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This article conducts an in-depth analysis of key trends in Marxist dependency theory, emphasising its core principles. The central theme is the concept of subimperialism and its significant influence on Brazil's global strategy during the Workers' Party (PT) administrations from 2003 to 2016. Despite widespread discussion of subimperialism, there remains a notable lack of critical examination. This study addresses this gap by engaging with and critically analysing the seminal texts that link Brazil's foreign policy to subimperialism. The research involves a detailed review, critical discussion, and thorough analysis of these pivotal texts, aiming to deepen understanding of the topic. The primary hypothesis challenges the adequacy of the subimperialism framework for categorising Brazil's foreign policy during the specified timeframe, also arguing that some aspects of the systemic perspective inherent in the concept does not align with the actual material conditions of the contemporary global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to discuss aspects of the contemporary Brazilian political economy, showing how Brazilian large manufacturing entrepreneurs acted in defense of their interests in the dispute over the design of economic policy throughout the Partido dos Trabalhadore (Workers' Party) governments between 2003 and 2016. It is argued that is possible to identify an inter-class dispute over the definition of four macroeconomic prices - the profit rate, the interest rate, the exchange rate, and the wage rate - which places industrial capitalists sometimes against the rentier sector, sometimes against the labor movement in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As in 2021, Singapore in 2022 remained largely in crisis mode despite resolving the keystone issue of political succession, with a prime-minister-inwaiting clearly in place. Still, COVID-19, together with the continued US--China economic and political conflicts, the negative fallout from the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and the anticipation of a possible recession in 2023, continued to cast dark clouds over Singapore and its politico-economic future. These developments were somewhat counterbalanced by positive developments in regional diplomacy, which acted as possible shock absorbers of negative fallout from outside the region. Still, Singapore appears to be at a crossroads, with political changes at home being challenged by external developments, and with the shape of things to come in Singapore remaining largely unknown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil, the Workers’ Party has emerged considerably diminished from 2016: relegated to the opposition after the impeachment of Dilma Rouseff and badly defeated in municipal elections. Based on a field survey conducted in Belo Horizonte, this article question petistas on their perceptions of this sudden relegation, apprehended here under the prism of political defeat. My objective is to identify, contextualize and measure the mobilizing potential of these events on the trajectories of individuals actively engaged in the PT’s electoral campaign for the 2018 Brazilian general elections. From an entry through engagement, I mobilize the concepts of bifurcation and moral shock to analyze the impact of political relegation on life trajectories in terms of militancy.

Evangelical Christians and especially Neo-Pentecostals in Brazil have gone from accepting a position as junior partners in a broad governing coalition led by the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party—PT) to asserting themselves as an indispensable pillar of the Jair Bolsonaro administration. A close examination of the career of the prominent Bolsonarist pastor Silas Malafaia suggests that if progressives want to improve their political relationship with evangelical voters they must first find discursive and material ways to neutralize or at least work around the most prominent and virulently conservative faith leaders. Os cristãos evangélicos (em particular os neo-pentecostais) no Brasil passaram de aceitar uma posição de ser parceiros menores numa coligação governamental abrangente dirigida pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) para impor-se como pilar imprescindível do governo de Jair Bolsonaro. Uma análise exhaustiva da trajetória do renomado pastor bolsonarista Silas Malafaia constata que se os progessistas quiserem melhorar a sua relação política com eleitores evangélicos, eles devem por primeiro descobrir meios discursivos e materiais para neutralizar ou, no mínimo, evitar os líderes religiosos que são os mais preeminentes e fortemente conservadores nesses grupos sociais. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the recent decrease in Rio de Janeiro working‐class voters' support for the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT, Workers' Party), this article investigates a largely unexplored factor behind this shift: the influence of the federal housing programme Minha Casa Minha Vida (MCMV, My House, My Life), designed by the PT. It is argued that the programme's features and its intersection with local political junctures have resulted in worsening living conditions for many residents and increasing socio‐spatial segregation. Understanding policies as a domain in which people experience politics and shape political subjectivities, the article suggests that the poor implementation of the MCMV has contributed to spreading disillusionment with the PT and politicians at large among Rio de Janeiro's working classes, a shift that made Bolsonaro with his anti‐establishment framing a viable option in 2018. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to propose principles and dimensions for the analysis of the relations between social movements and political parties. The examination of this phenomenon highlights how trajectories of interaction and intersection between those actors are sedimented in party and electoral fits that are mobilized by activists to influence public policies. The proposal is applied to the study of interactions between the LGBT+ movement and the Worker's Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to understand how the news in newspapers referring to the Workers’ Party (PT) in Ponta Grossa in the 1980s can be understood through Sentiment Analysis. In this sense, the journalistic publications of a certain spatial and temporal cut are analyzed, with the use of opinion mining techniques applying artificial intelligence to decipher aspects of natural language. We used the Syuzhet package included in Rbase, through the Rstudio interface, where we could verify that the positive emotions and feelings transmitted by the news published during the time under analysis, contributed to the electoral adhesion to the PT, electing members in the legislative and executive branches of the municipal government, a situation that had its share of influence in later decades in other spheres of the State. In this paper we try to make clear the path taken to reach our results, allowing the methodology to be applied to other printed periodicals and other themes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do leftist governments negotiate the trade-off between courting union support and maintaining the business sector's trust? Scholars have argued that leftist parties will remain accountable to their labor base when powerful unions have strong ties to centralized leftist parties. However, I argue that strong party-union ties and party leadership centralization may, in fact, insulate leftist presidents against redistributive pressures from below. When party-union ties allow labor leaders to develop careers as professional politicians, these leaders become more responsive to the party's goals than to their union base. Further, a centralized party organization can exclude unions and leftist factions from the design of redistributive policies. To test my argument, I use a case study of Brazil under the administration of the Worker's Party (PT). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of the relationship between classes and class fractions and Mercosur under the PT (Workers' Party) governments suggests that the transition from the open regionalism of the 1990s to the multidimensional regionalism of the 2000s and the crisis of the latter were linked to the overlap between the regional integration mechanisms Unasur and Mercosur and the social base of the neodevelopmentalist front. Multidimensional regionalism went into crisis after 2012, when the country began to suffer the impact of the 2008 financial crisis and changes in international politics and when the political process that culminated in the 2016 coup began. Uma análise da relação entre as classes e frações de classe e o Mercosul dos governos PT sugere que a transição do regionalismo aberto dos anos 1990 para o regionalismo multidimensional dos anos 2000 e a crise deste ultimo estão ligados à imbricação entre os processos de integração regional, Unasur e Mercosur, e a base social da frente neodesenvolvimentista. O regionalismo multidimensional entrou em crise a partir de 2012 quando o país começou a sofrer mais o impacto da crise financeira de 2008 e das transformações na política internacional e iniciou-se o processo político que culminou no golpe de 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Expressing, in particular, a more general struggle – the class struggle as a whole – the Brazilian anti-asylum movement developed in a way connected with the trajectory of the Workers’ Party (PT), which constituted the main conscious mediation of the class, as a whole, in the recent historical cycle. This article, based on this premise, will address, in a synthetic way, elements of this development in its last years, addressing aspects of this interaction that are presented in the period that encompasses the years of popular-democratic governments, the point of greatest maturity of the PT strategy, which takes place with its arrival to power after a long journey of important metamorphoses. The dilemmas and impasses experienced in the antiasylum trajectory will be analyzed in an articulated way with those experienced by the class as a whole. We hope, in this way, that this article can contribute to taking stock of the situation, which is necessary and is still to be done. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades, the Brazilian state addressed the racial issue by developing a number of anti-racist laws, policies, and institutions. The rise of the anti-racism agenda began with Fernando Henrique Cardoso’s government, growing even greater under Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff. Nonetheless, further developments on this agenda have been halted since Michel Temer came to power in 2016, and the agenda as a whole is now undergoing a dismantling mode. This essay discusses how the dismantling of the anti-racism agenda has reverberated into the current institutional, political, and social crisis in Brazil. In consideration of this problem, I map out color-related characteristics of the Brazilian crisis through qualitative and quantitative data ranging from Lula to Bolsonaro years. I use past and present data to compare two processes: the previous shaping and the current dismantling of anti-racist public policies.

RESUMO Líderes petistas utilizando o slogan “choque de gestão” e defendendo políticas como avaliação de desempenho, premiação por resultados e transferência de serviços para organizações sociais não são encontrados facilmente, uma vez que são conceitos e instrumentos vinculados ao PSDB, seu principal adversário político. Este artigo apresenta administrações municipais petistas que revisam o tradicional discurso antirreforma do partido. São usados dados de uma pesquisa que buscou identificar prefeitos do PT alinhados aos princípios gerenciais. Para verificar a adesão de administrações petistas à APG, o estudo avaliou até que ponto implementaram políticas vinculadas a essa agenda. A pesquisa definiu cinco princípios básicos da APG: Planejamento; Meritocracia; Parcerias e contratualização; Participação e cidadania; Eficiência e modernização. Esses eixos contemplam 20 políticas de gestão, que formaram o questionário norteador das 10 entrevistas do estudo. A partir da pesquisa sobre a aplicação da agenda da APG em cinco administrações do PT, constatou-se que prefeitos da legenda, diante dos problemas urbanos das cidades, dos entraves da burocracia pública e do aumento das demandas sociais, aos poucos implementam políticas associadas aos adversários com a finalidade de tornar a máquina pública mais eficiente e oferecer serviços mais qualificados ao cidadão. A novidade trazida por este artigo é uma revisão do discurso petista. Essa mudança de postura não se dá sem tensionamentos com setores da legenda e do funcionalismo público, mas aponta para uma tentativa de revisão do posicionamento do partido.

• The administrations led by the Brazilian Workers' Party were severely limited. • Corruption scandals served to delegitimize a Brazilian left-wing administration. • President Dilma Rousseff was ousted in a judicial-parliamentary-media-led coup. • The election of Jair Bolsonaro exemplifies authoritarian neoliberalism in Brazil. • Brazil risks slipping into constitutional crisis and a politics of violence. This article examines the rise of authoritarian neoliberalism in Brazil. The study draws upon a review of the achievements and limitations of the federal administrations led by the Workers' Party (PT, 2003–2016), and the political forces pushing for the overthrow of President Dilma Rousseff. In sequence, the article examines the economic drivers and the social composition of the right-wing forces massing against the PT, and their relationship with allegation of corruption. Finally, the article outlines the political process driving the election of President Jair Bolsonaro, in order to conclude that Brazilian democracy is disintegrating rapidly and, possibly, irreversibly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Asia-Pacific Research Forum is the property of Research Center for Humanities & Social Sciences, Academia Sinica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Marxist circles it is common to refer to Karl Marx's The Civil War in France for a theoretical analysis of the historical significance of the Paris Commune, and to Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray's History of the Commune of 1871 for a description of the facts surrounding the insurrection of the Paris workers and its repression by the National Assembly led by Adolphe Thiers. What is less well-known is that Marx himself oversaw the German translation of Lissagaray's book and made numerous additions to it. In this article we describe Marx's addenda to Lissagaray's work, showing how they contribute to concretising his analysis of the Paris Commune and how they relate to the split in the International Working Men's Association between Marxists and anarchists that took place after the Commune's defeat. We also show how Marx's additions to the German version of Lissagaray's book were linked to his involvement with the recently created Socialist Workers' Party of Germany and to his criticism of the programme it had adopted at the congress celebrated in the city of Gotha. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 2020, Singapore went to the polls amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Though the People's Action Party remained the perennial party-in-power, the opposition Workers' Party made modest electoral gains. The rise of the Workers' Party may usher in a one-and-a-half-party system in the city-state within the next decade or two. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Marxist circles it is common to refer to Karl Marx's The Civil War in France for a theoretical analysis of the historical significance of the Paris Commune, and to Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray's History of the Commune of 1871, for a description of the facts surrounding the insurrection of the Paris workers and its repression by the National Assembly led by Adolphe Thiers. What is less well-known is that Marx himself oversaw the German translation of Lissagaray's book and made numerous additions to it. In this article we describe Marx's addenda to Lissagaray's work, showing how they contribute to concretise his analysis of the Paris Commune and how they relate to the split in the International Working Men's Association between Marxists and anarchists that took place after the Commune's defeat. We also show how Marx's additions to the German version of Lissagaray's book were linked to his involvement with the recently created Socialist Workers' Party of Germany and to his criticism of the programme it had adopted at the congress celebrated in the city of Gotha. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the center-left Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party—PT) governments of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2002–2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011–2016), the Brazilian Landless Movement took advantage of particular governmental changes—increased access to education, improved small-farmer support programs, and expanded agrarian reform development policies—to strengthen its leadership and organization. Instead of expanding, the movement turned inward to address internal weaknesses. It benefited from the PT's ambiguous position with respect to the politics of agrarian reform. Since each administration dedicated considerable resources to public policies that the movement favored, neither government engaged in significant land redistribution. Durante los gobiernos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2002–2010) y Dilma Rousseff (2011–2016), ambos pertenecientes al centro-izquierdista Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), el Movimiento Brasileño Sin Tierra aprovechó cambios gubernamentales particulares, como mejores programas de apoyo a los pequeños agricultores, mejor acceso a la educación y políticas ampliadas para el desarrollo de reformas agrarias, para fortalecer su liderazgo y organización. En lugar de expandirse, el movimiento se tornó hacia sí mismo para abordar debilidades internas. Se benefició de la posición ambigua del PT con respecto a las políticas de reforma agraria. Y dado que ambas administraciones dedicaron considerables recursos a políticas públicas favorecidas por el movimiento, ninguno se abocó a supervisar una redistribución significativa de la tierra. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A case study of the Palmas Bank project, on the periphery of Fortaleza, Brazil, explores the contradictions inherent in the country's solidarity economy project. The solidarity economy, rooted in the local practices of the liberation theology movement, can hardly be seen as a human or alternative economy because its proximity to party politics through funding and the institutionalization of the movement has affected not only its long-term social sustainability but also its capacity for a political voice. The study sheds light on the challenges of grassroots organizing under progressive regimes at a moment when the end of the Pink Tide in Latin America has obliged activists seeking more sustainable forms of community organization to learn from the past. Un estudio de caso del proyecto del Banco Palmas, en la periferia de Fortaleza, Brasil, explora las contradicciones inherentes al proyecto de economía solidaria del país. La economía solidaria, arraigada en las prácticas locales del movimiento de la teología de la liberación, difícilmente puede verse como una economía humana o alternativa porque su proximidad a la política de partidos a través del financiamiento y la institucionalización del movimiento ha afectado no solo su sostenibilidad social a largo plazo sino también su capacidad para una voz política. El estudio arroja luz sobre los desafíos de la organización de base bajo regímenes progresistas en un momento en que el final de la Marea Rosa en América Latina ha obligado a los activistas que buscan formas más sostenibles de organización comunitaria a aprender del pasado. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic and international mass media and scholars have been labeling Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro as a "far-right extremist." This claim seems to be highly problematic because of both the unclear definition of the concept "farright extremism" and the lack of empirical evidence to sustain that yet fragile claim. The assessment of Bolsonaro's political discourse and program suggests they are rather standard right-wing conservative ones. This article attempts to sustain that claim in the following three sections. The first section briefly discusses the left/right spectrum and delimits conservatism. The second section begins with contextualizing Brazil in the last two decades, pointing out the results of the previous leftist administrations, then analyzes Bolsonaro's political discourse and program, identifying the objectives and measuring the modalities of action to reach those objectives. The third section ties the research up through a methodological schema that entails the examination of coherence in Bolsonaro's discourse, the assessment of the network of Bolsonaro's administration (domestic and international), and finally, an exploration of Bolsonaro's personality. Among the main findings are (i) making the point that "far-right extremism" can be seen as a qualitative contradiction of terms, (ii) systematizing objectives and modalities of action of the new Brazilian administration, (iii) underlining the fact that a new Brazilian geopolitical design is still inexistent, (iv) noting that Bolsonaro's administration is in a weak position owing to the lack of a right-wing conservative counterculture in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analecta Política is the property of Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From the point of view of their capitalist development pattern, the governments of Fernando Collor de Mello, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and Michel Temer, on the one hand, and Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, on the other, were similar: the former were actively promoting that pattern and the latter accepting it as irreversible, the limit of the possible, and adapting to it. They differed, however, in the macroeconomic policy regimes they adopted. The development pattern of the Workers' Party governments may be described as the peripheral-liberal pattern, the form assumed by neoliberalism in Brazil. Do ponto de vista de seu padrão de desenvolvimento capitalista, os governos de Fernando Collor de Mello, Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Michel Temer, por um lado, e Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff, por outro, se assemelhavam em. Os primeiros promovendo-o ativamente e os segundos aceitando esse padrão como irreversível. Eles diferiram, no entanto, nos regimes de política macroeconômica que adotaram. O padrão de desenvolvimento dos governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores é aqui descrito como o padrão liberal periférico, a forma assumida pelo neoliberalismo no Brasil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main feature of capital accumulation in Brazil during the administrations led by Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party—PT) was the continuity of neoliberalism of two varieties: inclusive (2003–2006) and developmental (2006–2013). The PT's attachment to neoliberalism was mitigated by the party's (shifting) commitment to (mild) developmental outcomes, redistribution of income (at the margin), social inclusion (within narrow limits), and democratization of the state (bounded by the 1988 Constitution). Achievements in these areas were further constrained by the inability or unwillingness of the PT to confront the institutionalization of neoliberalism in the fields of economics, politics, ideology, the media, and class relations. The political crisis unfolding in Brazil since 2013 and the imposition of authoritarian neoliberalism after Rousseff's impeachment can be examined from the perspective of the contradictions in the dominant varieties of neoliberalism under the PT and the limitations of the party's political ambitions. A principal característica da acumulação de capital no Brasil durante os governos ûiderados por Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) foi a continuidade do neoliberalismo de duas variedades: inclusiva (2003–2006) e desenvolvimentista (2006–2013). O apego do PT ao neoliberalismo foi mitigado pelo compromisso (inconstante) do partido com resultados de desenvolvimento (moderados), redistribuição de renda (na margem), inclusão social (dentro de limites estreitos) e democratização do estado (limitado pela Constituição de 1988). As realizações nessas áreas foram ainda mais limitadas pela incapacidade ou falta de vontade do PT em enfrentar a institucionalização do neoliberalismo nos campos da economia, política, ideologia, mídia e relações de classe. A crise política que se desenrola no Brasil desde 2013 e a imposição do neoliberalismo autoritário após o impeachment de Dilma podem ser examinadas sob a perspectiva das contradições nas variedades dominantes de neoliberalismo sob o PT e as limitações das ambições políticas do partido. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically assesses Brazil's role in the South American regional integration process. My hypothesis is that despite the rhetoric of Brazil's Workers' Party (PT) governments about a 'new developmentalism' project to support 'post-neoliberal' regional integration, the structural continuities imposed by neoliberal macroeconomic policies have constrained all possibilities of overcoming underdevelopment. In the realm of regional integration, the driving force has been the internationalization of oligopolic Brazilian business in a process that promised Brazil a leadership role in the subcontinent. This frame has fostered business based on the overexploitation of labour and the destruction of the environment, enforcing trends that deepen the structures of economic dependency and social conflict. The political outcome of that process is that the PT has contributed to contain social pressures, both in the domestic and in regional contexts, as Brazil has played a moderating role in South America's so-called progressive wave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of Brazil's political and economic crisis tends to emphasize the economic 'errors' that President Dilma Rousseff's Workers' Party (PT) government inherited from her predecessor Luíz Inácio Lula da Silva. It is clear, however, that political regulation is too narrow a focus to understand the current crisis. Such an explanation is unable to reveal the changes in class structure that took place during the Lula era as well as the effects of the international economic crisis. This article identifies the limits of the Brazilian development model and the main features of Lula's mode of regulation; analyses the conflicts produced by the neo-liberal regime of accumulation and the Lulista mode of regulation, emphasizing the role of precarious work in the current historical cycle of strikes and popular struggles in Brazil; and, finally, interprets the palace coup promoted by the social forces behind the impeachment of President Rousseff. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period in which the Workers' Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores—PT) was in power in Brazil was characterized by limits and contradictions with regard to policies on employment, unions, and the fight against poverty. An analysis of the factors that contributed to the end of the 14-year cycle of consecutive presidential terms highlights the combined impacts of the international economic crisis, a deepening political crisis with charges of corruption, the destabilization of the party's political alliances, and mass discontent intensified by fiscal adjustment measures that further penalized the already stressed working class. The PT once in power did not motivate resistance, advances in social and union struggles, or social movements, and when it finally attempted to reach out to other social movements it was too late. With the coup represented by the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff in 2016, Brazil entered once again into what Florestan Fernandes has called "preventive counterrevolution."O período durante o qual o PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores) esteve no poder no Brasil caracterizou-se pelos limites e contradições das políticas públicas referentes a emprego, sindicatos e à luta contra a pobreza. Uma análise dos fatores que contribuíram para o fim do ciclo de 14 anos de sucessivas presidências petistas assinala o impacto conjunto da crise econômica internacional, o aprofundamento da crise política com base em acusações de corrupção, a desestabilização das alianças políticas do partido e o descontentamento exa-cerbado pelo ajuste fiscal que penalizou ainda mais a já combalida classe trabalhadora. Uma vez no poder, o PT não encorajou a resistência, ou os avanços nas lutas sindical e social. Quando finalmente tentou ligar-se a outros movimentos sociais já era tarde demais. Com o golpe representado pelo impeachment de Dilma Rousseff em 2016, o Brasil novamente ingressou no que Florestan Fernandes denominou "contra-revolução preventiva." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under favorable external circumstances, the pragmatic political and economic strategy of Brazil's Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party—PT) helped to secure short-term political stability, boosted growth, and supported an unprecedented distribution of income. However, it also meant that the PT had to accommodate to rather than transform the constraints on growth in Brazil and that stability would involve unwieldy political alliances preventing deeper reforms. When it was confronted with deteriorating global economic conditions and increasingly ineffectual economic policies, the PT's strategy immobilized the party, facilitated the dissolution of its base of support, and expedited its ouster from power. The Brazilian experience suggests that political pragmatism can, within limits, support progressive economic change but that the outcomes depend heavily on external circumstances and the stability of the political coalitions supporting the administration.Em circunstâncias externas favoráveis, a pragmática estratégia política e econômica do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) ajudou a assegurar a estabilidade política no curto prazo, impulsionou o crescimento e apoiou uma distribuição de renda sem precedentes. No entanto, isso também significou que o PT teve que se acomodar a, em vez de transformar, as restrições ao crescimento no Brasil, e que a estabilidade envolveria alianças políticas comprometedoras, impedindo reformas mais profundas. Quando foi confrontada com a deterioração das condições econômicas globais e apresentando políticas econômicas cada vez mais ineficazes, a estratégia do PT imobilizou o partido, facilitou a dissolução de sua base de apoio e acelerou sua saída do poder. A experiência brasileira sugere que o pragmatismo político pode, dentro de certos limites, apoiar a mudança econômica progressista, mas que os resultados dependem muito das circunstâncias externas e da estabilidade das coalizões políticas que apóiam a administração. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutions are mostly regarded as durable rules and structures that fulfil certain social or economic function. By contrast, this article outlines a conception of institutions as imaginations, which puts particular emphasis on the creative potential inherent in institutional development. Based on the work of Cornelius Castoriadis and John Searle, the centrality of imagination is expounded on the social as well as on the individual level. While Castoriadis provides an account of social imaginaries on the societal level, Searle's work on mind and language allows to identify the complementary structure of intentionality on the individual level. Thus, institutions are conceived as social imaginaries which are created by groups and individuals, shared and collectivized through texts and symbols and, in certain moments of institutional change, reappropriated and redefined by social actors. The Brazilian PT serves as an example to show that institutional change emerged from imagination. Before collective action and organization building took place in the late 1970s, collective identities and strategies for action had been preconfigured on the level of imagination. Moreover, the party's imaginative foundations remained relevant even decades later, which became evident in the crisis triggerd by the so-called Mensalão scandal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to analyze how the proposal of popular councils, a very present agenda in the Workers' Party in the 1980s, was portrayed in the first volumes of the journal Theory and Debate, which was edited by the party itself. For this study, we consulted the first five volumes of the online magazine, covering the period from 1987, when it was launched, to March 1989, covering the period in which the PT began to govern the first large capitals, reaching the pre-electoral phase 1989. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]