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The founder of the first independent and non-state-funded research institute for prehistory and early history in Germany in 1921, the UFI in Tübingen, Robert Rudolf Schmidt, deserves to be looked at again for a key phase of his life after his dismissal from university service in the spring of 1934 that has received little attention to date. And this despite the fact that his person has already been assessed several times from an academic perspective. New documents from private archives supplement his researcher CV and are suitable for re-examining narratives about his person that have already been presented from a different perspective. This applies in particular to the excavation he carried out in the Palaeolithic caves of Mauern near Rennertshofen in Bavaria, which had previously eluded closer scrutiny. During his scientific work in the 20th century, he was active in five political systems. In the German Empire (until 1918), in the Weimar Republic (until 1933), in National Socialism (until 1945), in the Allied period (until 1949) and in the last months of his life in the Federal Republic of Germany (from 1949), whose demands he faced and whose leeway he tried to utilise for his prehistoric research, but which he failed at several times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Die Frage, ob «Musikalien» wie Noten oder Musikliteratur Teil der Volksbüchereien, also der Vorgänger der heutigen Öffentlichen Bibliotheken, sein sollten, wurde schon ganz am Anfang des (deutschen) Volksbüchereiwesens gestellt. Grundsätzlich wurde dies schnell bejaht und bald angefangen, eigenständige Musikabteilungen und Öffentliche Musikbüchereien einzurichten. Von 1900 bis 1945 erschien zu diesem Themenkomplex in der deutschen bibliothekarischen Fachliteratur eine überschaubare, aber doch beachtliche Zahl von Texten. Diese werden hier in chronologischer Reihenfolge vorgestellt. Sichtbar wird dabei, dass sich Volksbüchereien und deren Musikabteilungen gemeinsam entwickelten, aber auch, dass diese Entwicklung immer eingelassen war in der Entwicklung der deutschen Gesellschaft.

Das Öffentliche Bibliothekswesen – vor den 1970er Jahren eher Büchereiwesen genannt – ist immer eingelassen in die zeitgenössischen Denkweisen und politischen Entwicklungen der Gesellschaft, im den es existiert. Gleichzeitig findet die Weiterentwicklung der Büchereiarbeit sowie der Infrastrukturen des Büchereiwesens statt, egal welche Ideologie jeweils aktuell vorherrschend sind. Der Artikel zeigt dies am Beispiel des Grenzbücherdienst e.V. auf, welcher in den 1920er bis 1940er Jahren in Deutschland eine bedeutende Rolle im damaligen Bibliothekswesen spielte, obwohl die Grundüberzeugungen, die der Verein vertrat, heute als rechtsextrem gelten können. Der Verein ging von einem völkischen Verständnis aus, nach dem die Welt in Völker eingeteilt wäre, die sich untereinander bekämpfen würden und sah es als seine Aufgabe darin, die «Erhaltung» des deutschen Volkes in den sogenannten «Grenzregionen» sicherzustellen. Für seine Arbeit konnte der Verein offenbar enorme Ressourcen mobilisieren. Er war mit den entstehenden staatlichen Infrastrukturen des Büchereiwesens, insbesondere den damals gegründeten Fachstellen, verbunden und war zudem eingelassen in die zeitgenössischen Diskurse des Büchereiwesens, insbesondere der Büchereipädagogik. Er nutzte nicht nur die gleichen Instrumente, wie sie auch von deutschen Büchereien genutzt wurden, die der Verein nicht erreichte. Vielmehr trieben einige Mitglieder des Vereins in ihren beruflichen Funktionen, beispielsweise als Fachstellenleitungen, die Entwicklung des Bücherwesens selber mit voran. Der Text schildert, nach einer notwendigen historischen Kontextualisierung, die vom Verein verbreiteten Diskurse und seine konkrete Arbeit, zuerst während der Weimarer Republik (1918-1933), dann während des Nationalsozialismus (1933-1945). Dabei wird sich zeigen, dass die Ideologie und konkrete Tätigkeit des Vereins ohne grössere Probleme auch in das nationalsozialistische Büchereiwesen integriert werden konnte. Am Ende stellt sich die Frage, was aus dieser Geschichte über das heutige Öffentliche Bibliothekswesen gelernt werden kann.

[rec. di] C. ÖHLSCHLÄGER et al. (Hg.), Narrative des Humanismus in der Weimarer Republik und im Exil, Brill-Fink, 2023

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Copyright of Historische Zeitschrift is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the German Emperor Period—aside of the few state-financed foreign "propaganda" schools—German private schools in external countries were put under the influence of German foreign cultural policy. The focusing on political consideration increased afterWWIas result of the treaty ofVersailles.As part of the heavily discussed foreign policy the mobilization of these schools in foreign countries for the use for propaganda seems restricted until the National Socialists within their aggressive policy changed and made use of these schools in foreign countries for their foreign cultural policy. For a short time, this was realized by the National Socialist Teachers League creating inside a Foreign School District. To study the result of their activity in the archives only few documents have survived for research explaining the work and its ideology, stressing the teachers engaged with their role of a cultural ambassador of the Nazi movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Der Beitrag präsentiert kritisch-hermeneutische Rekonstruktionsergebnisse vor allem zu Handlungsmöglichkeiten und -strategien einer bekannten Berliner Subkulturaktivistin*: Lotte Hahm verknüpfte ihre ökonomische Selbstständigkeit mit kollektiver Selbstorganisierung (offene Klubstrukturen), gastronomischen Einrichtungen (Barbetrieb, Tanz, Kulturprogramm) mit dem Angebot von Beratung und politischer Bildung (Artikel, Vorträge, Bibliothek) sowie mit politischen Zielen wie Politisierung, Antidiskriminierung und (über)regionaler sowie transnationaler Vernetzung von Lesben und (homosexuellen) „Transvestiten“. Die Lokalnutzung baute sie zu exklusiv räumlicher Vergemeinschaftung sowie städtischer Verortung und Verankerung aus. Dabei entwickelte sie neben eigener politischer Programmatik eine offensive subkulturelle Werbestrategie, mit der sie sich als offene Lesbe und Weiblichkeitsnormen verweigernde Frau selbstermächtigend ins Bild rückte.

Mit der Befreiung präsentierte Berta Lask der Öffentlichkeit der Weimarer Republik ein Stück, das in der Tradition des revolutionären proletarischen Theaters die Massen, in diesem Falle Arbeiterinnen, zur aktiven politischen Teilnahme motivieren sollte. Anhand der Analyse der Figurenkonzeption und des formalen Aufbaus des Dramas soll gezeigt werden, wie das Verhältnis von Revolution und Geschlecht innerhalb dieser seltenen, auf weibliche Figuren zentrierten Handlung verhandelt wird. Zwar wird Frauen politische Teilhabe zugestanden bzw. diese auch in Form von Agitation gefordert, jedoch bleiben gewisse Handlungsräume – wie der Kampf an der Waffe – weiterhin problematisch für Frauen. Darüber hinaus werden die unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen Kontexte und Konfliktlinien in Verbindung mit der Voraussetzung revolutionären Erwachens diskutiert. Während nach einer gemeinsamen Identifikationsmöglichkeit aller Frauen über die politische Gesinnung gestrebt wird, bleiben gewisse Darstellungen doch zum einen in kulturchauvinistischen Traditionen verhaftet und zum anderen die weibliche Beteiligung immer als Nachahmung von bzw. Anschluss an männliche revolutionäre Aktivität markiert.

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Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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In the aftermath of the First World War, the Weimar Republic found itself in financial disarray. Originally put forward by the antirepublican right, the idea of a forced loan emerged. The idea triggered harsh controversies regarding the shortfalls in the new state's sovereignty and its lack of fiscal power within the framework of an international order. The conflicting images of the Weimar state effected the decisions finally taken. This article argues that a rhetoric of emergency was combined with notions of the expert as an apolitical figure in order to legitimize compulsory lending. Yet, contrary to contemporary perceptions, the Weimar forced loan was not a result of governmental impotence or an exceptional incident within the history of public finance. As a political tool, it helped to solve conflicts on the national as well as the international level, if only for a short period of time. As an instrument of state finance, it was not an act of failure to still fiscal needs the ‚normal way' but a conscious claim for the autonomy of the Weimar state. But the conviction that compulsory loans might be a legitimate element of fiscal politics under the auspices of a strong and well-informed state emerged only with the Second World War – in Germany as well as on an international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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On September 12, 1949, the liberal politician Theodor Heuss, party leader of the „Freie Demokratische Partei" (FDP), was elected by the Bundesversammlung (Federal Convention) as the first Bundespräsident, i. e. head of state, of the newly founded Bundesrepublik Deutschland. As a young man Heuss had been a close friend and political ally of Friedrich Naumann, the protestant pastor and left wing liberal politician, supported by Ernst Troeltsch. Heuss then working as a political journalist for liberal newspapers and Naumann's weekly journal Die Hilfe, was an admirer of Troeltsch, and since 1910 they often met in Heidelberg, at Villa Fallenstein, Ziegelhäuser Landstraße 17, where Max and Marianne Weber as well als the Troeltschs lived; Heuss frequently visited Max Weber's Sunday jour fixe. When in 1915 Troeltsch became a professor at the Philosophical Faculty of Berlin University Heuss regularly kept in contact with him especially through Hans Delbrück's „Mittwochabend", a weekly gathering of liberal intellectuals, professors, politicians and journalists discussing political reforms and the ongoing war. Both Troeltsch and Heuss, 19 years younger, demanded the democratization of the Deutsches Reich, and after the end of the war and the revolution of 1918/19 they became members of the newly founded left wing liberal party „Deutsche Demokratische Partei" (DDP). After Troeltsch's sudden death on February 1st, 1923, Heuss wrote an obituary, and, together with his wife Elly Heuss-Knapp, attended the funeral service conducted by Adolf von Harnack. Heuss was a member of the „Demokratischer Klub Berlin", founded in 1919 by liberal politicians, bankers and academics to regularly discuss the political situation of the new democratic state, the Weimar Republic. Unknown until now, seven weeks after Troeltsch's death the „Demokratische Klub" invited its members (the club only had male mebers!) to a memorial act for Troeltsch. On this occasion Heuss delivered a speech „Zu Ernst Troeltschs Gedächtnis" („To the Memory of Ernst Troeltsch") which is published here for the first time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of GENDER: Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of GENDER: Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)