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Abstract Americans’ trust in government is lower than ever. However, while all groups have seen a decline in trust since the 1960s, the gap in trust between racial and ethnic minorities and Whites in this period has varied not only in size but also in direction. At times, racial and ethnic minorities have actually had higher rates of trust than Whites, contradicting the broad assumptions in research about race and political trust. Explanations of the causes of trust in government that emphasize institutional experience and early socialization would not predict this outcome. We propose that an underutilized component in the study of race and political trust is perceived justice. On one hand, racial and ethnic minorities’ sensitivity to institutional injustice often leads to lower rates of trust. On the other hand, when racial and ethnic minorities perceive there are greater opportunities for racial progress, which signal that widespread harm can be repaired, their political trust tends to increase, sometimes to levels that exceed those for Whites. The interplay between political realities that shape perceived justice as well as political hope for racial progress likely creates the variable longitudinal patterns of racial and ethnic differences in trust.

INTRODUCTION Reconciliation continues to capture the attention of institutions across Canada. Still questions around how to define and how to pursue it remain. The Canadian Sociological Association's Decolonization sub-committee was [...]

Housework is asymmetrically distributed by gender. This uneven allocation is an important indicator of inequality between women and men. The imbalance is closing, although exactly why remains uncertain. It is also unclear if the convergence has more to do with women's lives becoming more like men's, or whether it is because men are changing their practices on the home front. Using 30 years of nationally representative time use diary data, we explore three broad theoretical frameworks addressing social change--cultural, structural, and demographic--to examine how and why the gender dynamics around housework are shifting. We find that structural factors, and in particular women's engagement with paid work, have changed most sharply as drivers of greater symmetry in domestic labor, although changing cultural beliefs have contributed as well. Furthermore, there have been significant changes in men's behavior. One focal point for this domestic change is in men's and women's shifting practices around childcare. Intensive parenting, not just intensive mothering, has become more prevalent. Le travail menager n'est pas distribue de maniere uniforme entre les sexes. Cette inegalite des roles est un important indicateur de celle qui existe entre les femmes et les hommes. Ce desequilibre s'attenue, meme si la raison exacte en demeure incertaine. On ignore egalement si cette convergence se rapporte davantage au fait que la vie des femmes ressemble de plus en plus il celle des hommes ou au fait que les hommes changent d'attitude face au travail menager. A partir d'un echantillonnage representatif au niveau national de trente annees de donnees journalieres sur l'utilisation du temps, nous explorons trois vastes cadres theoriques--culturel, structurel et demographique abordant les changements sociaux pour savoir comment et pourquoi se modifie la dynamique sexuelle autour du travail menager. Nous avons decouvert que les facteurs structurels, particulierement la participation des femmes au travail remunere, ont evolue le plus nettement comme source d'une plus grande symetrie dans le travail menager, meme si une modification des croyances culturelles y a egalement joue un role. De plus, le comportement des hommes s'est modifie de maniere significative. Cette evolution du travail menager depend en grande partie de celle qui touche la garde des enfants. On assiste aujourd'hui a une parentalite intensive, plutot qu'a une simple maternite intensive., HOUSEWORK'S A CHORE. It is, however, an unevenly borne chore. As documented in sociological classics, such as More than a Labour of Love, housework falls disproportionately on women (Luxton 1980 [...]

Indigenous peoples in Canada have engaged in hundreds of collective action events. The media are the key means through which the general public learns about these actions. However, the media do not simply mirror events. Instead, coverage tends to emphasize certain aspects of indigenous peoples’ collective action events while overlooking others. While early research emphasized the tendency of the mainstream media to portray these events as violent and militant, more recent scholarship has focused on nationalism and the ways that coverage of these actions creates an “us” vs. “them” binary. In this paper we build on this latter work by identifying the specific characteristics associated with each side of this binary. We analyze several hundred Canadian newspaper articles about a key set of events that took place during the 1990s. We find that the media repeatedly draws on frames that portray Indigenous peoples’ protest as criminal, divisive, and expensive. These assessments are made in implicit contrast with non-Indigenous people, or “good” citizens, as law-abiding, peaceful, and tax paying. Media stories therefore frame Indigenous challengers in a way that make them appear to be less deserving citizens of the nation.

In the twentieth century, European migrants' ethnic and racial status changed as they joined the mainstream. Assimilation theory identified socioeconomic mobility as the driver of this outcome. More recently, non-European migrants have also achieved socioeconomic parity with the mainstream. Yet, a puzzle has emerged: unlike earlier European migrants these non-Europeans remain "racialized". They are both a part of, and excluded from, the majority group. This paper proffers a transnational amendment to assimilation theory. While socioeconomic parity matters so too does the similarity between the imagined racial status of the origin and host country. Groups originating from geographies that are imagined as outside of transnational Whiteness remain a "racial minority". Groups originating from geographies that are imagined as within transnational Whiteness are already White and, thereby, assimilated. To delineate this transnational approach to assimilation and inclusion, we provide examples from Europeans' and non-Europeans' assimilation trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At many Canadian universities it is now common to publicly acknowledge Indigenous lands, treaties, and peoples. Yet, this practice has yet to be considered as a subject of scholarly inquiry. How does this practice vary and why? In this paper we describe the content and practice of acknowledgment, linking this content to treaty relationships (or lack thereof). We show that acknowledgment tends to be one of five general types: of land and title (British Columbia), of specific treaties and political relationships (Prairies), of multiculturalism and heterogeneity (Ontario), of no practice (most of Quebec), and of people, territory, and openness to doing more (Atlantic). Based on these results, we conclude that the fluidity of acknowledgment as a practice, including changing meanings depending on the positionality of the acknowledger, need to be taken into account. Plusieurs universites Canadien pratique une reconnaissance des territoires, des traites, et des peoples autochtone en publique. Cette pratique, cependant, n'a jamais ete consideree comme une enquete savante. Dans ce projet nous regardons comment les reconnaissances varie par institution et pourquoi. Nous trouvons qu'il y a un lien entre le contenu des reconnaissances et les relations traite. On demontre cinq forme des reconnaissances: territoire et titre (Colombie britannique); traite specifique and les relations politiques (Prairies); multiculturalisme et heterogeneite (Ontario); l'absence (la majorite du Quebec); et des peoples, territoire et volonte a plus faire (Atlantique). Nous concluons que la fluidite de la reconnaissance, comme pratique, est fluide et doit prendre en consideration la position de la personne qui le fait., MANY CANADIAN INSTITUTIONS, ranging from governments to school boards, now make some kind of public acknowledgment of Indigenous peoples, lands, and treaties. Recent government acknowledgments include those made by Ontario [...]