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The article explores the impact of Artificial Intelligence on international relations (IR), emphasizing the need for IR theorists to carefully consider technological advancements without rushing to create new frameworks based on exaggerated expectations. Topics include the historical cycles of AI hype, the influence of AI on global power dynamics, and the potential risks of relying on predictions about AI's geopolitical consequences.

References to the Terminator films are central to Western imaginaries of Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems (LAWS). The puzzle of whether references to the Terminator franchise have featured in the United States' international regulatory discourse on these technologies nevertheless remains underexplored. Bringing the growing study of AI narratives into a greater dialogue with the International Relations literature on popular culture and world politics, this article unpacks the repository of different stories told about intelligent machines in the first two Terminator films. Through an interpretivist analysis of this material, we examine whether these AI narratives have featured in the US written contributions to the international regulatory debates on LAWS at the United Nations Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons in the period between 2014 and 2022. Our analysis highlights how hopeful stories about what we coin 'machine guardians' have been mirrored in these statements: LAWS development has been presented as a means of protecting humans from physical harm, enacting the commands of human decision makers and using force with superhuman levels of accuracy. This suggests that, contrary to existing interpretations, the various stories told about intelligent machines in the Terminator franchise can be mobilised to both support and oppose the possible regulation of these technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes stock of the ongoing debates on algorithmic warfare in the social sciences. It seeks to equip scholars in International Relations and beyond with a critical review of both the empirical context of algorithmic warfare and the different theoretical approaches to studying practices related to the integration of algorithms (including automated, autonomous, and artificial intelligence (AI) technologies) into international armed conflict. The review focuses on discussions about (1) the implications of algorithmic warfare for strategic stability, (2) the morality and ethics of algorithmic warfare, (3) how algorithmic warfare relates to the laws and norms of war, and (4) popular imaginaries of algorithmic warfare. The article foregrounds a set of open research questions capable of moving the field toward a more interdisciplinary research agenda, as well as by introducing the contributions made by other articles in this Special Issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oregon State University (OSU) has held discussions over the past several years between Enrollment Services, Central Computing and the Finance Support Offices, and departments on campus that offer non-credit coursework, about the possibility of incorporating non-credit related records into the same information system that houses regular credit. Last year, OSU successfully incorporated the first instance of non-credit work into the OSU Banner information system. Shortly, OSU will begin detailed discussions with a second group that offers non-credit coursework. Their success with the first group--the Extended Campus K-12 program--was not surprising, but it did involve tackling new problems and collaborating on solutions that made the non-credit record processing system accurate, efficient, useful, and manageable. The second group that OSU will work with is the English Language Institute, and their goal is to duplicate the success of the ECampus K-12 program. This article describes what OSU encountered, how they managed the implementation process, and some of the significant issues in working with non-credit records.

This article describes a unique partnership involving a community college and a university, in which students are jointly admitted, are eligible to enroll concurrently at both institutions, and may combine credits for financial aid eligibility. Since 1998, more than 5,000 students have been admitted to the program, with more than 1,000 graduating with baccalaureate degrees.

The scandal surrounding Hollywood mogul and convicted rapist Harvey Weinstein has put gender-based violence (GBV) in the global media spotlight, opening up a wider public conversation about issues of sexual consent, power, and gender in the United States and beyond. In this article, we turn attention to the specific process in which systematic wrongdoing is made public and accountable. How was Weinstein's abuse made into a matter of public record after being kept private for so long? And how did this snowball into something bigger? We argue that we cannot satisfactorily address these questions without a feminist global political economy (GPE) lens. Specifically, we develop a feminist GPE framework for analysing how GBV is made public or not in the form of scandal. This brings attention to how GBV, including sexual violence in the workplace, is structural, uneven, and constitutive of the global economy; and how scandals are produced through (political economic) power struggles to make public and define wrongdoing. We then apply this framework to analyse the Weinstein scandal and some of its implications. The article's contribution is twofold: a framework for analysing scandals—including GBV in the workplace—and a feminist GPE account of the Weinstein scandal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the utility of remote warfare as a means of analysing the geopolitics of American primacy. Through the use of new technologies and surrogate forces to address security challenges with a minimal military footprint, remote warfare (re)imposes political distance between the United States and the sites of its military interventions. Its constitutive modalities of intervention range from drones and Special Operations Forces to Private Military Security Companies, security cooperation programmes and emerging technologies associated with Artificial Intelligence. As public support for large-scale overseas interventions has dwindled and strategic competition with China has intensified, remote warfare represents a means of 'retooling' US primacy, which is both a structural condition and a strategic orientation. As a strategic approach to the use of force, remote warfare enables the American state to project military power in a more flexible and sustainable manner. This has supported the maintenance of US primacy as Washington's strategic focus has shifted from counterterrorism towards a renewed emphasis on great power competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]