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Locked in a struggle with the United States after its 1959 revolution, Cuba was a natural Soviet ally in the Cold War. The USSR offered Cuba lavish aid, including in the realm of medicine and health. The 1960s saw dozens of public health officials, medical instructors, and clinicians arrive on the island to help improve the health and wellbeing of Cuban workers and peasants. This article plumbs Russian archives and published Cuban and Soviet medical journals and newspapers to analyse the Cold War as a lived experience through a case study of Soviet cadres on the ground in Cuba. The USSR's socialist solidarity project in Cuba exemplifies Cold War soft power policies designed to 'win hearts and minds'. Moscow's intent to build an 'unbreakable friendship' with Havana meant navigating a complex web of relationships. In illuminating the grassroots experience, we argue for the centrality of personal and interpersonal encounters as a window on the state and bloc politics that entangled the First, Second, and Third Worlds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the themes of hegemony, power dynamics, and the horrors of war in the manga "Barefoot Gen Vol. 1" using Allan Paivio's Dual Coding Theory as a framework. A semi-autobiographical historical manga titled "Barefoot Gen Volume 1" by Keiji Nakazawa is based on the Hiroshima bombing and all the hardships people endured before and after the attack. The research gap that has been identified highlights the lack of previous applications of Dual Coding Theory to Barefoot Gen Volume 1 as well as the lack of acknowledgement of manga as a helpful information source with visually appealing content. Six participants - comprising both manga-experienced and non-manga readers -were recruited using a semi-structured interview technique with deliberate sampling to assess images' significance in comprehension. A thematic analysis of the provided interviews was conducted using the Braun and Clarke model. The findings highlight visuals' pivotal role in improving comprehension of narratives related to history or war and show broad consensus regarding the theory's applicability. By filling in the gaps in the literature, this work advances knowledge about the multifaceted role manga plays in narrating historical events and capturing readers' attention through a dual-channel cognitive process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the years of research scholars have undergone to discuss The Best Years of our Lives' men, this paper takes a new approach and looks at the film's women, their agency, and their sexuality. By understanding Millie (Myrna Loy), Peggy (Teresa Wright), Wilma (Cathy O'Donnell), and Marie (Virginia Mayo), their use of bedroom spaces, and the ways in which they remove military markers from, and apply civilian ones to, their men, I argue that these women make their respective partners into what they want them to be and resist the saint-like image of maternal postwar womanhood that has historically been attributed to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an adjusted Westminster-style system with large executive room for maneuver in matters of foreign, security, and defense policies, Australia's parliament does not have a formal say in sending troops abroad despite the continental nation's constant military deployments, i.e. alongside its major ally, the United States. Past efforts from Democrats and Greens to push legislation giving parliament ex ante voting rights have been stymied by Labor-Liberal bipartisanism opposing it. However, given increasing political fragmentation and the politicization of military deployments, post-Cold War politics gives testament to dissent on the use of force, decision-making on it, and the reach of oversight between political parties. Linking the Australian case to contemporary scholarship on the party politics of security and defense policy, this article focuses on the party-political component of contestation and explores patterns of dissent and consensus on the use of force, decision-making, and oversight. Using voting, debate, interview data, and taking stock of the most recent parliamentary inquiry into war powers, the article demonstrates Australian parallels with party-political contestation in other countries. However, it also highlights that debate and agency in Australia do only follow those in other Westminster systems to some extent, while Australian parties put an even higher emphasis on decision-making efficiency in an insecure strategic environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the turn of the millennium, Western scholars heatedly debated the impact of China's rise on US-China relations and the wider great power relations. On the one hand, optimists, including economic liberals, democratic peace liberals, institutional liberals, constructivists, and defensive realists, advanced an optimistic view, arguing that US-China relations would be productive and peaceful. On the other hand, pessimists, including power transition realists and offensive realists, advanced a pessimistic view, arguing for a growing US-China rivalry, with the former anticipating a great power war and the latter predicting an intense great power competition. By reviewing these perspectives against the changing patterns of US-China relations from the 2000s to the present, this study reflects the relative importance of system-level forces vis-à-vis unit-level forces in accounting for the dynamics of great power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States and China are engaged in an intense security competition that can be described as a new Cold War. What is driving the downturn in US-China relations? Many analysts attribute the cause to decisions made by individual leaders. In contrast, this paper argues that the main cause of the US-China rivalry is structural rather than individual. The changing distribution of power between the two nations is generating structural pressures that push them into strategic competition. Fear of being overtaken by China has prompted Washington to move away from a policy of engagement to a policy of containment. Compared to the last one, this new Cold War will be more dangerous because of China's greater power potential, East Asia's maritime geography, and the fervor of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a significant response to the war in Ukraine on the part of the European Union (EU). Particularly noteworthy is its support for Kyiv via measures in the framework of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and especially in the defence field. It has provided substantial assistance to the Ukrainian Armed Forces through the European Peace Facility (EPF); the Act in Support of Ammunition Production (ASAP) and the EDIRPA common procurement instrument; and its military assistance mission (EUMAM Ukraine). These initiatives show how, in the wake of Russia's aggression against Ukraine, the CSDP has made unprecedented, yet still only partial steps to allow the EU to progress towards moving beyond its traditional status as a small power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past three decades, "new war" thinking has become a significant focus in military debates. The central contention of "new war" thinking is that post-Cold War conflicts are essentially different from those of the late modern era, such as World War I and World War II. The alleged novelty of post-Cold Wars has been vehemently challenged. Critics have maintained that "new war" scholars underestimate the lasting influence of the past on today's conflicts and attempt to radically change the way we think about war without providing empirically grounded arguments. The debate on the nature vs. character of war has significantly enriched the literature on the subject. However, there is a crucial oversight in the current literature: the power dynamics embedded in "new war" thinking. This article critically examines whether they rely purely on academic views of war by comparing Western, Russian, and Chinese perspectives. It argues that most exemplars of "new war" thinking are highly value-laden, based on certain national/civilizational security threat assessments that reflect the narrow strategic concerns of the great powers. So, playing on Robert Cox's famous dictum on the role of theories, "new war" concepts are generally for some states and for some purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kings and generals used to issue a letter to announce the victory and conquest of the new territory with their own handwriting or the composition of their court secretary after the end of the war or the successful conclusion of the military campaigns in other lands. This letter is referred to as the Fatḥnāme (book of conquest). This study seeks to investigate the process of development, evolution, and independence of prose Fatḥnāmes in the Persian literature. The study's questions are when did Fatḥnāmes become popular as an independent type of court and sultanic writing and which Persian literary genre do Fatḥnāmes belong to? To answer the questions, the process of development and independence of Fatḥnāmes is first examined using a descriptive method. Then, the position of Fatḥnāmes as a literary genre is explained in terms of form, structure, and function using an analytical method. The results shows that Fatḥnāmes were initially implicit and secondary writing in the historical texts written in news language and gained independence and were gradually written in literary and artistic language since the 6th century (AH). The principles and manners of their writing were then developed in the books of Monša'āt and techniques of letter writing. In terms of literary genre, Fatḥnāmes are literary and short narratives of victory in war, which have an epic aspect and are written to legitimize war and preserve the power and rule of kings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Carl von Clausewitz's political theory of war was the source of many disagreements over readings of its most popular theses. Foucault viewed it as part of a broader political-legal discourse of sovereignty, which underlies modern biopower. Foucault's contemporary commentators try to develop his position by arguing the analogy between the discourse prevailing in Clausewitz's time and the contemporary neoliberal discourse and technological revolution on the battlefield, which create a new order of power. However, postmodernists focusing on showy stylistics in their assessments rely on a mythologized narrative about Clausewitz, reducing his theories to a discourse of war as a way for nation-states to conduct foreign policy. In this article, Clausewitz shows that his theory goes much deeper and provides a critical perspective on the relationship between war and politics. The dialectical structure makes it possible to understand war as a historically variable but constantly policy-dependent phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article employs structural realism indicators to predict the likelihood of a great power war in today’s multipolar world. Focusing on key indicators such as changes in the balance of power, alliance systems, military expenditure, and the intensity of competition over strategic resources and regions, the analysis aims to establish a theoretical foundation for assessing the risk of conflict among major powers in Europe and beyond. Drawing on historical precedents and contemporary geopolitical trends, the study evaluates the dynamics of international relations through the structural realist framework. By examining the evolving power structures and strategic behaviors of major states, the article seeks to identify patterns that may indicate an increased risk of great power conflicts. The multifaceted approach integrates both historical insights and current realities, offering a comprehensive perspective on the potential triggers and dynamics of great power wars in the complex landscape of a multipolar world. This research contributes to a deeper understanding of the structural factors that may influence the emergence of conflicts among major powers, providing valuable insights for policymakers, scholars, and analysts grappling with global security challenges and provides a deeper analysis of the security implications for the Baltic region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a historical perspective, presidents have frequently directed the use of military force without explicit permission from Congress. Yet, presidents still court legislative approval on select occasions. Why do presidents sometimes seek congressional authorization and other times do not? I explain authorization‐seeking behavior according to variations in presidential bargaining strength. I argue that both weak and strong presidents prefer authorization‐seeking; by obtaining congressional backing, weak presidents conceal a lack of national resolve from international audiences, while strong ones use approval to enhance their coercive authority. Presidents with mid‐level bargaining strength, however, prefer unilateral action; on the one hand, unilateral action may demonstrate resolve in the face of potential legislative resistance, while on the other, it avoids contentious debate that risks "muddying" the diplomatic waters. I illustrate these arguments by revisiting four prominent historical cases: the Korean War, the Gulf of Tonkin crisis, the invasion of Cambodia, and the Persian Gulf War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The given text includes reviews of three books related to the Civil War era. The first book, "Of Age: Boy Soldiers and Military Power in the Civil War Era" by Frances M. Clarke and Rebecca Jo Plant, explores the presence of underage soldiers in the Civil War and how their enlistment raised questions about family obligations and federal power. The second book, "The Weaker Sex in War: Gender and Nationalism in Civil War Virginia" by Kristen Brill, examines the role of middle- and planter-class white Southern women in shaping Confederate political culture and their relationship with Confederate leaders. The third book is not summarized in the given text. These books provide valuable insights into different aspects of the Civil War era and are recommended for those interested in the history of the time period. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Phainomena is the property of Phenomenological Society of Ljubljana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to examine the lessons learned till mid-2023 from the war in Ukraine to find out how attacking or seizing nuclear power plants (NPPs) can be utilised to advance military and political objectives during an armed conflict. The qualitative research approach has been applied to the study, focusing on an analysis of academic research and relevant acts of international law. In order to examine Russia’s approach to the attacks against the Chernobyl and Zaporizhzhia NPPs, numerous reports, official statements by the authorities, press releases, and Internet sources have been analysed. For evaluation of nuclear security and safety standards in Ukraine, the “seven pillars” model proposed by the International Atomic Energy Agency has been adopted. The study indicates that strategically located NPPs can be used as “nuclear shields” for the occupying forces deployed at the plant or nearby. They may also become useful tools of “lawfare” waged with the use of flawed interpretations of international humanitarian law. Finally, nuclear security-related narrations analysed in the paper clearly prove that seized NPPs can be effectively used in information warfare. The research leads to the conclusion that civil NPPs in war zones can be weaponised and exploited by the hostile forces not only for impeding energy supplies (and thus shattering the public morale of the adversary) but also for blackmailing and coercing the decisionmakers of the attacked state and their international allies with a vision of man-made nuclear disaster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By express and implied reservation, the Constitution permits states to wage defensive war and take other military action in response to invasion, insurrection, and transnational criminal gangs. This article examines the under-researched area of state war powers and how they interact with federal military and other foreign affairs powers. It also recovers the meaning of the Constitution's term "invasion" and demonstrates that several judicial decisions have construed that term far too narrowly. The article ends with reflections on justiciability and remedies in state war power cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International relations scholarship has long overlooked the role of parliament in shaping states' decision to go to war. In contrast, recent studies explored variations in parliamentary war powers across time and countries and their impact on troop deployments abroad. However, a systematic analysis of the determinants of support for military interventions in parliament is still missing. This article fills this literature gap by examining votes on 119 missions in twenty-one democracies between 1990 and 2019. Our findings suggest that parliamentary contestation is fundamentally driven by government ideology and the type of mission. Parliamentary support for military intervention is significantly higher when a left-wing government is in power. Moreover, "inclusive" missions with a robust humanitarian dimension draw a considerably lower level of contestation than "strategic" missions aimed at contrasting a security threat. Through such findings, the article contributes to the debates on the relevance of domestic political institutions in foreign policy and the party politics of military interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of the bbc broadcasts in different languages during the Second World War reveals the extraordinary confidence that the British government placed in the radio, convinced of its potential influence on civil society, as it had done since 1934 with the launching of the British Council, in an interesting advance of what from the 90s Joseph Nye would call Soft Power. This paper deals with the study of the bbc department in charge of the broadcasts addressed to Spain, known as the Spanish Service from its creation in 1939 until the end of the Second World War. In this context, the Spanish Service was entrusted with the difficult task of strengthening the link of its Spanish listeners with the allied cause without interfering in Spanish politics, in a difficult balance that would unleash many tensions and push politics to the limit of containment towards Spain marked by Churchill. In order to give effect to the narrative approach of this work, use has been made of Memoirs, archival sources from the War Cabinet and the Foreign Office, periodical publications, as well as bibliographic sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Escritura e Imagen is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the years, Africa has continued to experience conflicts caused by civil wars and the tussle for power through military coups. Despite having the Mediation & Security Council within ECOWAS, it has been unable to create sustainable peace within the region. The many porous borders between the countries further exacerbate the complexities of its regional security. The consequences of these problems usually affect neighbouring countries, thereby resulting in regional security complexes and the consequent challenges of peacekeeping operations. This paper uses historical, descriptive and comparative analysis by focusing on coups as precursors to security challenges in the region of West Africa and the resulting peacekeeping operations by countries such as Nigeria. Based on the premise of ECOWAS, it introduces some conflicts caused by coups; the challenges of Regional Security Complex in West Africa and the examination of Nigerian Peacekeeping efforts. Furthermore, it offers some recommendations towards sustainable regional peace. Results show that there is a need for the African Union (AU) to do more to secure the continent. Reliance on non-African countries to support its internal security problems has become counterproductive. It recommends that Nigeria should temporarily suspend its peacekeeping operations and channel its resources towards addressing its internal security challenges; that the AU must establish a standing army as a quick response force to address the various continental crises before they become exponential threats and that ECOWAS should implement its common currency plan. Finally, the African Union must develop best practices that can alleviate poverty and guarantee security in line with the 17 UN Sustainable Development Goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is debatable whether the EU passed this test.[5] Although the EU could not be accused of moral indifference during the Yugoslav wars, its civilian power status represented a serious handicap. The first Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2014 was prompted by the flight of Ukraine's President, Viktor Yanukovych, following mass protests triggered by his last-minute refusal to sign the EU Association Agreement - on Moscow's orders. The EU objective may not be a regime change in Russia, but this does not make the regime change any less likely if things go badly for Putin in Ukraine. However, in the case of Ukraine, the EU cannot just hide behind I Uncle Sam i , because the war is on its borders, and the EU was directly involved from early on. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is about colonial trade and dynastic change in the Spanish Monarchy in the 18th century. During this time, Spain was at war and other powers such as England, France, and the Netherlands had already begun their overseas expansion. In the Castilian possessions in America, there was a demand for European products due to the prohibitions imposed by the authorities. Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, trade between the Spanish possessions in America and its metropolis was a source of wealth for the Castilians and other subjects from different kingdoms. Additionally, Spain's dependence on imports of manufactured goods from England in the 17th century is mentioned. The English and Dutch smuggling in the Spanish possessions in America is also discussed. The excerpt from El criticón criticizes the dependence of the Spanish Monarchy on France in colonial trade. It mentions the unproductive capacity of the Spaniards and how manufactured goods mainly came from France. The participation of Spanish merchants as agents for large foreign commercial houses, facilitating smuggling on Spanish coasts, is highlighted. It is mentioned that Spanish participation in colonial trade did not exceed 4%. The text talks about colonial trade and dynastic change in Spain. During the first two centuries of the Modern Age, there was smuggling of goods and precious metals between Spain and America. The French were the ones who participated the most in colonial trade, providing the majority of the cargoes for the overseas fleets. Additionally, there was connivance between Spanish merchants and the authorities of the Casa de Contratación and the Consulate of Cadiz. Colonial trade was the main reason for the War of Spanish Succession, as European powers wanted to control the trade and wealth of the Indies. The text discusses territorial agreements and disputes between the kings of France and Emperor Leopold I in the context of the succession to the Spanish throne. According to the agreements, in case the son of Philip IV died without descendants, the "kingdoms of Spain" would pass into the hands of Emperor Leopold I and his descendants, with some exceptions. On the other hand, the king of France and his descendants would obtain the Spanish Netherlands, the Franco-County, the Philippine Islands, among other territories. Tension between the two monarchs led to the formation of the League of Augsburg and subsequently to war. In this context, the Treaty of Alliance of Vienna was signed between Emperor Leopold I and the United Provinces, with the aim of guaranteeing the succession to the Spanish throne in case Carlos II died without descendants. The dependence on maritime trade and colonial interests also played an important role in this dispute. During the 17th century, the number of French settlers in Lower Andalusia and in the Carrera de las Indias increased rapidly. Philip IV complained about not having received the document corresponding to the renunciation of Infanta Maria Teresa to her succession rights. Although King Louis XIV swore to respect this renunciation, he never took it seriously. The Peace of Ryswick lasted less than four years and a war between Emperor Leopold, Louis XIV, and Maximilian II of Bavaria was foreseen. William III of Orange tried to avoid the conflict through diplomacy and a partition treaty was signed between France, the United Provinces, and England. The text talks about negotiations and divisions in the Spanish royal court regarding the succession of Carlos II's throne. Different groups and their positions are mentioned, such as the supporters of the House of Bourbon led by Cardinal Portocarrero, the pro-Austrians close to the re [Extracted from the article]

Academic scholarship and political commentary endlessly debate the President's independent constitutional power to start wars. And yet, every major U.S. war in the last sixty years was fought pursuant to war-initiation power that Congress gave to the President in the form of authorizations for the use of military force. As a practical matter, the central constitutional question of modern war initiation is not the President's independent war power; it is Congress's ability to delegate its war power to the President. It was not until quite late in American history that the practice of war power delegation became well accepted as a domestic law basis for starting wars. This Article examines the development of war power delegations from the founding era to the present to identify when and how war power delegations became a broadly accepted practice. As this Article shows, the history of war power delegation does not provide strong support for either of two common but opposite positions: that war power, as a branch of foreign affairs powers, is special in ways that make it exceptionally delegable; or that it is special in ways that make it uniquely nondelegable. More broadly, that record counsels against treating "foreign affairs delegations" as a single category, and it reveals that constitutional questions of how Congress exercises war power are as significant as whether it does. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the 1970s, historical investigations about the influences of political power and wars in the formation and transformation of societies were resumed from a new perspective. The development of the New Military History enabled the study of military relations as decisive factors for the alteration of socio-cultural structures. In this sense, this article aims to analyze, from the Rule of the Order of the Knights Templar, how the fusion of monastic religious values with military techniques, enabled the creation of a new institution: the warrior monks. We will highlight issues related to discipline and obedience, as guiding axes for the action of knights in battle, as well as the impact of these behaviors on the results of conflicts, making the Order one of the most prestigious military institutions of the Middle Ages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: Based on the Colombian case, an interpellation of the concept of sovereignty in contemporary critical political theory is proposed from a feminist, queer, and decolonial perspective through the analysis of the role of cruelty against LGBTIQ+ people in establishing a form of para-institutional sovereign power in neoliberal wars. Methodology: This theoretical research is supported by documentary analysis of the reports of the National Center of Historical Memory of Colombia. Conclusions: The colonial and cisheteropatriarchal circulation of cruelty is shown to be an essential element in installing a disciplinary power that affects society as a whole and establishes a specific form of sovereign power. In the neoliberal stage of capital, this form updates a government of bodies that distinguishes between citizenship and colonial subjects and is constitutive of the nation-state. Originality: Demonstrating this hypothesis has the consequence of unveiling a specific form of exercise of power that produces bodies through the establishment of what I call the government of suffering, which I define as control, rationalization, and administration of suffering. This form of power goes beyond the reading framework suggested by the paradigms of biopolitics and necropolitics; thus, to encompass this dimension of the political, I propose the concept of pathospolitics, understood as the form of power that turns suffering into an object of government and is deployed through this government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Introduction" presents a thematic issue of the journal "e-cadernos CES" that addresses the theme of power in peace and war. The volume brings together articles by young doctoral researchers who participated in the XI Congress of the Portuguese Association of Political Science. The articles discuss topics such as the use of natural resources in contexts of violence, dynamics of self-determination, post-colonial discussions, religion and politics, extremism, and the concept of peace. These themes represent both conceptual and international law and democratic model challenges. The objective of the issue is to contribute to debates on peaceful governance and fundamental issues that impact the future of human coexistence. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía (0034-8244) is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to add an air power perspective to the innovation field, with emphasis on the development of jet fighters. Contemporary theory has not adequately addressed air power-related significant innovation, a shortcoming this article addresses. Using in-depth qualitive research methodology with eight diverse case-studies in the Cold War period, we show that innovation of jet fighters was typically initiated in response to hegemonic tensions, immediate threats and organsational factors such as civil–military relations, bureaucratic politics, and air force innovation culture. Moreover, through a comparative analysis we argue that significant and successful air power innovation is achieved through proficiency and knowledge gained by constant learning of air power theory and bottom-up innovation mechanisms. Looking forward, this study may be significant for assisting military professionals in making better-informed decisions about the use of fifth-generation air power by implementing past lessons learned into contemporary theory and future plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 1 March 2003, the Turkish government's war power motion failed in Parliament even though most legislators had voted in favour of it, keeping Turkey out of the war in Iraq. This outcome reflected the anti-war sentiment among the Turkish public but confounded Turkish-American relations. The Turkish case shows that, contrary to one of the main assertations of the actor-specific perspectives, parliaments can play an important role in foreign policy decision making. How can Turkish legislative war powers be explained? This study argues that the distinct position of the Parliament can best be analysed by exploring the historical evolution of war powers across the constitutions since the late Ottoman period, focusing on several critical junctures during a long path that turned Parliament into a key veto player in foreign policy making, capable of frustrating the executive's intention to join a war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses the question of who has the constitutional authority in the U.S. to initiate war or hostilities. It uses historical and textual sources to show that early American leaders intend for Congress to have primacy in determining whether to initiate war or hostilities. It attempts to correctly situate the pure war powers with Congress. Other topics discussed include legislative war powers, evolution of the presidency, and the President as Commander in Chief.

The article discusses the concerning trend of successive presidential administrations extending claims of using force abroad without congressional authorization, undermining the original understanding of the Executive's role in making war. It emphasizes the importance of Congress as a deliberative body to act as a gatekeeper for any use of force and the need to uphold structural constraints on constitutional powers, especially concerning war powers.

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As power is everywhere, so is pleasure. Though we may be accustomed to understanding military violence and private pleasure as fundamentally separate, or at least as phenomena that seldom interact, this special issue contends that they are deeply interpenetrated in ways that reveal a great deal about contemporary culture, politics, and subjectivity. If one does think of pleasure and militarisation, perhaps the readiest to come to mind are the histories of depraved torture via sexual humiliation and the high rates of sexual abuse in the military, among other instances of the ways that explicit militarised violence is catalysed by pleasure. Rather than attend to pleasure as a weapon of war, however, for this special issue, we focus on the ways that militarisation is normalised, mobilised, felt, and imagined in the mundane sites in the civilian sphere. By collecting essays that explore the interaction of militarisation and pleasure in sites as diverse as cookbooks, video games, and anti-trans rhetoric, this special issue explores: What affective, consumptive, and sensorial regimes enable us to consider ourselves untouched by militarised infrastructures and state forces? How can we nonetheless sense our militarisation through sites of pleasure? How does militarisation function through our enjoyment? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the correspondence between the classical philologists Ludwig Deubner and Martin Persson Nilsson from 1901 to 1944. The two men became friends when they met on a trip to Greece in 1901. The correspondence sheds light on their academic careers under different conditions, as Nilsson worked in a neutral country and Deubner in a warring great power. It examines whether their friendship, despite the historical ruptures, especially the two world wars, remained as a personal and collegial exchange or whether it was used for networking purposes. The article also mentions the importance of Ottilie Deubner, Ludwig's wife, and her concern about the impact of the war on her husband's scientific work. The contacts and travels of the two men, as well as their relationships with other scholars and institutions, are also mentioned. [Extracted from the article]

Research on the constraint President's face in matters of foreign policy is generally of the view that they are largely free to do as they please. Some research however posits that Congressional constrain on the executive is in fact much larger than it is given credit for. Using their research as a jumping off point, I re-examine this matter by asking when the President will seek ex ante Congressional authorization for the use of force. I estimate this potential effect of Congressional constraint on the President by looking at US initiated militarized interstate disputes with at least one fatality. In so doing, it is demonstrated that no Congressional constrain exists in this regard; the President rarely seeks ex ante authorization for the use of force and is therefore not truly constrained in its use. In fact, evidence is brought to bear that if anything the diversionary theory of war initiation may hold water; inflation is shown herein to be negatively linked to ex ante Congressional authorization for the use of force. It seems as though the President is less likely to ask Congress for permission to conduct deadly military operations when inflation is high. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary attention to presidential war power focuses on the possibility of "perpetual war." This essay contextualizes that controversy by returning to the nation's first international crisis - the War of 1812 - to consider the ways James Madison's rhetoric established precedents that empowered presidents to act with rhetorical impunity in international affairs. Analyzing an overlooked but influential anti-war pamphlet written by John Lowell reveals public concerns about Madison's War and the dangers presidential rhetoric poses to the constitutional order. In doing so, this essay revises contemporary thinking about the imperial presidency, the rhetorical presidency, and the nature of perpetual war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 and the subsequent global response have had a profound impact on the public health, economic health, and political health in nearly every country. This article examines the biopolitics of power and pandemics in war. Three case studies are presented: the Spanish influenza outbreak of 1918–1920 and responses to the COVID-19 outbreak in both Syria and in eastern Ukraine. The pandemic's impact has been particularly acute in active warzones, undermining the ability of governments and organizations to enforce public health recommendations, provide for the care of patients, secure supplies, and transmit information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the increasing use of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) in counter-terror operations, executive-legislative relations, intelligence oversight, and war powers regarding drone strikes have received scarce scholarly interest. Our article contributes to filling this gap and focuses on the politics of congressional oversight of drone warfare—in particular those operations conducted by the CIA (Title 50 operations) during the Obama administration. We apply the Multiple Streams Framework (MSF) to conduct an interpretive case study and shed light on our central research question: How can we explain the timing and limited extent of changes with regard to congressional oversight of drone strikes during the Obama presidency? While this policy area is traditionally depicted as one of executive dominance and legislative acquiescence, we analyze how congressional entrepreneurs used a policy window in the wake of John Brennan's confirmation hearings for CIA Director in 2013 to set the agenda on congressional oversight of drone strikes, and thereby contest executive policy-making. Congress enacted limited changes to drone strike oversight and pressured President Obama to increase transparency. At the same time, further limitations, most notably to consolidate drone strike oversight by ending the CIA drone program, were defeated by senior leaders in Congress. Our study thus contends that congressional entrepreneurs played a key role for both change and continuity regarding drone warfare oversight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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As the United States has progressively become more involved globally since World War II, the U.S. military is being stretched beyond the professional military competency straining civilian control of the military. To remedy this, it is again time to revisit our national security structure, and adopt a General Staff in place of the Joint Staff. Following World War II and the destruction of the German General Staff by the Nazi Party, the General Staff as an institution has been emotionally rejected in the United States without a careful historical and legal examination of how that institution operates under varying forms of government and without an understanding of how it would operate under the United States' peculiar constitutional form of government. Exploring the historical and legal roots of the General Staff demonstrates that replacing the Joint Staff with a General Staff subordinated into the chain of command will act as a check on the ever-expanding influence of the military, while at the same time strengthening the military's ability to decisively defend U.S. national interests. Further, a General Staff will clarify the constitutional separation of military powers in a way that mitigates the politicizing effects of the separation of powers doctrine restoring balance to the constitutional division of military powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discourse is an important and effective tool, and has a close relationship with the institution of power in war. Hyakuta Naoki's The Eternal Zero (Eien no Zero 永遠の0) is about Japanese soldiers during World War II; it exposes this relationship and hidden things behind the militaristic government's discourses. Through the novel, Hyakuta Naoki brings a different, little-known perspective on the Japanese soldiers during the war. They are no longer presented as fanatical and extremist terrorists, they are just ordinary people with deep feelings and emotions. By explaining the causes and motives leading to the consent or resistance behaviors of Japanese soldiers with the institution of power, the discourse reveals the war crimes committed by the militaristic government, and shows us the message of peace, anti-war and human values that The Eternal Zero and the writer Hyakuta Naoki wants to convey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this interview, Helmut K. Anheier and Michael Mann first discuss Mann's work on the sociology of power, especially the types and sources of power. They then focus on the rise and fall of empires and his analysis of wars, as well as current international tensions, especially US-China relations and a revisionist Russia. Throughout, they focus on longer-term economic and sociopolitical developments that may affect the future of the liberal order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has long been understood by Marxists, including Marx himself, that primitive accumulation was not limited to the historical origins of capitalism. Instead, extra-economic processes of capital accumulation continue to be relevant throughout the subsequent development of capitalism. An examination of the classic analyses of primitive accumulation made by Karl Marx and Rosa Luxemburg suggests that the most significant contemporary interpretation of the concept—David Harvey's accumulation by dispossession—fails to properly account for the role played by war and military power in capital accumulation today. This is the product of both a problematic interpretation of Marx's and Luxemburg's analyses of primitive accumulation as well as a problematic interpretation of the 2003 US invasion of Iraq. I argue that Marx and Luxemburg continue to offer a more fruitful foundation from which to address this question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]