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The goal of assessing psychosocial stress as a process and outcome in naturalistic (i.e., field) settings is applicable across the social, biological, and health sciences. Meaningful measurement of biology-in-context is, however, far from simple or straightforward. In this brief methods review, we introduce theoretical framings, methodological conventions, and ethical concerns around field-collection of markers of psychosocial stress that have emerged from 50 years of research at the intersection of anthropology and human biology. Highlighting measures of psychosocial stress outcomes most often used in biocultural studies, we identify the circumstances under which varied measures are most appropriately applied and provide examples of the types of cutting-edge research questions these measures can address. We explain that field-based psychosocial stress measures embedded in different body systems are neither equivalent nor interchangeable, but this recognition strengthens the study of stress as always simultaneously cultural and biological, situated in local ecologies, social–political structures, and time.

Eating disorders are serious mental illnesses, but little research explores non-Western men's cultural experiences of body image and what affects their risks of disordered eating. Drawing on data collected over 17 months (August 2019 to January 2021) of fieldwork in Seoul, South Korea, the lens of intersectionality is employed alongside multiple regression and moderation analysis to understand how two axes of identity which emerged as important from the ethnography-sexual identity and university prestige-shape the ways in which young Korean men's cultural consonance with their local model of the ideal male body, influenced heavily by the kkonminam (flower boy), relates to risk for developing an eating disorder. Among young Korean men, intersections of university prestige and sexual identity frame embodiment of cultural models of male body image as a strategy for the making and maintenance of social relations and the advancement of social status in a precarious neoliberal economy.

Mexican immigrant women come to the United States in pursuit of what they call la buena vida (the good life) for themselves and for their children. The research described here attempts to better un...

Theoretical and methodological developments guided by a cognitive theory of culture have advanced our understanding of cultural processes over the past 40 years. The theoretical construct of cultural models, developed in the 1970s, provided a more precise definition of culture. The cultural consensus model, introduced in 1986, enabled investigators to verify and analyze the degree to which culture was shared and how it was distributed. Subsequent advances in the cultural consensus model, especially the analysis of residual agreement, provided a more complete approach to describing intracultural diversity. Finally, the concept and measurement of cultural consonance, introduced in 1996, demonstrated how shared cultural models link to social practice. This article provides a brief overview of these trends in the study of culture, with an emphasis on how this theory and these methods have been applied in research.

Resumo Este estudo teve por objetivo identificar os significados atribuídos ao alimento por pacientes com Anorexia Nervosa (AN) e por jovens eutróficas sem sintomas de Transtornos Alimentares. Trata-se de um estudo qualitativo, comparativo e transversal. Foram entrevistadas 12 mulheres distribuídas em dois grupos focais: um composto por seis participantes com diagnóstico de AN, que frequentavam um serviço especializado (grupo de pacientes: GP) e outro, de comparação (GC), constituído por seis mulheres, eutróficas e sem sintomas de AN. Os encontros foram audiogravados e transcritos na íntegra. Para a análise de dados utilizou-se a técnica de análise de conteúdo temática e o marco teórico-conceitual da antropologia da alimentação, focalizando os significados do alimento e o valor simbólico das práticas alimentares. Verificou-se, em ambos os grupos, que os alimentos despertam uma gama de sentimentos paradoxais, variando desde prazer à repulsa, repúdio, nojo, culpa e medo. No GP, os significados são norteados pela importância capital atribuída ao conteúdo calórico em vez do valor nutricional dos alimentos. Para compreensão das práticas alimentares na anorexia, os profissionais devem estar atentos às determinações culturais, sociais e políticas que atravessam esse fenômeno, evitando a individualização do problema. Abstract This study aimed to identify the meanings assigned to food by patients with Anorexia Nervosa (AN) and by normal weight young women without symptoms of Eating Disorders. A qualitative, comparative and cross-sectional study was carried out. Twelve women were interviewed, divided into two focus groups: one composed of six participants diagnosed with AN attending a specialized service (patients group: PG), and the other group (comparison group: CG) was composed of six normal weight women without symptoms of AN. The meetings were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. For data analysis, the thematic content analysis technique and the theoretical-conceptual framework of food anthropology were used, focusing on the meanings of food and the symbolic value of eating practices. It was found, in both groups, that food arouses a range of paradoxical feelings, ranging from pleasure to rejection, repudiation, disgust, guilt and fear. In the PG, the meanings are guided by the capital importance the participants assigned to the food caloric content, rather than nutritional value. Health professionals need to be sensitive to the verbal manifestations of AN patients in order to help them with the delicate balance between survival and denial of life. To understand eating practices in anorexia, professionals must be aware of the cultural, social and political determinations that go through this phenomenon, avoiding the individualization of the problem.

The stigma associated with substance use is well known, but little research has examined stigma attribution, or the tendency to stigmatize, nor is there much cross-cultural research on the topic. We examine cultural models for the risk of substance use associated with stigma attribution in two settings: the United States and Brazil. Study populations of young adults are the focus in each setting. Using methods of cultural domain analysis, cultural consensus analysis, and the analysis of residual agreement, we find similar models in each society. There is a continuum from viewing substance use risk as a biopsychosocial problem to viewing it as a moral issue. In the United States, viewing substance use as a biopsychosocial issue is associated with lower attributed stigma; in Brazil, viewing substance use as a biopsychosocial issue is associated with higher attributed stigma. We argue that social patterns of drug use in each society underlie this difference.

This study examines the cognitive resources underlying the attribution of stigma in substance use and misuse. A cultural model of substance misuse risk was elicited from students at a major U.S. state university. We found a contested cultural model, with some respondents adopting a model of medical risk while others adopted a model of moral failure; agreeing that moral failure primarily defined risk led to greater attribution of stigma. Here we incorporate general beliefs about moral decision-making, assessed through Moral Foundations Theory. Specifically, we examined commitment to each moral foundation in relation to stigma attribution while controlling for the specific model of substance misuse risk. We found an interaction between the purity moral foundation and the cultural model of risk. This suggests that broad moral orientations, along with more specific understandings of substance misuse risk, combine to orient an individual with respect to stigma attribution.

Mexican immigrants in the U.S. show high incidence of type 2 diabetes, and increased risk is associated with longer duration of residency. This study considers the impact of culture over time for Mexican immigrant women in a southern U.S. city. Using cultural consensus analysis to empirically derive the substance and structure of a cultural model for

We review ethnographic methods that allow researchers to assess distress in a culturally sensitive manner. We begin with an overview of standardized biomedical and psychological approaches to assessing distress cross-culturally. We then focus on literature describing the development of reliable and valid culturally sensitive assessment tools that can serve as complements or alternatives to biomedical categories and diagnostic frameworks. The methods we describe are useful in identifying forms of suffering—expressed in culturally salient idioms of distress—that might be misidentified by biomedical classifications. We highlight the utility of a cognitive anthropological theoretical approach for developing measures that attend to local cultural categories of knowledge and experience. Attending to cultural insider perspectives is necessary because expressions of distress, thresholds of tolerance for distress, expectations about stress inherent in life, conceptions of the good life, symptom expression, and modes of help-seeking vary across cultures.

Body image disturbance and eating disorders are rising all over the world. However, little is known about experiences of body image in men across cultural groups, and measurement tools often fail to account for the profound ways in which culture and gender can affect these data. An American cultural model of the ideal male body was compared with that of South Koreans using cultural domain analysis and residual agreement analysis. Cultural domain analysis gives researchers the ability to systematically study cultural models based on informants' emic understanding of phenomena; residual agreement analysis evaluates the patterns of agreement in disagreement with a larger cultural model. This study shows that Americans and South Koreans often overlap in their assessments of the desirability of male bodily features; however, they also strongly endorse many differing features, as well as similar features for different cultural reasons. For example, Americans endorse muscularity because it indexes physical prowess and health; South Koreans only sometimes endorse muscularity, mainly as an aesthetic choice. As a result, psychometric tools for measuring body dissatisfaction that are uncritically adopted for use in cross-cultural research may miss important information affecting the validity of findings and the efficacy of prevention campaigns and treatment plans.

Cultural consonance is the degree to which individuals approximate, in their own beliefs and behaviors, the prototypes for belief and behavior encoded in cultural models. Low cultural consonance is associated with higher psychological distress. Cultural consonance also converges across some cultural domains. Cultural consonance in different domains may converge because of an individual’s access to socioeconomic resources, or cultural consonance in multiple cultural domains may occur because these domains are in turn meaningfully—or culturally—organized. These possibilities were investigated in two linked studies conducted in urban Brazil, using mixed methods. A cultural domain analysis indicated that several cultural domains are organized around a broader concept of “goals in life.” Cultural consonance in these cultural domains in turn forms a single factor of “cultural consonance in life goals,” which is associated with lower depressive symptoms. The implications of these results for the further study of...

Objectives Objective of the study is to develop a more precise model of culture as an evolutionary niche for the human species. Culture is encoded in cultural models and can be decomposed into three basic components: shared knowledge and understanding, referred to as cultural competence; alternate configurations of shared understanding, referred to as residual agreement; and social practice, referred to as cultural consonance. Individuals are thus located in a cultural Euclidean space of shared understanding, patterned divergence from that understanding, and social practice. Methods A follow-up sample (n = 64) of a larger survey sample was interviewed to collect data on cultural competence, residual agreement, and cultural consonance in five cultural domains. Nonmetric multidimensional scaling was used to examine dimensional structure. Cluster analysis was used to group respondents along these dimensions. The association of cluster membership with depression was examined using dummy variable regression analysis. Results Multidimensional scaling was consistent with a three-dimensional structure. Based on measures of cultural competence, residual agreement, and cultural consonance, respondents clustered into three groups: the culturally proficient, the culturally knowledgeable, and the culturally distal. Individuals in the culturally proficient and knowledgeable groups reported fewer depressive symptoms than the culturally distal. Conclusions These results suggest a three-dimensional Euclidean structure of culture in which knowledge is shared, contested, and acted upon. Such a cultural niche likely emerged early in human evolution because of the enhanced survival value of shared and contested knowledge, verifiable through practice.

Culture is essential for humans to exist. Yet surprisingly little attention has been paid to identifying how culture works or developing standards to guide the application of this concept in health research. This paper describes a multidisciplinary effort to find consensus on essential elements of a definition of culture to guide researchers in studying how cultural processes influence health and health behaviors. We first highlight the lack of progress made in the health sciences to explain differences between population groups, and then identify 10 key barriers in research impeding progress in more effectively and rapidly realizing equity in health outcomes. Second, we highlight the primarily mono-cultural lens through which health behavior is currently conceptualized, third, we present a consensus definition of culture as an integrating framework, and last, we provide guidelines to more effectively operationalize the concept of culture for health research. We hope this effort will be useful to researchers, reviewers, and funders alike.

The practice of martial arts for leisure and exercise is growing rapidly in the United States. In this study, we utilize mixed methods and cultural consensus analysis to examine a cultural model of strategy among Brazilian jiu jitsu athletes in a gym in Atlanta, Georgia, and to explore how that cultural knowledge varies within consensus. This study builds upon previous research in martial arts studies by employing cultural domain analysis and ethnographic research to quantify and link culture to embodied knowledge through a cultural model of strategy. Results show that strategy in Brazilian jiu jitsu revolves around the hierarchy of positional dominance. Low level belt-ranked novice athletes utilize shared understandings of positional dominance to guide their personal strategic selection of techniques, which they habitually practice to the point of embodied reflexivity. High belt-ranked expert athletes eventually reach a level of expertise at which relying exclusively on the cultural model of strategy impedes their performance in competition. These expert athletes develop a personal model of strategic fluidity within the context of the cultural model of strategy which focuses on adaptation to specific opponents and circumstances.

In this article, we examine the distribution of a marker of immune system stimulation-C-reactive protein-in urban Brazil. Social relationships are associated with immunostimulation, and we argue that cultural dimensions of social support, assessed by cultural consonance, are important in this process. Cultural consonance is the degree to which individuals, in their own beliefs and behaviors, approximate shared cultural models. A measure of cultural consonance in social support, based on a cultural consensus analysis regarding sources and patterns of social support in Brazil, was developed. In a survey of 258 persons, the association of cultural consonance in social support and C-reactive protein was examined, controlling for age, sex, body mass index, low-density lipoprotein cholesterol, depressive symptoms, and a social network index. Lower cultural consonance in social support was associated with higher C-reactive protein. Implications of these results for future research are discussed.

This study examines the knowledge individuals use to make judgments about persons with substance use disorder. First, we show that there is a cultural model of addiction causality that is both shared and contested. Second, we examine how individuals' understanding of that model is associated with stigma attribution. Research was conducted among undergraduate students at the University of Alabama. College students in the 18-25 age range are especially at risk for developing substance use disorder, and they are, perhaps more than any other population group, intensely targeted by drug education. The elicited cultural model includes different types of causes distributed across five distinct themes: Biological, Self-Medication, Familial, Social, and Hedonistic. Though there was cultural consensus among respondents overall, residual agreement analysis showed that the cultural model of addiction causality is a multicentric domain. Two centers of the model, the moral and the medical, were discovered. Differing adherence to these centers is associated with the level of stigma attributed towards individuals with substance use disorder. The results suggest that current approaches to substance use education could contribute to stigma attribution, which may or may not be inadvertent. The significance of these results for both theory and the treatment of addiction are discussed.

Health disparities or health inequalities refer to enduring differences between population groups in health status, well-being, and mortality. Health inequalities have been described by race, ethnic group, gender, and social class. A variety of theories have been proposed to account for health inequalities, including access to medical care and absolute material deprivation. Several theorists (including Michael Marmot and Richard Wilkinson) have argued that relative deprivation is the primary factor. By this they mean the inability of individuals to achieve the kind of lifestyle that is valued and considered normative in their social context. In this article, we show that the concept and measurement of cultural consonance can operationalize what Marmot and Wilkinson mean by relative deprivation. Cultural consonance is the degree to which individuals approximate, in their own beliefs and behaviors, the prototypes for belief and behavior encoded in shared cultural models. Widely shared cultural models in society describe what is regarded both as appropriate and desirable in many different domains. These cultural models are both directive and motivating: people try to achieve the goals defined in these models; however, as a result of both social and economic constraints, some individuals are unable to effectively incorporate these cultural goals into their own lives. The result is an enduring loss of coherence in life, because life is not unfolding in the way that it, culturally speaking, “should.” The resulting chronic stress is associated with psychobiological distress. We illustrate this process with data collected in urban Brazil. A theory of cultural consonance provides a uniquely biocultural contribution to the understanding of health inequalities.

This article reports the replication after 10 years of cultural consensus analyses in four cultural domains in the city of Ribeirão Preto, Brazil. Additionally, two methods for evaluating residual agreement are applied to the data, and a new technique for evaluating how cultural knowledge is represented by residual agreement is introduced. We found that overall cultural consensus observed in 2001 was replicated in 2011 in four cultural domains. Significant residual agreement in all four cultural domains was observed using a technique for assessing the structure of the respondent-by-respondent agreement matrix. Analysis of loadings on the second factor from the cultural consensus analyses indicated that time period was associated with residual agreement in the domain of lifestyle, while other variables were associated with residual agreement in other domains. The variation in the configuration of elements in the cultural model of lifestyle within each time period, relative to the overall consensus, was examined using deviation scores. Implications of these results for the study of culture and the distribution and sharing of culture are discussed.

Medical anthropologists have had a long interest in the subject of social inequality and health. Critical medical anthropologists (Farmer 1999; Singer 1986) and biocultural anthropologists (Goodman and Leatherman 1998; Thomas 1998) have all argued for the systematic study of structured economic and social inequality in communities and their impact on health. In this issue of MAQ, Ricardo Godoy and his colleagues add a new dimension to the anthropological study of this subject. My aim here is to provide a bit more background, to better contextualize their study. Although anthropologists have a deep interest in the subject of inequality and health, we have contributed proportionately little to the debate. The inverse association between socioeconomic status (SES) and health, and the related positive association between social integration and health, are probably the most widely replicated of any associations observed between social variables and health outcomes. And, the SES–health relationship is certainly the most often replicated association of these two relationships. Social epidemiology is the field that has contributed the most to this literature (Berkman and Kawachi 2000). This of course will be familiar to the many medical anthropologists who are acquainted with the literature in epidemiology. Regardless of who is doing the research, however, the question remains: why? What is it about social inequality that leads to ill health? This may seem like a silly question when you consider the grinding poverty (or absolute material deprivation) under which some people live as described in the ethnographic literature by, for example, Nancy Scheper-Hughes (1992). Her careful ethnographic description of the desolate poverty experienced by many living in a Brazilian favela (or “shantytown”) makes it clear that some people are sicker because they are poor, oppressed, and exploited. On the other hand, it is not such a crazy question when you look at the socioeconomic gradient in health found in Michael Marmot’s Whitehall study (Marmot 1994). Whitehall, of course, refers generally to the British civil service. From the housekeeping staff to the titled ministers, the inverse gradient in health can be seen. Granted, the differences in health may not be as great as those between the poorest Brazilians and Brazilian members of the international elite, but the gradient, nevertheless, is there. And, these British civil servants are fortunate to live in a society with a national health care service and with the economic wherewithal

This research explores the social distribution of food knowledge in Ribeirão Preto, a city in the state of São Paulo, Brazil. Through an analysis of the distribution of individual expertise in regard to the cultural model of food along the dimensions of healthfulness, practicality, and prestige, this research demonstrates that knowledge of the cultural model of food is most strongly shared in the upper class of the city. Qualitative and quantitative ethnographic research suggests that the social patterning of health-related food knowledge in Ribeirão Preto may serve to maintain class distinction.

In this study in urban Brazil we examine, as a predictor of depressive symptoms, the interaction between a single nucleotide polymorphism in the 2A receptor in the serotonin system (-1438G/A) and cultural consonance in family life, a measure of the degree to which an individual perceives her family as corresponding to a widely shared cultural model of the prototypical family. A community sample of 144 adults was followed over a 2-year-period. Cultural consonance in family life was assessed by linking individuals' perceptions of their own families with a shared cultural model of the family derived from cultural consensus analysis. The -1438G/A polymorphism in the 2A serotonin receptor was genotyped using a standard protocol for DNA extracted from leukocytes. Covariates included age, sex, socioeconomic status, and stressful life events. Cultural consonance in family life was prospectively associated with depressive symptoms. In addition, the interaction between genotype and cultural consonance in family life was significant. For individuals with the A/A variant of the -1438G/A polymorphism of the 2A receptor gene, the effect of cultural consonance in family life on depressive symptoms over a 2-year-period was larger (beta = -0.533, P < 0.01) than those effects for individuals with either the G/A (beta = -0.280, P < 0.10) or G/G (beta = -0.272, P < 0.05) variants. These results are consistent with a process in which genotype moderates the effects of culturally meaningful social experience on depressive symptoms.

This study uses mixed methods and theory from cognitive anthropology to examine the cultural models of domestic violence among domestic violence agency workers, welfare workers, nurses, and a general population comparison group. Data collection and analysis uses quantitative and qualitative techniques, and the findings are integrated for interpretation. Findings reveal consensus among service providers on how controllable domestic violence factors are and whether they are most characteristic of victims or perpetrators, but diversity with regard to their understandings of the importance of the factors suggesting that occupational category alone is inadequate in predicting service providers' beliefs and subsequent delivery of services. The implications of the findings extend into the areas of domestic violence service delivery, cognitive anthropology, and mixed methods research.