in various parts of the world, an antagonism that rendered the United Nations ineffective as an organ of world government. This book analyses these clashes, as the foreign policy decisions of both superpowers had wide-ranging effects over large portions of the globe.

Die Auseinandersetzung mit politischer Belastung gehört zu den zentralen Herausforderungen von Transformationsgesellschaften. Für die Nachkriegsdemokratien der 1940er- und 1950er-Jahre stellte sich daher die Frage, wie mit Personen verfahren werden sollte, die sich durch ihre Vergangenheit in Krieg und Diktatur kompromittiert hatten. Wer aus welchem Grund als wie schwer „belastet'angesehen wurde und welche Schlussfolgerungen sich daraus ergaben, war das Ergebnis komplexer Zuschreibungs- und Aushandlungsprozesse. Die Studie nimmt diese Aushandlungsprozesse in Frankreich, Österreich und Westdeutschland in den Blick. Sie untersucht politische Diskurse um die Sanktionierung und Amnestierung NS- und kollaborationsbelasteter Personen und fragt nach dem Zusammenhang von Be- und Entlastungsdiskursen mit demokratischen und nationalen Transformationsprozessen. Dabei wird gezeigt, dass sich politische Belastungsdiskurse in den Nachkriegsdemokratien nicht primär um individuelle Verantwortung drehten. Die Opfer spielten kaum eine Rolle. Stattdessen ging es um das Wohl der Nation und den Erfolg der Demokratie. Darauf stützten sich sowohl die Anhänger:innen als auch die Gegner:innen politischer Sanktionen.

The New York Times bestsellerHenry Kissinger, consummate diplomat and statesman, examines the strategies of six great twentieth-century figures and brings to life a unifying theory of leadership and diplomacy“An extraordinary book, one that braids together two through lines in the long and distinguished career of former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger...In Leadership he presents a fascinating set of historical case studies and political biographies that blend the dance and the dancer, seamlessly.” - James Stavridis, The Wall Street Journal“Leaders,” writes Henry Kissinger in this compelling book, “think and act at the intersection of two axes: the first, between the past and the future; the second, between the abiding values and aspirations of those they lead. They must balance what they know, which is necessarily drawn from the past, with what they intuit about the future, which is inherently conjectural and uncertain. It is this intuitive grasp of direction that enables leaders to set objectives and lay down a strategy.” In Leadership, Kissinger analyses the lives of six extraordinary leaders through the distinctive strategies of statecraft, which he believes they embodied. After the Second World War, Konrad Adenauer brought defeated and morally bankrupt Germany back into the community of nations by what Kissinger calls “the strategy of humility.” Charles de Gaulle set France beside the victorious Allies and renewed its historic grandeur by “the strategy of will.” During the Cold War, Richard Nixon gave geostrategic advantage to the United States by “the strategy of equilibrium.” After twenty-five years of conflict, Anwar Sadat brought a vision of peace to the Middle East by a “strategy of transcendence.” Against the odds, Lee Kuan Yew created a powerhouse city-state, Singapore, by “the strategy of excellence.” And, though Britain was known as “the sick man of Europe” when Margaret Thatcher came to power, she renewed her country's morale and international position by “the strategy of conviction.” To each of these studies, Kissinger brings historical perception, public experience and—because he knew each of the subjects and participated in many of the events he describes—personal knowledge. Leadership is enriched by insights and judgements that only Kissinger could make and concludes with his reflections on world order and the indispensability of leadership today.

A close-up, action-filled narrative about the crucial role the U.S. Navy played in the early years of the Cold War, from the New York Times bestselling author of The Fleet at Flood Tide“A lucid, fast-moving and fitting finale to [Hornfischer's] career.”—The Wall Street JournalThis landmark account of the U.S. Navy in the Cold War, Who Can Hold the Sea combines narrative history with scenes of stirring adventure on—and under—the high seas. In 1945, at the end of World War II, the victorious Navy sends its sailors home and decommissions most of its warships. But this peaceful interlude is short-lived, as Stalin, America's former ally, makes aggressive moves in Europe and the Far East. Winston Churchill crystallizes the growing Communist threat by declaring the existence of “the Iron Curtain,” and the Truman Doctrine is set up to contain Communism by establishing U.S. military bases throughout the world.Set against this background of increasing Cold War hostility, Who Can Hold the Sea paints the dramatic rise of the Navy's crucial postwar role in a series of exciting episodes that include the controversial tests of the A-bombs that were dropped on warships at Bikini Island; the invention of sonar and the developing science of undersea warfare; the Navy's leading part in key battles of the Korean War; the dramatic sinking of the submarine USS Cochino in the Norwegian Sea; the invention of the nuclear submarine and the dangerous, first-ever cruise of the USS Nautilus under the North Pole; and the growth of the modern Navy with technological breakthroughs such as massive aircraft carriers, and cruisers fitted with surface-to-air missiles.As in all of Hornfischer's works, the events unfold in riveting detail. The story of the Cold War at sea is ultimately the story of America's victorious contest to protect the free world.

Postwar multilateral cooperation is often viewed as an attempt to overcome the limitations of the nation-state system. However, in 1945, when the United Nations was founded, large parts of the world were still under imperial control. Building States investigates how the UN tried to manage the dissolution of European empires in the 1950s and 1960s—and helped transform the practice of international development and the meaning of state sovereignty in the process.Eva-Maria Muschik argues that the UN played a key role in the global proliferation and reinvention of the nation-state in the postwar era, as newly independent states came to rely on international assistance. Drawing on previously untapped primary sources, she traces how UN personnel—usually in close consultation with Western officials—sought to manage decolonization peacefully through international development assistance. Examining initiatives in Libya, Somaliland, Bolivia, the Congo, and New York, Muschik shows how the UN pioneered a new understanding and practice of state building, presented as a technical challenge for international experts rather than a political process. UN officials increasingly took on public-policy functions, despite the organization's mandate not to interfere in the domestic affairs of its member states. These initiatives, Muschik suggests, had lasting effects on international development practice, peacekeeping, and post-conflict territorial administration.Casting new light on how international organizations became major players in the governance of developing countries, Building States has significant implications for the histories of decolonization, the Cold War, and international development.

Please note: This is a companion version & not the original book. Book Preview: #1 The war was won by a coalition of countries that were already at war with one another ideologically and geopolitically. The victors would have to cease being who they were or give up much of what they had hoped to attain by fighting the war. #2 The American and Russian armies, which met in 1945 on the banks of the Elbe River, had similarities in their birth in revolution and their global ideologies, but they differed in their distrust of concentrated authority. #3 The American and British governments were able to choose where, when, and in what circumstances they would fight, which greatly minimized the costs and risks of fighting. The Soviet Union, on the other hand, had no such advantages. It had only one war, and it was the most terrible one in all of history. #4 The Soviet Union had one other advantage as well, which was that it alone among the victors emerged from the war with tested leadership.

A clear-eyed analysis of the role the United States should play in the world as it exists today The United States remains “the indispensable nation.” In this book, the distinguished international relations theorist and foreign policy specialist Robert Lieber argues that in a world full of revisionist powers, America's role is more important than ever. No other country is capable of playing that role. America remains the essential pillar of the postwar liberal order. It is a center of both political and financial stability, and it promotes important values that the revisionist powers do not. Not beholden to any particular theory, this is a clear-eyed analysis of the role the United States should play in the world as it exists today.

In this book, some of Philip Towle's major contributions are brought together to shed light on the Cold War and its aftermath. Topics include the build-up of chemical and nuclear weapons, the attack on New York's World Trade Center in 2001, intervention in overseas conflicts and the role of the Church. The first section concentrates on the ways in which the West has interfered in conflicts around the world from the Vietnam War to Bosnia, Afghanistan and Iraq, and explains why intervention worked in former Yugoslavia but not in countries such as Vietnam, Afghanistan or Libya. The second section focuses on arms control and disarmament, how they were linked to intervention – particularly through the fear of terrorism – and how and why some arms control measures succeeded, and some did not. Intervention and Disarmament: In a Culturally Diverse World is useful for postgraduates and scholars interested in international affairs and warfare in the modern world.

La Guerra Fría fue el nombre que se dio al enfrentamiento directo y no militar entre Estados Unidos y la Unión Soviética entre 1947 y 1991. Tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial, ambos países adquirieron un nuevo estatus internacional de superpotencias, como consecuencia de su poder militar, sus intereses globales, la influencia de sus respectivos modelos ideológicos y sociales sobre amplios territorios, así como por la cantidad de armas nucleares de distinto tipo que utilizaron como instrumento de disuasión. Comprender qué fue la Guerra Fría y hasta qué punto fue inevitable, quiénes fueron sus protagonistas y cuáles fueron las decisiones y los conflictos cruciales de esta época es el objetivo de este libro.

The Downfall of the American Order? offers penetrating insight into the emerging global political economy at this moment of an increasingly chaotic world. For seventy-five years, the basic patterns of world politics and the contours of international economic activity took place in the shadow of American leadership and the institutions it designed—an order designed to avoid the horrors of previous eras, including, most poignantly, two world wars and the Great Depression.But all things must pass. The global financial crisis of 2008, the legacy of two long, losing wars, and the polarizing and tumultuous presidency of Donald Trump all suggest that global affairs have reached a turning point. The implications of this are profound. The contributors to this book cast their eyes back on the order that once was, and look ahead to what might follow. In dialogue with each other's appraisals and expectations, they differ in their assessments of the probable, ranging from a hollowed-out American primacy muddling through by default, to partial modifications of old institutions and practices at home and abroad, and to wholesale contestations and the search for new orders. Contributors: Rawi Abdelal, Sheri Berman, Mark Blyth, Francis J. Gavin, Peter A. Gourevitch, Ilene Grabel, Peter J. Katzenstein, Jonathan Kirshner, and John Gerard Ruggie

This volume explains China's foreign policy from the perspective of its historical recovery after 1949 and the country's subsequent rise as a great power, including its transformation into a global power. It also illuminates how China has, in tandem with its rise, developed an increasing array of political, economic, ‘sharp power'and military capabilities that is helping it to further its increasingly expansive foreign policy objectives. The volume examines two key questions: What have been the implications of China's rise for its foreign policy? And how has an increasingly powerful and confident China used a range of foreign policy instruments to pursue its expanding national interests in Asia and beyond? The volume is divided into three parts, covering the conceptualization and drivers of China's foreign policy, China's relations with the world, and the instruments of China's foreign policy, namely its economic power, military capabilities and its ‘sharp power'manipulation of information and relationships. It will be of interest to academics, students and researchers interested in understanding China's role in world politics.

A leading historian's guide to great-power competition, as told through America's successes and failures in the Cold War“If you want to know how America can win today's rivalries with Russia and China, read this book about how it triumphed in another twilight struggle: the Cold War.”— Stephen J. Hadley, national security adviser to President George W. Bush The United States is entering an era of great-power competition with China and Russia. Such global struggles happen in a geopolitical twilight, between the sunshine of peace and the darkness of war. In this innovative and illuminating book, Hal Brands, a leading historian and former Pentagon adviser, argues that America should look to the history of the Cold War for lessons in how to succeed in great-power rivalry today. Although the threat posed by authoritarian powers is growing, America's muscle memory for dealing with dangerous foes has atrophied in the thirty years since the Cold War ended. In long-term competitions where the diplomatic jockeying is intense and the threat of violence is omnipresent, the United States will need all the historical insight it can get. Exploring how America won a previous twilight struggle is the starting point for determining how America can successfully prosecute another high-stakes rivalry today.

A groundbreaking account of how prolonged grassroots mobilization lays the foundations for durable democratizationWhen protests swept through the Middle East at the height of the Arab Spring, the world appeared to be on the verge of a wave of democratization. Yet with the failure of many of these uprisings, it has become clearer than ever that the path to democracy is strewn with obstacles. Mohammad Ali Kadivar examines the conditions leading to the success or failure of democratization, shedding vital new light on how prodemocracy mobilization affects the fate of new democracies.Drawing on a wealth of new evidence, Kadivar shows how the longest episodes of prodemocracy protest give rise to the most durable new democracies. He analyzes more than one hundred democratic transitions in eighty countries between 1950 and 2010, showing how more robust democracies emerge from lengthier periods of unarmed mobilization. Kadivar then analyzes five case studies—South Africa, Poland, Pakistan, Egypt, and Tunisia—to investigate the underlying mechanisms. He finds that organization building during the years of struggle develops the leadership needed for lasting democratization and strengthens civil society after dictatorship.Popular Politics and the Path to Durable Democracy challenges the prevailing wisdom in American foreign policy that democratization can be achieved through military or coercive interventions, revealing how lasting change arises from sustained, nonviolent grassroots mobilization.

This second edition has been updated to include an assessment of economic relations up to the COVID-19 pandemic. It focuses on three main threads that tie national economies together: flows of goods, of people and of finance.Since the end of the Second World War, the international economy transformed from a tightly controlled trading system to the financial globalization of the late 20th century. This book traces the organisation of international economic relations from the 1944 Bretton Woods conference through to the 2008 financial crisis and its aftermath. By outlining the development of economic policy of both national and international institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the European Union, this volume examines how the global system was constructed and explores the sources of inequality and instability. The changing political context is also emphasised, especially the Cold War and its end, the rise of China and other emerging market economies and the prospect of a retreat from globalisation in the wake of the 2008 crisis.Using non-technical language and providing clear examples and evidence, the book is an accessible introduction to international economic relations that will be useful for all students of modern world history since 1945.

In unserer medial vernetzten Welt kann auch die entfernteste Katastrophe Mitleid erregen. Globale humanitäre Aufmerksamkeit und groß angelegte internationale Hilfsaktionen für Krisengebiete außerhalb Europas sind allerdings recht junge Phänomene; sie setzten in nennenswerter Form erst Ende der 1960er Jahre ein. Dabei spielten die Bürgerkriege in Nigeria (1967–1970) und in Ostpakistan (1971) eine herausragende Rolle. Seitdem wurden Krisen in der »Dritten Welt« immer wieder zu Schauplätzen humanitärer Hilfsaktionen. Die Zeit zwischen dem Ende der 1960er Jahre und der Mitte der 1970er Jahre kann – so Florian Hannig in diesem Buch – als formative Phase für einen nun dauerhaft verankerten und institutionalisierten Humanitarismus verstanden werden, der sein Hauptaugenmerk weg von Europa und hin auf den globalen Süden richtet.

冷戦とは何だったのか．大国同士の駆け引きや政治リーダーを主人公とする従来の物語とは一線を画し，無数の名もなき人びとの日常的な想像と行為の連鎖と，現実政治との影響関係から冷戦初期の歴史を描く．恐怖，不安，敵意，憎悪，願望……現実は人びとにどう想像され，それは増幅拡散してどのように新しい現実を生み出していったのか．

Now in its third edition, Cold War provides an accessible and comprehensive account of the decades-long conflict between two nuclear-armed Superpowers during the twentieth century.This book offers a broader timeline than any other Cold War text, charting the lead-up to the conflict from the Russian Revolution to World War II, providing an authoritative narrative and analysis of the period between 1945 and 1991, and scrutinizing the 30-year aftermath, including the prospect of a'new Cold War.'In this new edition, Carole K. Fink provides new insights and perspectives on key events, with an emphasis on people, power, and ideas. The third edition covers developments in Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America as well as in Europe. It also includes Eleven new or revised maps that illustrate the global reach of the long conflict An extended chronology that includes recent international events A discussion of the post-Cold War roles of the US, Russia, and China in world politics An updated bibliography reflecting new scholarship in Cold War and post-Cold War history Cold War is the consummate book on this complex twentieth-century rivalry and will be of interest to students of contemporary US and international history and history enthusiasts alike.

This collection raises timely questions about peace and stability as it interrogates the past and present status of international relations.The post–World War II liberal international order, upheld by organizations such as the United Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and similar alliances, aspired to ensure decades of collective security, economic stability, and the rule of law. All of this was a negotiated process that required compromise—and yet it did not make for a peaceful world.When Winston Churchill referred to the UN framework as “the temple of peace” in his famous 1946 Iron Curtain speech, he maintained that international alliances could help provide necessary stability so free people could prosper, both economically and politically. Though the pillars of international order remain in place today, in a world defined as much by populism as protest, leaders in the United States no longer seem inclined to serve as the indispensable power in an alliance framework that is built on shared values, human rights, and an admixture of hard and soft power.In this book, nine scholars and practitioners of diplomacy explore both the successes and the flaws of international cooperation over the past seventy years. Collectively, the authors seek to address questions about how the liberal international order was built and what challenges it has faced, as well as to offer perspectives on what could be lost in a post-American world.

Winner of the 2022 Lord Aberdare Literary Prize from the British Society of Sports History During the Cold War, political tensions associated with the division of Germany came to influence the world of competitive sport. In the 1950s, West Germany and its NATO allies refused to recognize the communist East German state and barred its national teams from sporting competitions. The construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 further exacerbated these pressures, with East German teams denied travel to several world championships. These tensions would only intensify in the run-up to the 1968 Olympics. In Bidding for the 1968 Olympic Games, Heather L. Dichter considers how NATO and its member states used sport as a diplomatic arena during the height of the Cold War, and how international sport responded to political interference. Drawing on archival materials from NATO, foreign ministries, domestic and international sport functionaries, and newspapers, Dichter examines controversies surrounding the 1968 Summer and Winter Olympic Games, particularly the bidding process between countries to host the events. As she demonstrates, during the Cold War sport and politics became so intertwined that they had the power to fundamentally transform each other.

1956 magyar forradalma lépés volt a világ egész jövőjét érintő harmadik út irányába. Ez a korán jött forradalom akkor nem érhette el célját. Az állammonopolista diktatúrán alapuló kommunista reálszocializmus csődje nem jelenti azt, hogy a szervezett pénzhatalom diktatúráján alapuló pénzuralmi rendszer ne lenne maga is zsákutca. Mind az állammonopolista, mind a magánmonopolista uralkodó osztály azt hirdeti, hogy nincs harmadik út. Harmadik út valójában létezik, ez pedig a gazdasági és politikai monopóliumtól mentes önrendelkező társadalom, amelyben mindenki rendelkezik a személyes szabadság anyagi feltételével, az emberiség közös tevékenysége alapján létrejött vagyon ráeső részével, és a saját teljesítménye alapján létrejövő vagyonnal. 1956 magyar forradalma elindította azt a folyamatot, amely meggyőzte a világ népeit arról, hogy az egyes emberek és nemzetek szabadságjogait, önrendelkezését semmibe vevő önkényuralmi állammonopolista szocializmusnak – a kommunista típusú reálszocializmusnak – el kell pusztulnia. Ha vissza akarjuk állítani az egyes ember egyéni és közösségi szabadságjogait, akkor meg kell törni mind a szervezett magánhatalom, mind a szervezett közhatalom monopoluralmát. 1956-ban a magyar társadalom ebben az irányban tett nagy jelentőségű lépést. Ezért érezzük úgy, hogy amikor ismét válaszút elé került az emberiség, vissza kell nyúlnunk 1956-hoz, és Bibó Istvánnal egyetértésben mi is azt gondoljuk, hogy továbbra is feladatunk a magyar forradalom törekvéseinek ébrentartása, e forradalom nemes és előremutató céljainak a megőrzése mind a feledéstől, mind az elszürküléstől. 1956-ban nemcsak a magyar nép, de az egész emberiség jövőjéért is folyt a küzdelem. A magyar nép túlnyomó része 1956-ban arról volt meggyőződve, hogy forradalomnak a részese. Ez kezdettől fogva így élt a magyar társadalom tudatában, függetlenül attól, hogy milyen meghatározást kényszerítettek rá a pártállami politikusok, udvari történészek és megélhetési gondolkodók. A magyar nép a forradalom élményét adta tovább utódainak. Fentebb már kísérletet tettünk a forradalom különböző értelmezéseinek megfogalmazására. Forradalomra rendkívüli helyzetben kerül sor, amikor hirtelen kisülnek a felhalmozódott feszültségek, amikor az alul lévők egy rövid időre átveszik önmaguk sorsának alakítását. Az évek alatt összekuszálódott szálak hirtelen elvágásáról van szó. Ha a forradalom alatt a minden egyes ember nagyobb önrendelkezését, az emberiség közös erőfeszítései nyomán előálló anyagi javakban való igazságosabb részesedést, a nagyobb társadalmi szabadságot, a jog uralmát, az adott társadalom külföldi elnyomástól való mentességét értjük, akkor a forradalom – az emberi méltóság forradalma – meghatározás az 1956 októberében talpra álló magyar nép hősi erőfeszítéseire is ráillik.

This book explores the evolution and future relevance of NATO from the perspective of the member-states.Addressing the overarching question of the relevance of transatlantic relations in the 21st century, the volume has three core objectives. The first is to reinforce the view that international alliances serve not only an external-oriented goal, but also a domestic-oriented aim, which is to control others'behaviour. The second is to show that tensions amongst NATO allies have become more acute and, therefore, more dangerous. The third is to discuss current transatlantic relations through the adoption of a'second image'perspective; that is, one that emphasizes the multiple vertical linkages that connect NATO to the politics and the policies of each ally. The chapters presented here are built on a dual approach: on the one hand, they look at the place the Alliance occupies in the domestic public debate and the strategic culture of specific member states; on the other, they analyze how each of these countries contributes to NATO's operations and what interests and visions they share for the Alliance's future.This book will be of much interest to students of NATO, international organizations, foreign policy, and security studies in general.

An examination of the Cold War from the creation and structure of the postwar settlement to the eventual coming apart of the post war order in the 1980s and early 1990s. James Cronin explores the creation and structure of the postwar settlement and the eventual coming apart of the postwar order in the 1980s and early 1990s. Cronin argues that the current state of the world must be understood against the backdrop of the postwar order that until recently governed, prevented or distorted political and economic change.

R�gis Debray is one of France's leading intellectuals, whose life has intersected with key moments of the twentieth century.In this explosive memoir, Debray recounts his journey from Louis Althusser and the Parisian lecture theatres, to Cuba and the revolution of the 1960s. From Debray's torture and imprisonment in Bolivia while in search of Che Guevara, to the corridors of power in the Elys�e Palace-where he served as advisor to President Mitterrand-Praised Be Our Lords is an account of an extraordinary life and an exploration of the mechanisms of political passion.

During and especially after World War II, a group of leading scholars who had been perilously close to the war's devastation joined others fortunate enough to have been protected by distance in an effort to redefine and reinvigorate liberal ideals for a radically new age. Treating evil as an analytical category, they sought to discover the sources of twentieth-century horror and the potentialities of the modern state in the wake of desolation. In the process, they devised strikingly new ways to understand politics, sociology, and history that reverberate still.In this major intellectual history, Ira Katznelson examines the works of Hannah Arendt, Robert Dahl, Richard Hofstadter, Harold Lasswell, Charles Lindblom, Karl Polanyi, and David Truman, detailing their engagement with the larger project of reclaiming the West's moral bearing. In light of their epoch's calamities, these intellectuals insisted that the tradition of Enlightenment thought required a new realism, a good deal of renovation, and much recommitment. This array of historians, political philosophers, and social scientists understood that a simple reassertion of liberal modernism had been made radically insufficient by the enormities and moral catastrophes of war, totalitarianism, and the Holocaust. Confronting dashed hopes for reason and knowledge, they asked not just whether the Enlightenment should define modernity but also which Enlightenment we should wish to have.

This second volume, focusing on 1945-1991, unpacks the reasons for the Cold War and takes the reader through its ebbs, flows and unexpected end. How did the allies of World War II become enemies? The authors argue that the Cold War controversy could have been avoided, or at least mitigated, had the sides been guided by healthy pragmatism instead of ideology and megalomania. Contradictory relations between the superpowers, regional wars and conflicts, and the scramble to escape a nuclear Holocaust—all of this reads sometimes as a good detective story. Perestroika and Glasnost, useful as they might be, came too late to radically improve the poisonous atmosphere of enmity in East-West relations. The end of the Cold War did not mean the end of rivalry. Good will in this case did not guarantee good outcomes. As civilizational, cultural, personal and religious contradictions begin to replace economic and social divides, we need to be fully aware of our past if we are to do our best to resolve these issues.

In this comprehensive and unique theory-practice study, Ofer Israeli examines complex effects of international relations relating to various indirect—intended and unintended—consequences of intentional human action. These effects may be desirable or undesirable, overt or covert, anticipated or surprising, foreseeable but unanticipated, and anticipated but simultaneously neglected or discounted. Israeli focuses on six case studies from the Middle East, analyzing the unexpected and accidental results of interventions in this region by the United States, the United Kingdom, and other Western powers during the Cold War. From this research, he develops a complex-causal mechanism or practical tool that countries may use to implement foreign policy, with the goal of reducing the number of conflicts and wars globally, especially in the Middle East.

La discusión sobre la tesis de «el fin de la Historia» de Francis Fukuyama es uno de los debates intelectuales más importantes que han acontecido en el mundo académico en los últimos treinta años. Este libro reconstruye y estudia historiográficamente, desde una perspectiva hispánica, ese debate centrado en el triunfo del capitalismo como sistema definitivo en la evolución ideológica de la humanidad. Para hacerlo, la investigación parte de un análisis de los contextos de producción y recepción de la teoría de Fukuyama. El objetivo es entender qué dice la tesis, cómo se generó y la forma en la que se difundió. El resto del trabajo es un diálogo entre los críticos de Fukuyama, el propio autor estadounidense y los acontecimientos y contextos en los que discurre la polémica. Las tres formulaciones que genera el autor de la teoría de «el fin de la Historia» están conectadas con los diferentes planos del debate. Así, lo político, lo histórico y lo historiográfico son herramientas fundamentales para profundizar en los autores a los que Fukuyama decía que recurría, como eran Hegel, Marx y Nietzche. Pero también para reconocer su verdadera ascendencia intelectual, que lo localizaban junto a Avineri, Kojève o Strauss. El resultado es la identificación de cuatro Fukuyamas. El kojéviano y el straussiano son los más importantes. Aunque no debemos de desdeñar al postmoderno y al neoconservador. Por último, todo el libro tiene una reflexión de fondo. Esta tiene que ver con la posibilidad de escribir una historia sin una matriz teleológica. De ahí que se plantee la posibilidad de construir relatos historiográficos en base a «objetivos» de la historia móviles y plurales, que sustituirían a los más especulativos y grandilocuentes «fines» de la Historia.

In Home Rule Nandita Sharma traces the historical formation and political separation of Natives and Migrants from the nineteenth century to the present to theorize the portrayal of Migrants as “colonial invaders.” The imperial-state category of Native, initially a mark of colonized status, has been revitalized in what Sharma terms the Postcolonial New World Order of nation-states. Under postcolonial rule, claims to autochthony—being the Native “people of a place”—are mobilized to define true national belonging. Consequently, Migrants—the quintessential “people out of place”—increasingly face exclusion, expulsion, or even extermination. This turn to autochthony has led to a hardening of nationalism(s). Criteria for political membership have shrunk, immigration controls have intensified, all while practices of expropriation and exploitation have expanded. Such politics exemplify the postcolonial politics of national sovereignty, a politics that Sharma sees as containing our dreams of decolonization. Home Rule rejects nationalisms and calls for the dissolution of the ruling categories of Native and Migrant so we can build a common, worldly place where our fundamental liberty to stay and move is realized.

Over a relatively short period of time, Beijing moved from dismissing the UN to embracing it. How are we to make sense of the People's Republic of China's (PRC) embrace of the UN, and what does its engagement mean in larger terms? This study focuses directly on Beijing's involvement in one of the most contentious areas of UN activity -- human protection -- contentious because the norm of human protection tips the balance away from the UN's Westphalian state-based profile, towards the provision of greater protection for the security of individuals and their individual liberties. The argument that follows shows that, as an ever-more crucial actor within the United Nations, Beijing's rhetoric and some of its practices are playing an increasingly important role in determining how this norm is articulated and interpreted. In some cases, the PRC is also influencing how these ideas of human protection are implemented. At stake in the questions this book tackles is both how we understand the PRC as a participant in shaping global order, and the future of some of the core norms which constitute that order.

The Cold War is conventionally regarded as a superpower conflict that dominated the shape of international relations between World War II and the fall of the Berlin Wall. Smaller powers had to adapt to a role as pawns in a strategic game of the superpowers, its course beyond their control. This edited volume offers a fresh interpretation of twentieth-century smaller European powers – East–West, neutral and non-aligned – and argues that their position vis-à-vis the superpowers often provided them with an opportunity rather than merely representing a constraint. Analysing the margins for manoeuvre of these smaller powers, the volume covers a wide array of themes, ranging from cultural to economic issues, energy to diplomacy and Bulgaria to Belgium. Given its holistic and nuanced intervention in studies of the Cold War, this book will be instrumental for students of history, international relations and political science.

In The Militant Middle Ages, historian Tommaso di Carpegna Falconieri delves into common perceptions of the Middle Ages and how these views shape contemporary political contexts. Today more than ever, the medieval era is mined from across the political spectrum for symbols, examples, allegories, and models to represent and interpret the present. From “new crusades” to fantasy literature and cosplay, from Catholic Traditionalism to environmentalism, from neo-Vikings to medieval tourism and festivals, Carpegna Falconieri leads us in an impassioned and often disquieting journey through the “Modern Middle Ages.” The first book-length study dedicated to the broad phenomenon of political medievalism, The Militant Middle Ages offers a new lens for scrutinizing contemporary society through its instrumentalization of the medieval past. First published in Italian as Medioevo militante. La politica di oggi alle prese con barbari e crociati - © 2011 Giulio Einaudi editore s.p.a., Torino.

In the second half of the twentieth century, strategic and economic conditions compelled the U.S. government to start running budget deficits on a permanent basis. A new role of global leadership in containing communism required a robust military establishment. The federal government overwhelmingly relied for general revenue on an income tax code that also could not impede economic growth. And general revenue increasingly funded transfer payments in an expanding entitlement state. Fiscal overstretch resulted in unending deficits that continue to this day. At first the shift to deficit normality was not obvious. The Truman and Eisenhower administrations attempted to hold the line on deficits, but this commitment gradually waned in subsequent years. Arms, Revenue, and Entitlements: U.S. Deficits in the Cold War, 1945–1991 looks at the Cold War era from a budgetary perspective and how defense spending, income tax reductions, and entitlement programs all contributed to the emergence of the deficit normative state. As national debt continues to climb in the twenty-first century, Arms, Revenue, and Entitlements shows how the U.S. reached this point and how a comprehensive policy approach might again restore fiscal stability.

In the Cold War era, the confrontation between capitalism and communism played out not only in military, diplomatic, and political contexts, but also in the realm of culture—and perhaps nowhere more so than the cultural phenomenon of sports, where the symbolic capital of athletic endeavor held up a mirror to the global contest for the sympathies of citizens worldwide. The Whole World Was Watching examines Cold War rivalries through the lens of sporting activities and competitions across Europe, Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the U.S. The essays in this volume consider sport as a vital sphere for understanding the complex geopolitics and cultural politics of the time, not just in terms of commerce and celebrity, but also with respect to shifting notions of race, class, and gender. Including contributions from an international lineup of historians, this volume suggests that the analysis of sport provides a valuable lens for understanding both how individuals experienced the Cold War in their daily lives, and how sports culture in turn influenced politics and diplomatic relations.

Originally published in 1992. At its foundation FAO was conceived as an organization that would bring together health and agriculture. It would manage the world's food output to greater advantage and improve the well-being of its people. Almost a half-century on, FAO faced mounting criticism from its major funding nations, professionals within the field, and developing countries. The efficacy of its constitution, bureaucracy and aid, and even its fidelity to original ideals are questioned. This book presents an informed, if irreverent, insider's view. The first part of the book sets out the structure and activities of FAO. It gives a human dimension, describing the personalities that have influenced decisions and performance, the motivations of its staff, its location in Rome. The second part appraises FAO'S success in achieving its ultimate objective the alleviation of poverty. Throughout, the concern is both for a more visionary organization to help develop a sustainable income base for the rural poor in the developing world.

Seinerzeit fast unbemerkt von der Weltöffentlichkeit drohte im Herbst 1983 der Ausbruch eines Nuklearkrieges. Die Sowjetunion erwartete einen Atomangriff und bereitete Abwehrmaßnahmen vor, die ihrerseits von den USA als Bedrohung gedeutet wurden. Ein Fehlalarm in der sowjetischen Luftraumüberwachung drohte die Lage außer Kontrolle geraten zu lassen. Georg Schild rekonstruiert den Verlauf des Kalten Krieges bis hin zur politischen Eskalation zwischen den von Ronald Reagan geführten USA und der Sowjetunion Anfang der 1980er Jahre. Die Vereinigten Staaten führten damals einen ideologischen Kreuzzug gegen die UdSSR und rüsteten auf, während die überalterte Sowjetführung politisch weitgehend handlungsunfähig war. Dieses Buch stellt das Krisenjahr 1983 in den Kontext des Kalten Krieges und kommt zu einer neuen Bewertung traditioneller Krisenvorstellungen. Unter anderem durch erstmalige Auswertung von Dokumenten aus den Carter- und Reagan Archives kann der Autor zeigen, weshalb es zu den riskanten gegenseitigen Fehleinschätzungen kam. Eine packende und warnende Lektüre darüber, wie internationale Konflikte außer Kontrolle geraten können.