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LMs' alignment with human reading behavior (i.e. psychometric predictive power; PPP) is known to improve during pretraining up to a tipping point, beyond which it either plateaus or degrades. Various factors, such as word frequency, recency bias in attention, and context size, have been theorized to affect PPP, yet there is no current account that explains why such a tipping point exists, and how it interacts with LMs' pretraining dynamics more generally. We hypothesize that the underlying factor is a pretraining phase transition, characterized by the rapid emergence of specialized attention heads. We conduct a series of correlational and causal experiments to show that such a phase transition is responsible for the tipping point in PPP. We then show that, rather than producing attention patterns that contribute to the degradation in PPP, phase transitions alter the subsequent learning dynamics of the model, such that further training keeps damaging PPP.

Do LLMs offer insights into human language learning? A common argument against this idea is that because their architecture and training paradigm are so vastly different from humans, LLMs can learn arbitrary inputs as easily as natural languages. In this paper, we test this claim by training LMs to model impossible and typologically unattested languages. Unlike previous work, which has focused exclusively on English, we conduct experiments on 12 natural languages from 4 language families. Our results show that while GPT-2 small can primarily distinguish attested languages from their impossible counterparts, it does not achieve perfect separation between all the attested languages and all the impossible ones. We further test whether GPT-2 small distinguishes typologically attested from unattested languages with different NP orders by manipulating word order based on Greenberg's Universal 20. We find that the model's perplexity scores do not distinguish attested vs. unattested word orders, as long as the unattested variants maintain constituency structure. These findings suggest that language models exhibit some human-like inductive biases, though these biases are weaker than those found in human learners.

This chapter examines current developments in linguistic theory and methods, focusing on the increasing integration of computational, cognitive, and evolutionary perspectives. We highlight four major themes shaping contemporary linguistics: (1) the explicit testing of hypotheses about symbolic representation, such as efficiency, locality, and conceptual semantic grounding; (2) the impact of artificial neural networks on theoretical debates and linguistic analysis; (3) the importance of intersubjectivity in linguistic theory; and (4) the growth of evolutionary linguistics. By connecting linguistics with computer science, psychology, neuroscience, and biology, we provide a forward-looking perspective on the changing landscape of linguistic research.

BabyLM aims to dissolve the boundaries between cognitive modeling and language modeling. We call for both workshop papers and for researchers to join the 3rd BabyLM competition. As in previous years, we call for participants in the data-efficient pretraining challenge in the general track. This year, we also offer a new track: INTERACTION. This new track encourages interactive behavior, learning from a teacher, and adapting the teaching material to the student. We also call for papers outside the competition in any relevant areas. These include training efficiency, cognitively plausible research, weak model evaluation, and more., Comment: EMNLP 2025 BabyLM Workshop. arXiv admin note: text overlap with arXiv:2404.06214

The BabyLM Challenge is a community effort to close the data-efficiency gap between human and computational language learners. Participants compete to optimize language model training on a fixed language data budget of 100 million words or less. This year, we released improved text corpora, as well as a vision-and-language corpus to facilitate research into cognitively plausible vision language models. Submissions were compared on evaluation tasks targeting grammatical ability, (visual) question answering, pragmatic abilities, and grounding, among other abilities. Participants could submit to a 10M-word text-only track, a 100M-word text-only track, and/or a 100M-word and image multimodal track. From 31 submissions employing diverse methods, a hybrid causal-masked language model architecture outperformed other approaches. No submissions outperformed the baselines in the multimodal track. In follow-up analyses, we found a strong relationship between training FLOPs and average performance across tasks, and that the best-performing submissions proposed changes to the training data, training objective, and model architecture. This year's BabyLM Challenge shows that there is still significant room for innovation in this setting, in particular for image-text modeling, but community-driven research can yield actionable insights about effective strategies for small-scale language modeling.

The Uniform Information Density (UID) hypothesis posits that speakers tend to distribute information evenly across linguistic units to achieve efficient communication. Of course, information rate in texts and discourses is not perfectly uniform. While these fluctuations can be viewed as theoretically uninteresting noise on top of a uniform target, another explanation is that UID is not the only functional pressure regulating information content in a language. Speakers may also seek to maintain interest, adhere to writing conventions, and build compelling arguments. In this paper, we propose one such functional pressure; namely that speakers modulate information rate based on location within a hierarchically-structured model of discourse. We term this the Structured Context Hypothesis and test it by predicting the surprisal contours of naturally occurring discourses extracted from large language models using predictors derived from discourse structure. We find that hierarchical predictors are significant predictors of a discourse's information contour and that deeply nested hierarchical predictors are more predictive than shallow ones. This work takes an initial step beyond UID to propose testable hypotheses for why the information rate fluctuates in predictable ways, Comment: EMNLP 2024 (main conference)

Numerous previous studies have sought to determine to what extent language models, pretrained on natural language text, can serve as useful models of human cognition. In this paper, we are interested in the opposite question: whether we can directly optimize a language model to be a useful cognitive model by aligning it to human psychometric data. To achieve this, we introduce a novel alignment technique in which we fine-tune a language model to implicitly optimize the parameters of a linear regressor that directly predicts humans' reading times of in-context linguistic units, e.g., phonemes, morphemes, or words, using surprisal estimates derived from the language model. Using words as a test case, we evaluate our technique across multiple model sizes and datasets and find that it improves language models' psychometric predictive power. However, we find an inverse relationship between psychometric power and a model's performance on downstream NLP tasks as well as its perplexity on held-out test data. While this latter trend has been observed before (Oh et al., 2022; Shain et al., 2024), we are the first to induce it by manipulating a model's alignment to psychometric data.

We present a new perspective on how readers integrate context during real-time language comprehension. Our proposals build on surprisal theory, which posits that the processing effort of a linguistic unit (e.g., a word) is an affine function of its in-context information content. We first observe that surprisal is only one out of many potential ways that a contextual predictor can be derived from a language model. Another one is the pointwise mutual information (PMI) between a unit and its context, which turns out to yield the same predictive power as surprisal when controlling for unigram frequency. Moreover, both PMI and surprisal are correlated with frequency. This means that neither PMI nor surprisal contains information about context alone. In response to this, we propose a technique where we project surprisal onto the orthogonal complement of frequency, yielding a new contextual predictor that is uncorrelated with frequency. Our experiments show that the proportion of variance in reading times explained by context is a lot smaller when context is represented by the orthogonalized predictor. From an interpretability standpoint, this indicates that previous studies may have overstated the role that context has in predicting reading times., Comment: EMNLP 2024

The ability to build and leverage world models is essential for a general-purpose AI agent. Testing such capabilities is hard, in part because the building blocks of world models are ill-defined. We present Elements of World Knowledge (EWOK), a framework for evaluating world modeling in language models by testing their ability to use knowledge of a concept to match a target text with a plausible/implausible context. EWOK targets specific concepts from multiple knowledge domains known to be vital for world modeling in humans. Domains range from social interactions (help/hinder) to spatial relations (left/right). Both, contexts and targets are minimal pairs. Objects, agents, and locations in the items can be flexibly filled in enabling easy generation of multiple controlled datasets. We then introduce EWOK-CORE-1.0, a dataset of 4,374 items covering 11 world knowledge domains. We evaluate 20 openweights large language models (1.3B--70B parameters) across a battery of evaluation paradigms along with a human norming study comprising 12,480 measurements. The overall performance of all tested models is worse than human performance, with results varying drastically across domains. These data highlight simple cases where even large models fail and present rich avenues for targeted research on LLM world modeling capabilities., Comment: 21 pages (11 main), 7 figures. Authors Anna Ivanova, Aalok Sathe, Benjamin Lipkin contributed equally

After last year's successful BabyLM Challenge, the competition will be hosted again in 2024/2025. The overarching goals of the challenge remain the same; however, some of the competition rules will be different. The big changes for this year's competition are as follows: First, we replace the loose track with a paper track, which allows (for example) non-model-based submissions, novel cognitively-inspired benchmarks, or analysis techniques. Second, we are relaxing the rules around pretraining data, and will now allow participants to construct their own datasets provided they stay within the 100M-word or 10M-word budget. Third, we introduce a multimodal vision-and-language track, and will release a corpus of 50% text-only and 50% image-text multimodal data as a starting point for LM model training. The purpose of this CfP is to provide rules for this year's challenge, explain these rule changes and their rationale in greater detail, give a timeline of this year's competition, and provide answers to frequently asked questions from last year's challenge.

Zipf (1935) posited that wordforms are optimized to minimize utterances' communicative costs. Under the assumption that cost is given by an utterance's length, he supported this claim by showing that words' lengths are inversely correlated with their frequencies. Communicative cost, however, can be operationalized in different ways. Piantadosi et al. (2011) claim that cost should be measured as the distance between an utterance's information rate and channel capacity, which we dub the channel capacity hypothesis (CCH) here. Following this logic, they then proposed that a word's length should be proportional to the expected value of its surprisal (negative log-probability in context). In this work, we show that Piantadosi et al.'s derivation does not minimize CCH's cost, but rather a lower bound, which we term CCH-lower. We propose a novel derivation, suggesting an improved way to minimize CCH's cost. Under this method, we find that a language's word lengths should instead be proportional to the surprisal's expectation plus its variance-to-mean ratio. Experimentally, we compare these three communicative cost functions: Zipf's, CCH-lower , and CCH. Across 13 languages and several experimental settings, we find that length is better predicted by frequency than either of the other hypotheses. In fact, when surprisal's expectation, or expectation plus variance-to-mean ratio, is estimated using better language models, it leads to worse word length predictions. We take these results as evidence that Zipf's longstanding hypothesis holds., Comment: Published at EMNLP 2023

Training on multiple modalities of input can augment the capabilities of a language model. Here, we ask whether such a training regime can improve the quality and efficiency of these systems as well. We focus on text--audio and introduce Whisbert, which is inspired by the text--image approach of FLAVA (Singh et al., 2022). In accordance with Babylm guidelines (Warstadt et al., 2023), we pretrain Whisbert on a dataset comprising only 100 million words plus their corresponding speech from the word-aligned version of the People's Speech dataset (Galvez et al., 2021). To assess the impact of multimodality, we compare versions of the model that are trained on text only and on both audio and text simultaneously. We find that while Whisbert is able to perform well on multimodal masked modeling and surpasses the Babylm baselines in most benchmark tasks, it struggles to optimize its complex objective and outperform its text-only Whisbert baseline., Comment: Published at the BabyLM Challenge, a shared task co-sponsored by CMCL 2023 and CoNLL 2023, hosted by EMNLP 2023

Sampling is a common strategy for generating text from probabilistic models, yet standard ancestral sampling often results in text that is incoherent or ungrammatical. To alleviate this issue, various modifications to a model's sampling distribution, such as nucleus or top-k sampling, have been introduced and are now ubiquitously used in language generation systems. We propose a unified framework for understanding these techniques, which we term sampling adapters. Sampling adapters often lead to qualitatively better text, which raises the question: From a formal perspective, how are they changing the (sub)word-level distributions of language generation models? And why do these local changes lead to higher-quality text? We argue that the shift they enforce can be viewed as a trade-off between precision and recall: while the model loses its ability to produce certain strings, its precision rate on desirable text increases. While this trade-off is not reflected in standard metrics of distribution quality (such as perplexity), we find that several precision-emphasizing measures indeed indicate that sampling adapters can lead to probability distributions more aligned with the true distribution. Further, these measures correlate with higher sequence-level quality scores, specifically, Mauve., Comment: ACL 2023 Main Conference Proceedings

A fundamental result in psycholinguistics is that less predictable words take a longer time to process. One theoretical explanation for this finding is Surprisal Theory (Hale, 2001; Levy, 2008), which quantifies a word's predictability as its surprisal, i.e. its negative log-probability given a context. While evidence supporting the predictions of Surprisal Theory have been replicated widely, most have focused on a very narrow slice of data: native English speakers reading English texts. Indeed, no comprehensive multilingual analysis exists. We address this gap in the current literature by investigating the relationship between surprisal and reading times in eleven different languages, distributed across five language families. Deriving estimates from language models trained on monolingual and multilingual corpora, we test three predictions associated with surprisal theory: (i) whether surprisal is predictive of reading times; (ii) whether expected surprisal, i.e. contextual entropy, is predictive of reading times; (iii) and whether the linking function between surprisal and reading times is linear. We find that all three predictions are borne out crosslinguistically. By focusing on a more diverse set of languages, we argue that these results offer the most robust link to-date between information theory and incremental language processing across languages., Comment: This is a pre-MIT Press publication version of the paper

Large language models generate fluent texts and can follow natural language instructions to solve a wide range of tasks without task-specific training. Nevertheless, it is notoriously difficult to control their generation to satisfy the various constraints required by different applications. In this work, we present InstructCTG, a controlled text generation framework that incorporates different constraints by conditioning on natural language descriptions and demonstrations of the constraints. In particular, we first extract the underlying constraints of natural texts through a combination of off-the-shelf NLP tools and simple heuristics. We then verbalize the constraints into natural language instructions to form weakly supervised training data. By prepending natural language descriptions of the constraints and a few demonstrations, we fine-tune a pre-trained language model to incorporate various types of constraints. Compared to existing search-based or score-based methods, InstructCTG is more flexible to different constraint types and has a much smaller impact on the generation quality and speed because it does not modify the decoding procedure. Additionally, InstructCTG allows the model to adapt to new constraints without re-training through the use of few-shot task generalization and in-context learning abilities of instruction-tuned language models., Comment: ICML 2023

We present the call for papers for the BabyLM Challenge: Sample-efficient pretraining on a developmentally plausible corpus. This shared task is intended for participants with an interest in small scale language modeling, human language acquisition, low-resource NLP, and cognitive modeling. In partnership with CoNLL and CMCL, we provide a platform for approaches to pretraining with a limited-size corpus sourced from data inspired by the input to children. The task has three tracks, two of which restrict the training data to pre-released datasets of 10M and 100M words and are dedicated to explorations of approaches such as architectural variations, self-supervised objectives, or curriculum learning. The final track only restricts the amount of text used, allowing innovation in the choice of the data, its domain, and even its modality (i.e., data from sources other than text is welcome). We will release a shared evaluation pipeline which scores models on a variety of benchmarks and tasks, including targeted syntactic evaluations and natural language understanding.

Over the past two decades, numerous studies have demonstrated how less predictable (i.e., higher surprisal) words take more time to read. In general, these studies have implicitly assumed the reading process is purely responsive: Readers observe a new word and allocate time to process it as required. We argue that prior results are also compatible with a reading process that is at least partially anticipatory: Readers could make predictions about a future word and allocate time to process it based on their expectation. In this work, we operationalize this anticipation as a word's contextual entropy. We assess the effect of anticipation on reading by comparing how well surprisal and contextual entropy predict reading times on four naturalistic reading datasets: two self-paced and two eye-tracking. Experimentally, across datasets and analyses, we find substantial evidence for effects of contextual entropy over surprisal on a word's reading time (RT): in fact, entropy is sometimes better than surprisal in predicting a word's RT. Spillover effects, however, are generally not captured by entropy, but only by surprisal. Further, we hypothesize four cognitive mechanisms through which contextual entropy could impact RTs -- three of which we are able to design experiments to analyze. Overall, our results support a view of reading that is not just responsive, but also anticipatory., Comment: This is a pre-MIT Press publication version of the paper. Code is available in https://github.com/rycolab/anticipation-on-reading-times

During communication, the interpretation of utterances is sensitive to a listener's probabilistic prior beliefs, something which is captured by one currently influential model of pragmatics, the Rational Speech Act (RSA) framework. In this paper we focus on cases when this sensitivity to priors leads to counterintuitive predictions of the framework. Our domain of interest is exhaustivity effects, whereby a sentence such as "Mary came" is understood to mean that only Mary came. We show that in the baseline RSA model, under certain conditions, anti-exhaustive readings are predicted (e.g., "Mary came" would be used to convey that both Mary and Peter came). The specific question we ask is the following: should exhaustive interpretations be derived as purely pragmatic inferences (as in the classical Gricean view, endorsed in the baseline RSA model), or should they rather be generated by an encapsulated semantic mechanism (as argued in some of the recent formal literature)? To answer this question, we provide a detailed theoretical analysis of different RSA models and evaluate them against data obtained in a new study which tested the effects of prior beliefs on both production and comprehension, improving on previous empirical work. We found no anti-exhaustivity effects, but observed that message choice is sensitive to priors, as predicted by the RSA framework overall. The best models turn out to be those which include an encapsulated exhaustivity mechanism (as other studies concluded on the basis of very different data). We conclude that, on the one hand, in the division of labor between semantics and pragmatics, semantics plays a larger role than is often thought, but, on the other hand, the tradeoff between informativity and cost which characterizes all RSA models does play a central role for genuine pragmatic effects.

We present a targeted, scaled-up comparison of incremental processing in humans and neural language models by collecting by-word reaction time data for sixteen different syntactic test suites across a range of structural phenomena. Human reaction time data comes from a novel online experimental paradigm called the Interpolated Maze task. We compare human reaction times to by-word probabilities for four contemporary language models, with different architectures and trained on a range of data set sizes. We find that across many phenomena, both humans and language models show increased processing difficulty in ungrammatical sentence regions with human and model `accuracy' scores (a la Marvin and Linzen(2018)) about equal. However, although language model outputs match humans in direction, we show that models systematically under-predict the difference in magnitude of incremental processing difficulty between grammatical and ungrammatical sentences. Specifically, when models encounter syntactic violations they fail to accurately predict the longer reaction times observed in the human data. These results call into question whether contemporary language models are approaching human-like performance for sensitivity to syntactic violations., Comment: Published in the proceedings of ACL 2021

Previous studies investigating the syntactic abilities of deep learning models have not targeted the relationship between the strength of the grammatical generalization and the amount of evidence to which the model is exposed during training. We address this issue by deploying a novel word-learning paradigm to test BERT's few-shot learning capabilities for two aspects of English verbs: alternations and classes of selectional preferences. For the former, we fine-tune BERT on a single frame in a verbal-alternation pair and ask whether the model expects the novel verb to occur in its sister frame. For the latter, we fine-tune BERT on an incomplete selectional network of verbal objects and ask whether it expects unattested but plausible verb/object pairs. We find that BERT makes robust grammatical generalizations after just one or two instances of a novel word in fine-tuning. For the verbal alternation tests, we find that the model displays behavior that is consistent with a transitivity bias: verbs seen few times are expected to take direct objects, but verbs seen with direct objects are not expected to occur intransitively., Comment: Accepted to BlackboxNLP 2020

Humans can learn structural properties about a word from minimal experience, and deploy their learned syntactic representations uniformly in different grammatical contexts. We assess the ability of modern neural language models to reproduce this behavior in English and evaluate the effect of structural supervision on learning outcomes. First, we assess few-shot learning capabilities by developing controlled experiments that probe models' syntactic nominal number and verbal argument structure generalizations for tokens seen as few as two times during training. Second, we assess invariance properties of learned representation: the ability of a model to transfer syntactic generalizations from a base context (e.g., a simple declarative active-voice sentence) to a transformed context (e.g., an interrogative sentence). We test four models trained on the same dataset: an n-gram baseline, an LSTM, and two LSTM-variants trained with explicit structural supervision (Dyer et al.,2016; Charniak et al., 2016). We find that in most cases, the neural models are able to induce the proper syntactic generalizations after minimal exposure, often from just two examples during training, and that the two structurally supervised models generalize more accurately than the LSTM model. All neural models are able to leverage information learned in base contexts to drive expectations in transformed contexts, indicating that they have learned some invariance properties of syntax., Comment: To appear at EMNLP 2020

Human reading behavior is tuned to the statistics of natural language: the time it takes human subjects to read a word can be predicted from estimates of the word's probability in context. However, it remains an open question what computational architecture best characterizes the expectations deployed in real time by humans that determine the behavioral signatures of reading. Here we test over two dozen models, independently manipulating computational architecture and training dataset size, on how well their next-word expectations predict human reading time behavior on naturalistic text corpora. We find that across model architectures and training dataset sizes the relationship between word log-probability and reading time is (near-)linear. We next evaluate how features of these models determine their psychometric predictive power, or ability to predict human reading behavior. In general, the better a model's next-word expectations, the better its psychometric predictive power. However, we find nontrivial differences across model architectures. For any given perplexity, deep Transformer models and n-gram models generally show superior psychometric predictive power over LSTM or structurally supervised neural models, especially for eye movement data. Finally, we compare models' psychometric predictive power to the depth of their syntactic knowledge, as measured by a battery of syntactic generalization tests developed using methods from controlled psycholinguistic experiments. Once perplexity is controlled for, we find no significant relationship between syntactic knowledge and predictive power. These results suggest that different approaches may be required to best model human real-time language comprehension behavior in naturalistic reading versus behavior for controlled linguistic materials designed for targeted probing of syntactic knowledge., Comment: To Appear at CogSci 2020

While state-of-the-art neural network models continue to achieve lower perplexity scores on language modeling benchmarks, it remains unknown whether optimizing for broad-coverage predictive performance leads to human-like syntactic knowledge. Furthermore, existing work has not provided a clear picture about the model properties required to produce proper syntactic generalizations. We present a systematic evaluation of the syntactic knowledge of neural language models, testing 20 combinations of model types and data sizes on a set of 34 English-language syntactic test suites. We find substantial differences in syntactic generalization performance by model architecture, with sequential models underperforming other architectures. Factorially manipulating model architecture and training dataset size (1M--40M words), we find that variability in syntactic generalization performance is substantially greater by architecture than by dataset size for the corpora tested in our experiments. Our results also reveal a dissociation between perplexity and syntactic generalization performance., Comment: To appear in the Proceedings of the Association for Computational Linguistics (ACL 2020)

Neural language models have achieved state-of-the-art performances on many NLP tasks, and recently have been shown to learn a number of hierarchically-sensitive syntactic dependencies between individual words. However, equally important for language processing is the ability to combine words into phrasal constituents, and use constituent-level features to drive downstream expectations. Here we investigate neural models' ability to represent constituent-level features, using coordinated noun phrases as a case study. We assess whether different neural language models trained on English and French represent phrase-level number and gender features, and use those features to drive downstream expectations. Our results suggest that models use a linear combination of NP constituent number to drive CoordNP/verb number agreement. This behavior is highly regular and even sensitive to local syntactic context, however it differs crucially from observed human behavior. Models have less success with gender agreement. Models trained on large corpora perform best, and there is no obvious advantage for models trained using explicit syntactic supervision., Comment: To appear at EMNLP 2019

Deep learning sequence models have led to a marked increase in performance for a range of Natural Language Processing tasks, but it remains an open question whether they are able to induce proper hierarchical generalizations for representing natural language from linear input alone. Work using artificial languages as training input has shown that LSTMs are capable of inducing the stack-like data structures required to represent context-free and certain mildly context-sensitive languages---formal language classes which correspond in theory to the hierarchical structures of natural language. Here we present a suite of experiments probing whether neural language models trained on linguistic data induce these stack-like data structures and deploy them while incrementally predicting words. We study two natural language phenomena: center embedding sentences and syntactic island constraints on the filler--gap dependency. In order to properly predict words in these structures, a model must be able to temporarily suppress certain expectations and then recover those expectations later, essentially pushing and popping these expectations on a stack. Our results provide evidence that models can successfully suppress and recover expectations in many cases, but do not fully recover their previous grammatical state., Comment: Proceedings of BlackboxNLP 2019, ACL, Florence, Italy

Recurrent Neural Networks (RNNs) trained on a language modeling task have been shown to acquire a number of non-local grammatical dependencies with some success. Here, we provide new evidence that RNN language models are sensitive to hierarchical syntactic structure by investigating the filler--gap dependency and constraints on it, known as syntactic islands. Previous work is inconclusive about whether RNNs learn to attenuate their expectations for gaps in island constructions in particular or in any sufficiently complex syntactic environment. This paper gives new evidence for the former by providing control studies that have been lacking so far. We demonstrate that two state-of-the-art RNN models are are able to maintain the filler--gap dependency through unbounded sentential embeddings and are also sensitive to the hierarchical relationship between the filler and the gap. Next, we demonstrate that the models are able to maintain possessive pronoun gender expectations through island constructions---this control case rules out the possibility that island constructions block all information flow in these networks. We also evaluate three untested islands constraints: coordination islands, left branch islands, and sentential subject islands. Models are able to learn left branch islands and learn coordination islands gradiently, but fail to learn sentential subject islands. Through these controls and new tests, we provide evidence that model behavior is due to finer-grained expectations than gross syntactic complexity, but also that the models are conspicuously un-humanlike in some of their performance characteristics., Comment: To Appear at the 41st Annual Meeting of the Cognitive Science Society, Montreal, Canada, July 2019

We deploy the methods of controlled psycholinguistic experimentation to shed light on the extent to which the behavior of neural network language models reflects incremental representations of syntactic state. To do so, we examine model behavior on artificial sentences containing a variety of syntactically complex structures. We test four models: two publicly available LSTM sequence models of English (Jozefowicz et al., 2016; Gulordava et al., 2018) trained on large datasets; an RNNG (Dyer et al., 2016) trained on a small, parsed dataset; and an LSTM trained on the same small corpus as the RNNG. We find evidence that the LSTMs trained on large datasets represent syntactic state over large spans of text in a way that is comparable to the RNNG, while the LSTM trained on the small dataset does not or does so only weakly., Comment: Accepted to NAACL 2019. Not yet edited into the camera-ready version

State-of-the-art LSTM language models trained on large corpora learn sequential contingencies in impressive detail and have been shown to acquire a number of non-local grammatical dependencies with some success. Here we investigate whether supervision with hierarchical structure enhances learning of a range of grammatical dependencies, a question that has previously been addressed only for subject-verb agreement. Using controlled experimental methods from psycholinguistics, we compare the performance of word-based LSTM models versus two models that represent hierarchical structure and deploy it in left-to-right processing: Recurrent Neural Network Grammars (RNNGs) (Dyer et al., 2016) and a incrementalized version of the Parsing-as-Language-Modeling configuration from Chariak et al., (2016). Models are tested on a diverse range of configurations for two classes of non-local grammatical dependencies in English---Negative Polarity licensing and Filler--Gap Dependencies. Using the same training data across models, we find that structurally-supervised models outperform the LSTM, with the RNNG demonstrating best results on both types of grammatical dependencies and even learning many of the Island Constraints on the filler--gap dependency. Structural supervision thus provides data efficiency advantages over purely string-based training of neural language models in acquiring human-like generalizations about non-local grammatical dependencies., Comment: To appear: Proceedings of the 2019 Conference of the North American Chapter of the Association for Computational Linguistics: Human Language Technologies

Recurrent neural networks (RNNs) are the state of the art in sequence modeling for natural language. However, it remains poorly understood what grammatical characteristics of natural language they implicitly learn and represent as a consequence of optimizing the language modeling objective. Here we deploy the methods of controlled psycholinguistic experimentation to shed light on to what extent RNN behavior reflects incremental syntactic state and grammatical dependency representations known to characterize human linguistic behavior. We broadly test two publicly available long short-term memory (LSTM) English sequence models, and learn and test a new Japanese LSTM. We demonstrate that these models represent and maintain incremental syntactic state, but that they do not always generalize in the same way as humans. Furthermore, none of our models learn the appropriate grammatical dependency configurations licensing reflexive pronouns or negative polarity items.

RNN language models have achieved state-of-the-art perplexity results and have proven useful in a suite of NLP tasks, but it is as yet unclear what syntactic generalizations they learn. Here we investigate whether state-of-the-art RNN language models represent long-distance filler-gap dependencies and constraints on them. Examining RNN behavior on experimentally controlled sentences designed to expose filler-gap dependencies, we show that RNNs can represent the relationship in multiple syntactic positions and over large spans of text. Furthermore, we show that RNNs learn a subset of the known restrictions on filler-gap dependencies, known as island constraints: RNNs show evidence for wh-islands, adjunct islands, and complex NP islands. These studies demonstrates that state-of-the-art RNN models are able to learn and generalize about empty syntactic positions., Comment: 9 pages, to appear in Proceedings of BlackboxNLP 2018