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THE THREE STRATEGIES IN SPITE OF DIVERSE FRAMES OF SOCIAL INTEGRATION MARKING differences among European perceptions, a consensus assessing the risks of violence that societies face has appeared among national [...]

One of the most salient features of transnational migration is the movement of international migrants back and forth between home and host countries. Although international migration has never meant an unimpeded flow of immigrants traversing international borders at will, the attacks in New York and Washington on September 11, 2001 have led many industrialized nations, including the United States, increasingly to restrict immigration and place ever greater obstacles to the movements of transnational migrants. This paper cites one immigrant group, Brazilians in the United States, as a case study and analyzes the ways in which they have been impacted by post-9/11 constraints. The specific focus is on the attacks' consequences for bodily transnationalism, the ability to physically cross international boundaries, and the impact of proposed immigration legislation on this issue. Key words: Brazilian immigration, immigration to the U.S., transnationalism

The U.S.-Japan relations post 9/11 and the swift changes in the Japanese security and foreign policy by the new generation of leaders are presented.

The article focuses on the post September-11 scenario in the U.S.-China relations and the success of the U.S. in advancing its major long-term national interests towards China.

This essay examines the ways in which the aftermath of 9/11 structured the discursive and material tactics of the Jerusalem Link, a feminist peace partnership between the Israeli nongovernmental organization (NGO) Bat Shalom and the Palestinian NGO Jerusalem Center for Women (JCW). A Bat Shalom statement for International Women's Day 2002, published in an anthology of feminist responses to 9/11, makes no explicit reference to 9/11 or its international consequences, though it may be seen as a plea to the international community not to forget the Palestine/Israel conflict in the post-9/11 agenda. The International Women's Day statement by the Jerusalem Link in 2003 explicitly links the impending U.S. invasion of Iraq with the two organizations' fears of an increase in harsh measures against the Palestinians by the Israeli government. In the time leading up to the invasion of Iraq, the Jerusalem Link established a phone network between Israeli women and Palestinian women to try to document any attempt by the Israeli military to expel Palestinians from the Occupied Territories. As 9/11 created new international realities, these organizations added new tactics to their overall strategy of linking their rhetorics and actions into the unfolding agendas of the United States and the international community. Keywords: Bat Shalom / feminist peace NGOs / Israel / Palestine/Israel conflict / Jerusalem Center for Women / Jerusalem Link / Palestine / U.S. invasion of Iraq / war on terror, The Jerusalem Link The 1987 Palestinian Intifada awakened many Jewish Israelis to the cruel realities of the post-1967 Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories known as East Jerusalem, the West [...]

Abstract In the wake of the devastation of September 11, 2001, legendary Italian writer Oriana Fallaci published a mammoth article, then book, La rabbia e l'orgoglio [The Rage and the [...]

I. INTRODUCTION After September 11, 2001, the boundary between Canada and the United States became more apparent. The boundary line itself did not change, but crossing the border became more [...]

This paper highlights the methodological difficulties of ascribing causation to events which are to some extent 'irrational' and demanding of different forms of understanding--such as those provided in Romantic literature, or poetry, or art. It may be that the scientific urge to systematise diverts analytical attention from debates over values, and from existential complexities in the connections between (say) poverty and violent acts of (imagined) retribution. Official language also proffers distorting metaphors, sanitises facts and impedes the possibility of combating terrorism. 'Non-analytical methods' may be essential to analysis.

This article advances the discussion of the contentious question of links between global inequalities of power and violent responses, focussing on globalisation and non-inclusive forms of governance. Drawing on international political economy, the article criticises the 'nation-state-centrism' in much political discourse, suggesting that both authority and security need to be reconsidered--to account for less plausible national borders and controls. It suggests that 'human security' (including issues of development and equality) ought to replace 'national security' as the primary focus of public policy. It draws attention to the intractability of difference, insisting that the terrorism of 2001 has complex transnational antecedents. Realist approaches to international order have become part of a problem to be overcome through further intellectual debate.

This is a contribution to ongoing discussion of the international relations issues raised by the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. It acknowledges apparent 'failings' (of analysis or prediction) in the IR literature but then suggests the shortcomings are really the product of divergent traditions of analysis (behaviouralism, structuralism and evolutionism) which isolate different aspects of phenomena for attention. The paper then discusses the contrast between 'hard power' and 'soft power'--to help identify the distinctiveness of the new forms of terrorism (their 'non-linear' objectives and the lack of proportionality involved). It concludes on an encouraging note by urging international cooperation as a solution, even in cases where the protagonists' resentments have tended to militate against conventional channels of dispute resolution.

More than nine million Muslims currently live in Western Europe, which makes them the largest religious minority in the region. There has been significant political controversy in various European states over how best to recognize Muslims' religious rights. These questions have become even more significant and contentious in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks by Islamic extremists. Using privately commissioned polls on attitudes toward Muslim religious rights taken before and after September 11 in Britain, France, and Germany, this article determines the extent of popular opposition to state accommodation of Muslim practices and tests several leading theories of attitudes toward Muslims. We conclude that the most important determinants of attitudes toward Muslims are education and religious practice.

ON THE MORNING of June 28, 1914, the world could rejoice in 60 years of extraordinary peace and progress. The first great age of globalization had made the world seem [...]

Every major event in history has unintended consequences. A major unintended consequence of the U.S.-led war on terrorism has not only been to checkmate and roll-back China's recent moves at strategic expansion in Central, South, and Southeast Asia but also to tilt the regional balance of power decisively in Washington's favour within a short period of time, thereby highlighting how tenuous Chinese power is when compared to that of the United States. In this sense, 11 September 2001 should be seen as a major discontinuity or non-linearity in post-Cold War international politics. New strategic and political realities emerging in Asia put a question mark over Beijing's previous assumptions and beliefs. This article provides an assessment of China's tactical gains and strategic losses following the 11 September attacks on the United States., Introduction The U.S.-led war on terrorism, in the aftermath of the attacks on 11 September 2001, has radically altered the strategic landscape and ushered in new geopolitical alignments in Central, […]

America's global dominance prompts popular references to a latter-day Roman Empire. Transcending the Cold War rubric 'superpower,' 'hyperpower' has entered our political lexicon to convey the magnitude of the United [...]

The author believes 3 events in 1979 led to the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon. One was the peace treaty between Israel and Egypt, another was the overthrow of the Shah of Iran and finally, the United States support of Islamic fundamentalists in Afghanistan in their struggle against the Soviet Union.

The unspeakable sequence of terrorism in New York, Pennsylvania, and Washington, DC on September 11, 2001, was a crime against humanity that sent a wave of revulsion throughout the civilized [...]

Editor's Note: The terrorist attacks of September 11, and the events that followed, provoked worldwide interest. In the next few months we will be having a series about the reactions […]

The terrorist attack on the World Trade Center and Pentagon at first cemented the NATO alliance between the United States and Europe but it is now highlighting problems in the alliance. The United States refusal of NATO assistance in its strike against Afghanistan, the lack of battle readiness in Europe are some of the problems.

This article examines the impact of the 11 September 2001 events on the Israeli-Palestinian equation. It begins with a close analysis of the positions and strategies of the two sides on the eve of 11 September, with special emphasis on Israel's erosion of the externally imposed 'red lines' and on what the author calls the PA'S 'overseer' approach. The second part of the article traces their trajectories since September, highlighting in particular the evolution of the American position that accompanied the mounting victories in Afghanistan and the possible repercussions in the Israeli-Palestinian arena.

MDF: The United States claims that it launched its 'war against terrorism' to eradicate the al-Qa'ida organization and the Taliban government that protects it, whereas the Taliban and Osama Bin Laden say that this is a crusade--a religious war, not a political or a security war. What is your opinion about these characterizations, and how do you see the war?

The globalization which took place in the last few decades has left the world wanting for global leadership and governance. The United Nations was established as a security organization and [...]

Despite the fact that many Americans and American detractors view the United States as unique and the sole superpower, America is not qualitatively different from other nations of the world. [...]

This article examines how the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon on Spetember 11, 2001 and the subsiquent 'war on terrorism' may affect notions of globalization. The author considers 'ostracizing imperialism', the Islamic resistance to it, and shifts in social power at the political, economic, ideological and military levels.

In the past month, Americans have heard some of the strongest rhetoric from a U.S. President since John F. Kennedy pledged, during one of the darkest periods of the Cold [...]

The terrorist attacks of Sep 11, 2001, have brought a new solidarity between the US and Russia to fight the threat of international terrorism.

Russia is interested in working with the US to combat international terrorism. Central Asia's plans to combat international terrorism with the US are also discussed.

The attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon were the result of the evolution of suicide terrorism, and the ongoing indoctrination of terrorists to participate in such acts. The use of aircraft in terrorism has also evolved since 1994, when there were two failed terrorist attempts with aircraft, one in the US and one in France.

Changes in New Zealand's immigration policy took place in Sep 2001. Classifications of immigrants include skilled labor, family sponsorships and refugees.

What is the nature of the problem the United States is trying to resolve? What are the methods chosen for the task? And what does the choice show about the [...]