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Like any broad political dichotomy, the contrast between a Tory land-based and a Whig labor-based political economy can conceal nuances within individual commitments and actions. Devon squire and Tory MP Sir Nicholas Morice's letters to his cousin, London slave merchant and Whig MP Humphry Morice, demonstrate this. Sir Nicholas often amiably derided Humphry's mercantile urbanity, and more acidly mocked Humphry's friendship with Robert Walpole. Yet this posed no obstacle to Humphry assisting Sir Nicholas when Walpole came to appear, at least to Sir Nicholas, as a threat to the customary rights of landholders generally and the Morice interests in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The politics of Queen Anne's reign are characterised as the rage of party; Whigs and Tories contended over religion, the constitution and the succession, and foreign policy. This struggle was taken to the electorate in five elections during Anne's reign, and these raise a question concerning electors' motivations, the answer to which remains elusive: were they acting according to principle, or reflecting the electoral interests to which they were subject? This article analyses the two surviving poll books for Dorset elections in the age of Anne, those at Wareham in 1702 and at Dorchester in 1705. It focuses principally on the voting behaviour of those engaged in the towns' governance structures: corporation members, councils of freemen and local parishes. However, it also considers the behaviour of other categories of voter: politicians, the clergy and non‐conformists. The analysis shows how electoral interest was mediated through the towns' governing institutions and suggests that (at least in these two cases) negotiation between the parties had a greater role in the outcome than has sometimes been suggested. It also demonstrates the limits of the electoral influence of the boroughs' elites: significant numbers of voters were simply not prepared to be led. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses data from 28 poll books to explore voter behaviour over time in early 18th‐century English parliamentary elections (from 1710 to 1735). Voters in this period exhibited a high degree of partisan loyalty from one election to the next. But voters were also quite likely to drop out of the electorate between elections. As a case study of Sussex elections in 1734 shows, even among voters who made a definite promise to vote for a given candidate or set of candidates, there was a significant proportion who did not vote. While some non‐voting can be explained as an attempt to avoid disobliging powerful patrons, this article argues that voters needed to be motivated to appear at the polls. The electoral culture of the early 18th century – treats, balls, public appearances by the candidates, etc. – should be understood as attempts to mobilise rather than to persuade potential voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses Hilary Mantel’s critically-acclaimed Tudor novel series (Wolf Hall, 2009; Bring Up the Bodies, 2012; The Mirror & the Light, 2020) in the context of Brexit. Even though Mantel has dismissed any possible analogy between the Reformation and Brexit, this research builds on the hypothesis that the past and the present interact in historical fiction, a genre that has contributed to both feeding and questioning the myths upon which nations are constructed. More specifically, I focus on the trilogy’s protagonist, Thomas Cromwell, to argue that he is presented as the architect of what Whig historiography has understood as the pillars of Englishness (and, by extension, Britishness), often evoked in the discursive context surrounding Brexit. However, although the narrative’s portrayal of Cromwell undoubtedly fosters the reader’s sympathy with the character, a deeper analysis of Mantel’s characterisation and narrative techniques —and, more specifically, Cromwell’s status as a flawed human being presented through the lens of what turns out to be an unreliable narrator— suggests that Mantel’s portrayal of Cromwell cannot be reduced to a simple vindication of the Whiggish notion of Englishness, subtly questioning instead the myths upon which the latter is built.

According to the cultural historian Peter Burke, cultural history concentrates on the 'symbolic element in all human activities'. Building on Burke's remark, this essay examines how a particular set of metaphorical ideas shaped new approaches to material and visual culture in the eighteenth-century. The analysis applies a methodologically innovative approach, that of conceptual metaphor theory. This approach is generally used to analyse the hidden ideology found in contemporary political discourse, which finds that the use of similar metaphors by an 'in' group not only reinforces their own ideology, but also serves to create a sense of the 'other', or outsider, and so embodies a power imbalance. The results of my analysis suggest that Whig writers used the metaphor of ancient Greece to create an exclusionary discourse, defined against what they saw as negative values held by an oppositional 'other', in this case Catholic Europe. Whig writers mapped the metaphor of ancient Greece on to their interpretation of political liberty, and this same linguistic patterning shaped concepts of visual and material taste within Whig culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the general election in July 1847, to considerable surprise, the Nottingham electors rejected their two sitting Whig members in favour of Feargus O'Connor, the Chartist leader, and a free trade Conservative, John Walter. This article looks at how such a political upset occurred. It examines the political context of elections in the years leading to 1847 and at the contest itself, which ended with the return of O'Connor and the defeat of sitting MP, Sir John Cam Hobhouse. It also notes the political drift of Hobhouse, a leading radical during his time as MP for Westminster in the 1820s, to the point where he was an 1850s placeman. New evidence is brought forward from Hobhouse's own writings, which have previously been overlooked. Some of the broader issues relating to parliamentary reform in these years are also discussed, as well as the significance of O'Connor's electoral victory in enabling him to present the third Chartist petition in person in 1848. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, hundreds of thousands of French refugees sought shelter in Protestant states like the United Provinces and England. In England, the influx of Huguenots contributed significantly towards the argument for greater pan-Protestant engagement with the European continent. Huguenot-authored pamphlets advertised Catholic barbarity, deepening pre-existing anti-Catholic sentiments and imbibing those sentiments with other anti-French concerns, such as Louis XIV's supposed immorality and his striving for universal monarchy. Further, key Huguenot authors reinterpreted the Glorious Revolution as one synchronizing the country with its Protestant brethren. In so doing, the Huguenots supported William III's commitment to the Nine Years' War and increased the quantitative and qualitative arguments to carry out an expensive religious-ideological foreign policy, often against domestic criticisms in England that the outcomes of the war did not match the expense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period between the Glorious Revolution and the end of Queen Anne’s reign was a time when political parties struggled with one another in order to create their own distinctive identity. The rivalry between Whigs and Tories defined the political situation in early eighteenthcentury Britain and laid the foundation for the development of the ministerial machine of propaganda aimed at discrediting opponents and justifying the policies of the government. The rhetoric adopted by the contemporary political writers included the reason-passion bias so inextricably associated with the philosophical background of the ‘Age of Reason’. From this perspective, this article sets out to trace the evolution in Steele’s journalistic productions (The Spectator, The Englishman, The Reader) and to delineate key changes in his strategies for achieving political goals and, at the same time, discredit his rival paper – The Examiner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Centlivre has been regarded as a master of sentimental comedy, a genre that reached its maximum popularity in the 18th century. This paper argues that The Basset Table (1705) is no typical sentimental comedy, since it actually carries a deeper meaning and social message, much more in accordance with her Whig ideas. I also argue that this play questions the established gender roles: undermining the image of the virtuous and charitable lady and the valiant gentleman and questioning the punishing of the widow and the rewarding of the rake, Centlivre builds a subtle, yet highly effective criticism of a society that does not allow for personal freedom.

By the nineteenth century, emergent ideas about social development were coalescing into an ideology of progress, the tenets of which were devised largely by British philosophers. The influence of this ideology in shaping perceptions of the non-European world by British writers is explored here in the context of works published about New Zealand in this era. The employment of the ideology of progress added a teleological dimension to representations of New Zealand and its inhabitants, and coincided with the philosophical basis of the Whig interpretation of history that predominated British works in the discipline at this time. Thus, several accounts of New Zealand produced in this period tended to contain predetermined ideological understandings about the form and trajectory of the country's progress, often at the expense of the ambiguities, contradictions, or tensions identified by historians in the following century. An awareness of this doctrine, and the extent to which it framed the way New Zealand was written about in the nineteenth century, offers another significant basis on which the context and evidentiary value of this source material can be evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The system of propaganda employed by the competing political groups in early eighteenth century England embraced the popular literary circles in order to gain their support, a process which was reflected in the prolific and politically inclined literary output of the period. One of the lesser known members of these circles was the writer and physician Joseph Browne. Little information concerning Browne is available, something which perhaps can be attributed to the relatively scant attention paid to his person. One critic, Howard Weinbrot, in his study on Samuel Johnson, acknowledged Browne as the author of the poem "The Gothick Hero" (so far only accredited to Browne) and associated his political views with support for the Hanoverian dynasty that ascended the British throne in 1714. However, the works Browne actually authored, as well as those attributed to him, contradict such a statement. In fact, his literary output, journalism, literary and political circles as well as his posthumous opinion reflected in nineteenth century works and comments on his literary activity prove Browne's anti-Harleyite, anti-Whig and therefore anti- Hanoverian views. This article attempts to draw a sketch of Joseph Browne, confirming the constancy of his political views, and contributes to the discussion on the authorship of a number of key texts hitherto only attributed to him. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Humanidades (1130-5029) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Educacion a Distancia, Centro Asociado de Sevilla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the rise of the Scottish Patriot movement in the 1720s and 1730s, asserting that Patriotism provided a partisan channel for Scots who supported the British union, but took issue with the English Whig ministry and its disregard for their nation's political and economic needs. It traces three events critical to the development of Scottish Patriotism: the malt tax crisis of 1724-5, the election of 1734 and the Porteous crisis of 1736-7. These moments of political confrontation gave Scottish Patriots an opportunity to advance a platform that included the reform of Britain's tax structure, investment in Scottish manufactures and an interventionist American-focused foreign policy. First and foremost, Scottish Patriots sought to create a more equitable British political system, in which Scotland's rights and institutions were accorded the same value as England's. The Patriot's message proved attractive to Scotland's political elite and urban commercial classes, giving rise to new partisan alignments and new ideas about Scotland's future within the British state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anagnórisis: Revista de Investigación Teatral is the property of Anagnorisis: Revista de Investigacion Teatral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Nottingham workhouse case was a test of the resolve both of the Poor Law Commissioners appointed to administer the post-1834 New Poor Law, and of the strength of the Whig interest in the town’s municipal and parliamentary elections. All eyes were on the implementation of the legislation in Nottingham, partly because of the influential thinking of local administrators such as Absolem Barnett, and partly because the government needed evidence that the system of unions and workhouses set up after 1834 would actually work in industrial towns. The Nottingham case showed only too clearly that the key issue was the trade cycle, and fluctuations in the town’s hosiery and lace trades made it almost impossible to implement the terms of the legislation fully. The key battle was fought over the decision to build a new workhouse, which the Whigs favoured and the Tories resisted. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Ever since his violent death in 1556, Archbishop Thomas Cranmer had been used by rival groups to justify their views about the Church of England. Thanks chiefly to John Foxe his burning, in particular, became central to Protestant narratives. In the nineteenth century, however, confessional stories became hotly contested, and amid the 'rage of history' erstwhile heroes and martyrs were placed under intense scrutiny. This article uses Cranmer's fluctuating reputation as a lens through which to explore changing understandings of the English past. As will become clear, uncertainties over how to place Cranmer bespoke a crisis of Anglican identity, one driven both by divisions within the Church of England and challenges to its political, cultural and intellectual authority from without. Despite and perhaps because of shifts in how he was seen, Cranmer's liturgical writings - the Book of Common Prayer - came to be seen as his chief legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The whiH gene is required for the orderly sporulation septation that divides aerial hyphae into spores in Streptomyces coelicolor. Here, we use a whiHp- mCherry transcriptional reporter construct to show that whiHp is active specifically in aerial hyphae, fluorescence being dependent on sporulation sigma factor WhiG. The results show that the promoter is active before the septation event that separates the subapical compartment from the tip compartment destined to become a spore chain. We conclude that WhiG-directed RNA polymerase activity, which is required for whiH transcription, must precede this septation event and is not restricted to apical sporogenic compartment of the aerial hyphae. Further, it is demonstrated that WhiH, a predicted member of the GntR family of transcription factors, is able to bind specifically to a sequence in its own promoter, strongly suggesting that it acts as an autoregulatory transcription factor. Finally, we show by site-directed mutagenesis and a genetic complementation test that whiH is translated from a start codon overlapping with the previously identified transcription start point, implying leaderless transcription. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most influential figures in architectural education and practice today, Leon van Schaik, Professor of Architecture (Chair of Innovation) at RMIT in Melbourne, has dedicated the last two decades of his career to the promotion of local and international architectural culture through design practice research and the commissioning of building. Here he describes how he has nurtured a research-oriented approach through his engagement with a network of 'vital' practitioners worldwide who are interested in strong ideas and pushing the questioning of the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the nature and limits of provincial political support for the Whigs during the 1830s and 1840s by investigating the relationship between Whigs and liberals in the West Riding. In the wake of the 1832 Reform Act, the region’s reformers came to see the Whigs (both locally and as a national governing force) as part of a broader ‘Liberal party’, defined by its commitment to an inclusive, disinterested style of government. Buttressed by conflict with the Conservatives, this party identity helped to sustain the alliance between Whigs and liberals until the late 1830s. Thereafter, however, frustrations with the apparent timidity of the Whigs in government led liberals to drift away from party politics and direct their energy into extra-parliamentary campaigns, most notably that of the Anti-Corn Law League. Moreover, there were significant differences within the Liberal party over the proper role of the State in religious life, tensions which worsened as a result of the social reform policies of Lord John Russell’s administration. In charting these developments, this study challenges the classic but now dated articles on West Riding politics by F.M.L. Thompson and Derek Fraser. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did whigs consider the Treaty of Utrecht to be an imperial disaster? Contemporary scholarship makes this a difficult question to answer. Imperial historians insist that it was an imperial triumph. While political historians point to rough-and-tumble party politics that was not about empire. This article aims to recover the rich intellectual history of party political debate about empire in the age of Anne. I suggest that there was bitter conflict between tories who sought territorial empire based on South American mines, and whigs who sought a manufacturing empire based on penetrating South American markets with British manufactures. The Sacheverell trial and its aftermath marked a turning point in British imperial policy. As a result the whigs felt betrayed, venting their anger in the immediate aftermath of the Hanoverian succession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]