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Copyright of International Journal of Language Academy is the property of Rota Kariyer and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper investigates the events and lessons from the 1848–49 cholera epidemic in Hungary. For contemporaries, the ongoing revolution and civil war pushed the devastation of the cholera epidemic into the background, even though the death rate was similar to that of the earlier 1831 infection. The epidemic hit the country in a period when the revolutionary Hungarian state was waging a war of self-defense. This article strives to refute the historiographic view that the movements of the different armies had a considerable influence on the development of the epidemic. Instead, this article argues that the cholera epidemic was a demographic crisis unfolding in the background of war, but for the most part independently of it. It mattered that most people of that time had already directly experienced cholera and that the Hungarian government did not want to cause panic with restrictive measures. In 1848, cholera was not a "mobilizing factor," but in 1849 it contributed to the demoralization of the hinterland and frequently appeared in the political propaganda of the civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Abant Journal of Cultural Studies is the property of Abant Journal of Cultural Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research aims to reveal the background to the establishment of the Yogyakarta Branch of the Indonesian Red Cross (PMI) during the early days of Indonesian independence in Yogyakarta. The method used to obtain data and information is by collecting books, archives, and interviews with former PMI members during the war of independence in Yogyakarta. Data processing for this writing is based on a historical approach. Data obtained from various sources is selected and source critique is carried out and arranged in factual relationships to form an understanding which is then expressed in narrative descriptive writing. The results of the research show that the formation of the PMI Yogyakarta Branch was the result of the struggle after the Central PMI was formed on September 17, 1945, which was followed by the formation of PMI branches in Indonesia, especially in big cities including Yogyakarta. The PMI Yogyakarta Branch formation meeting was held in the building of the former War Victims' Family Relief Agency (BPKKP). PMI Yogyakarta Branch was officially formed on September 29, 1945.

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Regional is the property of Historia Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kırıkkale University Journal of Social Sciences is the property of Kirikkale University Journal of Social Science (KUJSS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study is about the first and only naval battle of the Turkish War of Independence. The battle took place on 27 January 1921 in Ereğli, Black Sea between the Turkish steamboat Alemdar and the French destroyer C80 and lasted for two hours. In this study about the steamboat Alemdar, Turkish and French Diplomatic Archive documents have been utilised; in addition, the subject has been enriched with the Turkish and French press. The developments after the battle, as well as the battle itself, have an important place in Turkish political history. It is believed that the subsequent implicit Alemdar Agreement paved the way for the development and progress of Turkish-French relations and the Ankara Agreement of 1921, one of the most important diplomatic achievements of the Ankara Government. In this study, this thesis has been defended in the light of archival documents; in addition, this unique event of the Turkish War of Independence has been tried to be illuminated and some accepted information on the subject has been updated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Military Science Review / Hadtudományi Szemle is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the end of the First World War, the Ottoman Empire signed the Armistice of Mudros as a defeated country. With the enactment of the treaty, almost all of Anatolia, except the interior parts, began to be occupied by the Entente Powers. Seeing this as an opportunity, the Armenians and Greeks in Anatolia organized in various ways with the idea of establishing an independent state for themselves, not only did they engage in rebellion against the Ottoman Empire, but also engaged in massacres against the Turkish people, whom they had lived in peace for centuries. The Ottoman Empire, which was in a difficult situation in the face of these events, wanted to prevent these rebellions and massacres by emigrating those involved in the events to different parts of the country. Terrorist incidents in Bursa and its surroundings during and after the First World War and the precautions taken by the Ottoman Empire and its results have been discussed in this article by making use of archive documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The life cycle of the newspaper Figyelmező, published from July 1848 to January 1850, can be divided into a total of four stages. After the suppression of the 1848–1849 revolution and war of independence, the Hungarian conservative camp, which was the only legitimate political force and was opposed to the revolution throughout, but could not be called united, had a close bond with the newspaper, which slowly became the mouthpiece of the conservative movement. After the publication of the imperial constitution on March 4, 1849, the conservatives disappointed in Vienna did not give up their principles even when facing the imperial elite operating in the capital, i.e. that the political consolidation in Hungary should take place according to their vision. The purpose of this study is to show exactly how the principle of the Hungarian conservatives and the paper can be seen in action, as well as how Figyelmező tried to support the activities of a political grouping that became oppositional in the imperial sense, and what consequences it had for its fate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Belvedere Meridionale is the property of Szeged University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the beginning of die 19th century, in a context in which Eastern Europe drew most of die media's attention, the means of communication provided die public opinion with images and news from this region. The Russian-Romanian-Turkish War (1877-1878), also known as Romania's Independence War, sparked a lot of interest abroad, due to the considerable number of military observers and artists sent as war correspondents and accredited by die belligerent parties. We will make extensive reference to a work comprising a set of informative articles whose documentary value is enhanced by engravings which cover a wide array of topics. It is a collective volume widi contributions from war correspondents and artists-illustrators, some attracted by die landscape and the urban environment (Ladislaus Eugen Petrovits, Themistoclcs von Eckenbrecher), others by the combatants' faces and appearance (Auguste Lançon), odiers by die uniforms, military equipment and war scenes (Dick de Lonlay, Johann Nepomuk Schönberg), or by the inhabitants' way of life and activity (José Luis Pcllicer). We can also mention the following illustrators who depicted scenes from the Russian-Romanian-Turkish war: Mathes Koenen, Emil Volkers and Friedrich Kaiser. There are also superb images capturing crucial moments of the conflict, whose author is the engraver Carol Popp de Szathmári (Károly Szathmári Pap). Our approach is an interdisciplinary one, given tiiat it contains elements of geography, history', anthropology, sociology, geopolitics, economy and art, which turns it into an analysis of cordial geography, calligeography or beautiful geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kafkas University, Journal of Economics & Administrative Sciences Faculty / Kafkas Üniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of University of Kafkas, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Language Academy is the property of Rota Kariyer and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the last decade of colonial Portuguese Guinea (now Guiné-Bissau), the Portuguese government accelerated the process of territory occupation. While colonial administration announced to promote and improve living conditions of the Guinean population, nevertheless the population experienced a violent intrusion in their private and public life by the colonial authorities. The effective territory occupation and the clash with the rural population started during the War of Independence and especially during the government of Governor General António de Spínola (1968-1972) under the so-called “Uma Guiné Melhor” (“A Better Guinea”) plan. This plan was not only a psychological-propaganda campaign, but also a clear military occupation strategy to achieve the implementation of “strategic camps that imprison” the local population (Ledda, 1970: 119). The aim of this paper is to examine the construction of those strategic camps, to explore the housing typologies and to question the social, spatial and economic impact on the life of the rural Guinean population. This article also aims to frame the controversial messages of the integration policy acclaimed in the “Uma Guiné Melhor” plan by exploring and analysing the strategies of spatialization of people in action between 1968-1973. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios de Historia de España is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When the Spanish-American colonies successively declared their independence in the first half of the 19th century, the European Powers had to decide on how to deal with these newly formed republics. Already at the Congress of Vienna in 1814/15, the Holy Alliance decided to follow the principle of legitimacy set up by the French diplomate Prince Charles Maurice de Talleyrand. However, the interests of the European Powers that formed the Holy Alliance were too diverse to adhere to the principle of legitimacy for long: While the eastern powers (Austria, Russia and Prussia) adhered to the principle of legitimacy and refused to recognize the newly formed Spanish-American republics, France soon followed the British path and started to recognized the Spanish-American republics as sovereign states. Only the Empire of Brazil, which was ruled by the Portuguese heir to the thron Dom Pedro and his wife the Habsburg Archduchess „Leopoldina“, was recognized by the Habsburg Monarchy as early as 1825. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Strategic & Social Research is the property of Mehmet Akif Ersoy University, Social Science Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Etkileşim: Academic Journal of Uskudar University Faculty of Communication is the property of Etkilesim and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Habanera de Ciencias Médicas is the property of Universidad de Ciencias Medicas de La Habana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Gumushane Universty Electronic Journal of the Faculty of Communication / Gümüshane Üniversitesi Iletisim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi is the property of Gumushane Universitesi Iletisim Fakultesi Elektronik Dergisi (e-GIFDER) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Strategic & Social Research is the property of Mehmet Akif Ersoy University, Social Science Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the war of independence in 1857, the Muslims fell into the trench of decay and collapse. The menace of English rule and Hindu majority was a big threat to the Muslim existence. Since the inception of British rule, the Muslims were in an endeavor to preserve their identity. For this objective many Muslim leaders had to bear the hardships. After a long struggle Muslims were able to establish a separate homeland for their existence. It was possible not only through political movement but also through education and religious motivation. For this purpose many political and religious leaders played their role effectively. Syed Na'īm Al-Dīn Murādabādi's was one among such personalities. His services are multidimensional. He not only organized the Muslims of Sub continent but also presented his Two Nation theory and the idea of separate homeland for the Musilms long before 'Allāma Dr. Muhammad Iqbāl. He also tried to provide the new born country Pakistan legal bases to run the state affairs. This article is an endeavor to highlight his services rendered in political sphere of the Subcontinent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how political and cultural European elites crafted new historical narratives to construct identities during the process of defining the nation-state in the 19th century. It looks specifically at the cases of Spain and Italy, two Mediterranean countries that have common characteristics with regards to the process of crafting their national identities: the use of historical objects and events. The ruling party's ability to control the past led to the creation of new narratives that would favour their aspirations at the time. These were transmitted through a new tool: history museums. It was not only works of art that were exhibited in these museums; what had previously been considered trivial was also put on display. The familiarity and everyday nature of such objects was used to arouse patriotic feelings in visitors. National wars of independence and their attendant disasters were central themes depicted within deliberate political discourses. Three case studies show how museums were used to mythologise the most recent historical events at the time in order to generate nationalist sentiment. In the provincial museums of Girona and Badajoz, Spain, space was set aside in exhibitions to pay homage to local heroes of the War of Independence. In Turin, Italy, the Museo Nazionale del Risorgimento dedicated a museum to the cult of King Victor Emmanuel II, the Father of the Italian Fatherland. This museum was conceived as a great temple of italianità in which to remember the suffering and wars that had made Italy a new and united country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Universal History Studies is the property of Sabit Dokuyan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is the property of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakin Donem Turkiye Arastirmalari and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On the occasion of the bicentenary of the Mexican Declaration of Independence in 1821, this article aims to examine the extent to which political and social processes, the gradual emergence of a public space and the increasingly dynamic development of the press interacted in the run-up to this event. The study reveals that in the course of the formation of a public opinion in the sense of Habermas, many periodicals saw themselves as instruments of resistance against Spanish rule. It becomes clear that the struggle for freedom of the press was a particularly important concern of editors and publishers, as was their involvement in nation-building. During this process, a number of national myths emerged that were intended to help mask the massive socio-political aporias and social dislocations. The article also reveals that even before 1821 a struggle for leadership in opinion-building between conservative and liberal periodicals had begun, in which Iturbide wanted to intervene by bringing the press into line. But this measure also contributed to his eventual failure, because the censorship ordered by Iturbide and the attempts to prevent the development of a polyphonically structured press landscape did not meet with the approval of the Mexican public. His political opponents, it becomes clear, were thus offered another argument for his removal.

During Israel's War of Independence evacuees from the Jewish Quarter in Jerusalem's Old City were resettled in the abandoned Arab neighborhood of Qatamon only to be threatened soon after with eviction and replacement by members of the civil service. Repeated attempts at collective eviction ended with most of the evacuees managing to remain in their homes and enjoy comfortable rent arrangements. This outcome has been attributed by some to the symbolic capital of the Old City refugees, the empathy they elicited from the general public and the state's decision makers in response to their harsh wartime experiences and material sacrifices. Alternately, a critical analysis would suggest that the determining factor was the authorities' unrelated desire to end what had become a drawn-out affair, combined with logistical reasons that worked in favor of the refugees. The case before us offers new insights into the role of capital, symbolic and otherwise, in the shaping of Jerusalem's physical space during the early days of Israeli statehood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Rape, the most heinous form of sexual assault, is now widely recognised as an instrument of genocide across the globe. During the 1971 war of independence in Bangladesh, millions were raped by the Pakistani armed forces and their local collaborators.1 Immediately after the war, Bangladesh made the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act (1973) to punish the perpetrators of international crimes committed during the 1971 war. However, the actual judicial process begun over 37 years later in 2010 when the Tribunal started to serve justice to the victims of war crimes. Although the Tribunal's proceedings are a welcome development, the Tribunal has not taken into consideration the need for transitional justice (reparatory justice) and only remained focused on retributive justice, which means only punishing the perpetrators. This article investigates the possible role that transitional justice, in particular reparatory justice, could play to meet the justice needs of women recognised as Birangona (which literally means, courageous, brave, and war-heroine) in Bangladesh.2 Considering the history of rape during armed conflicts in other countries, this article analyses the concept of transitional justice with particular focus of reparation or compensation. The article concludes that although Bangladesh has provided 'recognition' - one of the forms of transitional justice - to the rape victims as Birangona, it should take further steps to provide other forms of transitional justice to them to lessen their bodily, mental, economic, social, and cultural sufferings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Treaties & Documents / Razprave in Gradivo is the property of Institut za Narodnostna Vprasanja and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigated the self-defining periods (SPs) in private and public memories of Bangladeshi older adults (N = 476; mean age = 67.16 years) who, during adolescence and early adulthood, witnessed the 1960s Bengali nationalist movement and the 1971 Bangladesh War of Independence. Each participant retrieved three private and three public memories they considered to be highly significant. The lifespan distributions for private and public memories were identical; in both cases, participants recalled more than half of their memories from 10 to 29 years of age. The calendar-year distributions revealed that nearly one-fourth of private and one-third of public memories were recalled from the year of the War of Independence. The memory content analysis showed that participants sampled more negative than positive memories: 55% versus 45% for private memory and 66% versus 34% for public memory. The enhanced recollection of private and public memories from 10 to 29 years of age was predominantly shaped by memories of the independence struggle—a period that was self-defining for the entire Bangladeshi society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Juan Nicasio Gallego was a priest, poet and politician who displayed an intense activity during the first half of the 19th century. He became part of the cultural and literary circles of the Court from the first years of his life, something that in the long run would earn him great friendships who watched over his life when power turned his back on him. Deputy substitute for Zamora in the Cortes de Cádiz of 1812, he became one of the most important deputies, and he argued more and fought for the first Spanish constitution to go ahead. He would fall to misfortune, be persecuted and imprisoned by absolutism after Ferdinand VII in 1814, and return to exile in France for a few months after the second Fernandina restoration. Meanwhile he would dedicate his life to the poetic creation and to help young writers who found in him a protector and a friend. He would obtain real pardon and recover his privileges within the Court in the final part of his life, and at that moment he would be recognized as a great poet and a lofty Perpetual Secretary of the Royal Spanish Academy among other posts.

In this article we will discuss how Galdós in El Empecinado contemplates the phenomenon of the guerrilla, what were the motivations that led the people of the village to take up arms and the consequences that this irregular war caused in later Spanish society.

Copyright of Journal of the Cukurova University Institute of Social Sciences is the property of Cukurova University Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An analysis of the Diarios de campaña (Campaign Diaries), the last work of José Martí, focusing on the themes of nature and culture in relation both to the literary intentions of the text and the power of language. The authors demonstrate the poetic qualities of the text, and point out the communion of the lyrical subject with poetic images and forms. Their critical insights are founded primarily on Marti's collected works and on the works of the eminent readers of his oeuvre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Belgi Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Before the end of the British Mandate and the establishment of the State of Israel, the Yishuv's intelligence services assessed that King Abdullah would be willing to accept the existence of a Jewish state and that the other Arab countries, for internal and external reasons, would not be interested in getting involved in war. They concluded that an invasion by regular Arab armies in response to a declaration of a Jewish state would be a 'low probability' and that Arab propaganda calling for the destruction of Israel only amounted to a war of nerves. Today it is abundantly clear that the intelligence agencies failed to weigh these factors correctly. In fact, what primarily motivated the Arab regimes to launch an all-out war was indeed their internal and external situation, since by so doing they could divert public attention away from their internal problems and ameliorate their external status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Aurès mountains, at the end of November 1954, the administration and the army are at war, the military operations intensify: the bombings target the collective granaries and their precious provisions, the evacuation of the villages is generalized ... The French army instrumentalizes women as a tool of terror and humiliation, attacking men and their dignity and shaking up the entire social fabric!This contribution highlights a very singular jail - erected in August 1955 - and intended for the wives of the ‘maquisards’ of the Oued el Abiod valley between the djebels Ahmar Khaddou and Lazreg, at the village of Tifelfel (2000 inhabitants). Today, there is no longer any material trace of this place of detention. The archives are mute as were the women in their self-imposed silence since independence. Arrested, subjected to violent interrogations and then locked up, these women buried the memory of this traumatic period. But these traumas have been lastingly embedded in their bodies, bodies that are the territory of family identity in this war context. Our investigation aims to reconstruct this fragment of history based on the testimonies of former prisoners that are still alive. Interviews that attempt to reconstruct this difficult period, address the exactions, the tortures, the fears and the daily life of their incarceration. But the voices of these women, many of whom are still in mourning, only partially restore the trials and sufferings of these imprisonments. Emotions and injuries are still noticeable and measure the extent of what these women and children have experienced.

In the period of the National Struggle that started with the 1918 Mondros Armistice Agreement and continued until the end of 1922, the Turkish nation dives into a life and death struggle. We lose the first world war we have joined with the Alliance nations. Our lands are occupied by the Mondros Armistice Agreement signed on 30 October 1918 and the Sevres Agreement dated 10 August 1920. 1919 and 1920 constitute preparation phase of our National Struggle. The struggles and battles that led us to win this life - and - death battle are important battles such as İnönü, Sakarya and the Great Offensive that took place in 1921 and 1922. This period is also a remarkable period from a literary perspective. Nationalism, populism and the simplification of language in the period which started with the proclamation of the 2nd constitutional monarchy intensify within this period.. Researches in the West also allow the intellectuals of the period to turn their interest into this field. The Hungarian folklore scholar, came to Istanbul and became one of the reasons that increased interest. In the year 1913, Ziya Gökalp, Rıza Tevfik and Köprülüzâde Mehmet Fuat’s researches and writings in the field of folk literature emerge.