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The Instititutionalist tradition has a long and proud history of involvement with public policy. Reading the history of the Progressive Era one cannot help but be impressed with the degree of success economists of that era had in achieving their desired policy goals. Drawing upon the written experiences of these earlier policy makers within the Institutionalist tradition this work relates the experiences of the author as an elected official to a city legislature. In this paper, three specific policy actions are considered from a sociological perspective. These case studies reaffirm some tenets of institutional economics and suggest others. Keywords: institutional economics, local public service, municipality, public policy, law making JEL Classification Codes: H1,H7,K4,R1,R5, In its long history, Institutional economics can lay claim to several important policy actions. Foundational regulatory issues, minimum wage laws, Social Security, price controls during the first and second world [...]

This study examines how smoke-free laws influence turnover among restaurant workers. The study uses a unique data set of payroll records of a franchisee of a national full-service restaurant chain operating 23 restaurants in the state of Arizona, a state where several communities have adopted smoke-free laws. Municipal smoke-free laws did not, on average, have a statistically significant effect on the probability of employee separation in the years after implementation. These results suggest that training costs associated with employee turnover would not rise for full-service restaurants in municipalities that adopt smoke-free laws. (JEL 118, J63), 1.INTRODUCTION While health and safety regulations are often set at the state and federal level, many local jurisdictions also have the power to enact workplace regulations. In particular, there is [...]

There is mounting evidence that documents the dangers of exposure to secondhand smoke, including in the workplace. In states that permit workplace smoking, employers face significant legal risks from employees who are exposed to second-hand smoke on the job. Employers have been held liable for employee exposure to secondhand smoke in numerous cases, including those based on workers' compensation, state and federal disability law, and the duty to provide a safe workplace. Given this liability risk, employers should voluntarily adopt smoke-free workplace policies. Such policies do more than fulfill an employer's legal obligation to provide a safe workplace; they also reduce the risk of litigation, potentially reduce workers' compensation premiums, and protect employees from harm. (AM J Public Health. 2007;97:1376-1382.doi: 10.2105/AJPH.2006.094102)

On 29 March 2004, Ireland became the first country in the world to ban smoking in all indoor workplaces, including in restaurants and bars. That landmark event followed a ten-year [...]

ABSTRACT Cigarette smoking is the principal cause of premature death in the United States with over 440,000 people dying each year from smoke related diseases. And, smoking is expensive. The [...]

Objectives. Recently, New York City and New York State increased cigarette excise taxes and New York City implemented a smoke-free workplace law. To assess the impact of these policies on smoking cessation in New York City, we examined over-the-counter sales of nicotine replacement therapy (NRT) products. Methods. Pharmacy sales data were collected in real time as part of nontraditional surveillance activities. We used Poisson generalized estimating equations to analyze the effect of smoking-related policies on pharmacy-specific weekly sales of nicotine patches and gum. We assessed effect modification by pharmacy location. Results. We observed increases in NRT product sales during the weeks of the cigarette tax increases and the smoke-free workplace law. Pharmacies in low-income areas generally had larger and more persistent increases in response to tax increases than those in higher-income areas. Conclusions. Real-time monitoring of existing nontraditional surveillance data, such as pharmacy sales of NRT products, can help assess the effects of public policies on cessation attempts. Cigarette tax increases and smoke-free workplace regulations were associated with increased smoking cessation attempts in New York City, particularly in low-income areas. (Am J Public Health. 2005;95: 1050-1055. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2004.048025)

Objectives. In this cohort study, we assessed the impact of smoke-free worksite policies on smoking cessation behaviors. Methods. Smokers were tracked as part of the Community Intervention Trial for Smoking Cessation. Telephone surveys were administered to 1967 employed smokers in 1993 and 2001. Data were gathered on personal and demographic characteristics, tobacco use behaviors, and restrictiveness of worksite smoking policies. Results. People who worked in environments that changed to or maintained smoke-free policies between 1993 and 2001 were 1.9 times more likely (odds ratio [OR] = 1.92; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.11, 3.32) than people whose worksites did not do so to have stopped smoking by 2001. Continuing smokers decreased their average daily consumption by 2.57 cigarettes. People working in environments that had smoke-free policies in place in both 1993 and 2001 were 2.3 times more likely (OR = 2.29; 95% CI = 1.08, 4.45) than people not working in such environments to have quit by 2001, and continuing smokers reported a decline in average daily consumption of 3.85 cigarettes. Conclusions. Smoke-free worksite policies help employees reduce their cigarette consumption and stop smoking. (Am J Public Health. 2005;95:1024-1029. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2004.048678)

Objectives. We sought to determine the impact of comprehensive tobacco control measures in New York City. Methods. In 2002, New York City implemented a tobacco control strategy of (1) increased cigarette excise taxes; (2) legal action that made virtually all workplaces, including bars and restaurants, smoke free; (3) increased cessation services, including a large-scale free nicotine-patch program; (4) education; and (5) evaluation. The health department also began annual surveys on a broad array of health measures, including smoking. Results. From 2002 to 2003, smoking prevalence among New York City adults decreased by 11% (from 21.6% to 19.2%, approximately 140000 fewer smokers). Smoking declined among all age groups, race/ethnicities, and education levels; in both genders; among both US born and foreign-born persons; and in all 5 boroughs, increased taxation appeared to account for the largest proportion of the decrease; however, between 2002 and 2003 the proportion of cigarettes purchased outside New York City doubled, reducing the effective price increase by a third. Conclusions. Concerted local action can sharply reduce smoking prevalence. However, further progress will require national action, particularly to increase cigarette taxes, reduce cigarette tax evasion, expand education and cessation services, and limit tobacco marketing. (Am J Public Health. 2005;95:1016-1023. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2004.058164)

In 1984, the tobacco workers' union and the Tobacco Institute, which represents US tobacco companies, formed a labor management committee (LMC). The institute relied on LMC unions to resist smoke-free worksite rules. In a review of the internal tobacco industry documents now publicly available, we found that the LMC succeeded for 2 primary reasons. First, the LMC furthered members' interests, allowing them to overcome institutional barriers to policy success. Second, the LMC used an 'institutions, ideas, and interests' strategy to encourage non-LMC unions to oppose smoke-free worksite rules. While public health advocates missed an opportunity to partner with unions on the issue of smoke-free worksites during the era studied, they can use a similar strategy to form coalitions with unions. (Am J Public Health. 2005;95:985-993. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2004.052126)

In 1986, the Surgeon General released another in a series of reports on the health consequences of smoking, this time demonstrating the risks of exposure to other people's tobacco smoke. […]

Increasing attention has been given recently to the imposition of restrictions on smoking in the workplace, especially following the publication of epidemiological evidence concerning the adverse impact on health of exposure to 'passive' smoke. The purpose of this research is to focus on the various factors, such as industry, legislation, firm size, and occupational and gender composition of the workforce, which may explain the ultimate shape of corporate smoking policies. Methods. Interviews were completed with managers representing 470 private sector enterprises located in four counties in northern New England. Multiple regression procedures are used to assess the relative importance of the organizational factors. Results. The analysis shows that while gender has no independent influence on whether or not there is a formal written policy it does have a predominant impact on the practical restrictions placed upon smoking activity. Conclusions. The finding that the proportion of women in the workforce is a significant predictor of restrictions imposed on smoking raises more profound implications concerning gender-based organizational behavior. The possible processes through which female preferences are translated into collective behavior are reviewed. Another implication is that the workplace may prove to be an especially efficacious setting for the delivery of smoking cessation programs to women.

A more widespread adoption of smoking bans in workplaces could encourage more smokers to quit smoking altogether. Researchers interviewed 1,469 current or former smokers who worked in hospitals in 21 states and 920 current or former smokers who worked in workplaces in the community that did not have smoking bans. In 1993, the agency that accredits hospitals required all hospitals to be smoke-free. The quit rates among hospital employees one year after the smoking ban were almost twice as high as those in the community workers. Quit rates were even higher in hospitals that had voluntarily mandated smoking bans before 1993. Hospital employees also appeared to be further along on the smoking cessation cycle. For example, 30.5% were seriously thinking of quitting, compared to 23.4% in the community. Hospital employees who continued to smoke had reduced their daily cigarette consumption by an average of one cigarette. The hospital industry is the only industry that has implemented a nationwide smoking ban., Objective--To examine the impact of workplace smoking bans on smoking behavior of employees. Participants.--A total of 1469 current or former smokers (interventon group) employed in smoke-free hospitals and 920 current or former smokers (comparison group) employed in non-smoke-free workplaces were surveyed to determine smoking behavior. Design.--This cross-sectional study is part of a larger, ongoing prospective study. The study design was quasi-experimental. We randomly selected sites consisting of a hospital and a corresponding community. Furthermore, we randomly selected subjects from hospitals and their corresponding communities. Main Outcome Measures.--Postban quit ratio and progression along the stages-of-change continuum. Methods.--The Cox proportional hazards model was used to compare the postban quit ratio between the intervention and comparison groups. The Cochran-Mantel-Haenszel analysis of variance statistic was used to compare groups on the stages-of-change variables. Results.--Beginning with the smoking ban and continuing for 5 years after implementation, statistically significant differences in the postban quit ratio were observed between employees of smoke-free hospitals who were smokers and counterparts in the community (P

Objectives. This study evaluated the biological and subjective consequences observed in individual smokers after implementation of a workplace smoking-restriction policy. Methods. Employees were evaluated for 4 weeks before and 4 weeks after their workplace became smoke-free (n = 34). A comparison group of smokers whose work-site smoking was unrestricted served as controls (n = 33). Daily exposure to tobacco constituents and withdrawal effects were measured. Results. Smokers at the restricted site had verified smoking reduction (mean = four cigarettes per day) and significantly reduced nicotine and carbon monoxide during the work shift. There were increases in ratings of some common withdrawal symptoms (cravings/ urges, concentration difficulties, increased eating, depression). No evidence of compensatory smoking during nonwork hours was found. Overall tobacco exposure, as measured in saliva cotinine, showed a nonsignificant 15% decline. Conclusions. Workplace smoking restriction markedly altered smoking patterns (i.e., reduced daytime smoking) and reduced cotinine levels to an amount consistent with cigarette reduction. Thus, work-site smoking restriction may promote meaningful. albeit limited, reductions in tobacco exposure and consequent health risks. (Am J Public Health. 1994;84:773-778), Bans on smoking in the workplace appear to result in lower overall cigarette consumption by smokers. Thirty-four smokers working in a hospital with a ban on smoking were compared with 33 smokers working in hospitals without smoking bans. All participants were evaluated for four weeks before the ban went into effect and for four weeks after the ban was implemented. There were no significant differences between the two groups before implementation of the ban. After the ban went into effect employees restricted from smoking at work decreased cigarette consumption by an average of four cigarettes each day. This is equivalent to a one-pack-per-week reduction in the number of cigarettes smoked. Restricted smokers did not appear to smoke more cigarettes during non-work hours to compensate for cigarettes not smoked at work. Salivary cotinine levels, a measure of accumulated nicotine exposure, dropped by 15% in the restricted smokers but this was not statistically significant. Equivalent declines in measures of smoking were not found in smokers who were not prevented from smoking at work.

Random-digit dialing surveys were conducted before (n = 1543) and 8 to 9 months after (n = 1430) implementation of the city of Toronto workplace smoking bylaw. Compared with workers in the rest of metropolitan Toronto and persons not working outside the home, city workers evidenced more positive changes in regard to knowledge of the bylaw, its requirements, and enforcement provisions. City workers reported more changes in workplace restrictions and satisfaction with such restrictions. Patterns of smoking at work changed. (Am J Public Health. 1993;83:1342-1345), The presence of a bylaw regulating workplace smoking in the city of Toronto, Ontario tends to be popular and effective among Toronto city workers. A telephone survey of 1,543 workers before implementation and 1,430 workers eight to nine months after the bylaw's implementation tracked the impact on the attitudes, knowledge, and behavior of city workers affected by the law. Although non-city workers and stay-at-home workers were included in the study, The city workers demonstrated the greatest knowledge and support of the bylaw. The surveys showed that the bylaw's support among city workers increased from 71% to 75%; satisfaction with laws on smoking restriction increased from 55% to 65%; and support for workplaces determining individual worksite policies increased from 58% to 63%. City workers also tended to report that smokers cut down on workplace smoking and tended to segregate themselves more while smoking. Nonetheless, no difference was found in the number of people who had quit smoking in response to the law.

Objectives. Public health policy promotes the use of risk-rating health insurance and payment for smoking cessation as economic incentives to encourage smoking cessation. This study was undertaken to learn more about the adoption of these policies in large corporations. Methods. A random sample survey of 280 private California corporations with more than 500 employees was undertaken to document the prevalence of policies integrating smoking control into employee benefit designs. Results. Only 8.6% of large corporations had ever considered risk-rating health insurance premiums using smoking status and only 2.15% had implemented a risk-rating policy. Nearly 20% of the companies offered health insurance plans that covered smoking cessation services. Subsidization or payment for smoking cessation outside health insurance was provided by over 37% of the companies surveyed, and 87% had adopted formal work-site smoking policies. Conclusion. Benefit policies that provide financial support to smokers to participate in smoking cessation services are much more prevalent and are viewed more positively by the benefits managers in large corporations than are policies to risk-rate health insurance premiums on the basis of smoking. (Am J Public Health. 1993;83:1226-1230), Large companies espousing smoking control programs for their employees tend to offer assistance for smoking cessation rather than rating employee health insurance premiums according to smoking risks. Benefit managers at 280 randomly selected California corporations were surveyed. One hundred eighty-six, or 66.4% of the sample responded. Risk-rating health benefits, although favored by public health officials, is far less favored by the corporate world. Only 2.15% of the sampled corporations had implemented risk rating into their benefits, and only 8.6% had ever considered such a measure. In contrast, almost 20% offered coverage for smoking cessation in their employee health plan. More than 37% either subsidized or paid for smoking cessation programs outside of their health plans. Eighty-seven percent of the corporations had formal policies regarding smoking in the workplace.

The article discusses the results of the analysis of data by the Center for Disease Control (CDC) from the 2008 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) to assess secondhand smoke (SHS) exposure in homes and indoor workplaces in the United States. The majority showed SHS free homes, and highlighted the need for better legislation to increase the number of smoke-free workplaces.